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12,000 Brits arrested per year over social media posts – Times

RT | April 7, 2025

Thousands of people in the UK have been detained and questioned by police over online posts deemed threatening or offensive, The Times has reported, citing custody data.

According to figures published on Friday, officers make around 12,000 arrests annually under Section 127 of the Communications Act 2003 and Section 1 of the Malicious Communications Act 1988. These laws criminalize causing distress by sending messages that are “grossly offensive,” or by sharing content of an “indecent, obscene or menacing character” via electronic communications networks.

In 2023 alone, officers from 37 police forces made 12,183 arrests – around 33 per day. The Times said this marks a 58% increase from 2019, when 7,734 arrests were recorded.

At the same time, government data shows that convictions and sentencings have dropped by nearly a half. While some cases were resolved through out-of-court settlements, the most commonly cited reason was “evidential difficulties,” particularly when victims declined to proceed.

The statistics have sparked public outcry, with civil liberties groups accusing the authorities of overpolicing the internet and undermining free speech through the use of “vague” communications laws.

The Times highlighted the case of Maxie Allen and Rosalind Levine, who were arrested on January 29 after raising concerns in a private parents’ WhatsApp group about the hiring process of their daughter’s school. Six uniformed officers arrived at their home, detained them in front of their youngest child, and took them to a police station.

The couple was questioned on suspicion of harassment, malicious communications, and causing a nuisance on school property after the school alleged they had “cast aspersions” about the chair of governors. They were fingerprinted, searched, and locked in a cell for eight hours.

“It was hard to shake off the sense that I was living in a police state,” Allen told the Daily Mail, adding that the messages contained “no offensive language or threat” but were simply a “bit sarcastic.”

April 7, 2025 Posted by | Civil Liberties, Full Spectrum Dominance | , | Leave a comment

Iraqi Kataib Hezbollah denies Reuters’ report citing ‘commander’

Al Mayadeen | April 7, 2025

Iraqi Kataib Hezbollah stated that the remarks attributed by Reuters to an individual described as a “Kataib Hezbollah commander” do not reflect the group’s principles or positions.

The brigades emphasized that all official media statements are made solely by their official and military spokespersons.

Any claims made in the name of Kataib Hezbollah by individuals other than these spokespersons are considered false and defamatory, it stressed.

Reuters had reported that Iraqi armed groups are ready to dismantle amid fears of a Trump strike, citing senior Iraqi commanders and officials.

Kataib Hezbollah, a group active under the umbrella of the Islamic Resistance in Iraq, took part in the military operations against Israeli targets in response to “Israel’s” war on the Gaza Strip.

US-Iran war would set entire region ablaze: Iraqi official

Last week, the Secretary-General of Iraq’s Badr Organization, Hadi al-Amiri, cautioned that a war between Iran and the United States would not be a “walk in the park” or a simple affair but would set the entire region on fire.

“The outbreak of war with Iran does not mean it will be a walk in the park; rather, it will set the entire region ablaze,” al-Amiri warned during a meeting with tribal leaders and dignitaries from Diyala province at the headquarters of the Popular Mobilization Forces’ Diyala Operations Command.

The Iraqi politician stressed that “no one should assume that we and other countries of the region will stand idly by if war breaks out between Iran and the US.”

His remarks come two days after US President Donald Trump threatened to bomb Iran if no agreement was reached on its nuclear program.

Ali Larijani, senior advisor to the Leader of the Islamic Revolution Sayyed Ali Khamenei, warned that any US or Israeli attack on Iran under the pretext of its nuclear program would force Tehran to move toward producing a nuclear bomb.

Iranian officials have also rejected negotiations under pressure or threats, affirming Tehran’s readiness to respond firmly to any attack.

Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian stated that Tehran was open to indirect negotiations with Washington but pointed out that the US approach would determine the course of the discussions.

April 7, 2025 Posted by | Deception, Fake News, Mainstream Media, Warmongering, Wars for Israel | , , , , | Leave a comment

UK lawyers to charge 10 Britons for Gaza war crimes

The Cradle | April 7, 2025

A leading UK human rights lawyer is set to submit a war crimes complaint to the Metropolitan police against 10 British citizens who served with the Israeli army in Gaza.

Michael Mansfield KC will hand the 240-page complaint to the police department’s war crimes unit on 7 April. It cites Israel’s targeted killing of civilians and humanitarian aid workers, as well as airstrikes on hospitals and densely populated civilian neighborhoods. It also includes the targeting of religious sites and historic monuments.

The documents were prepared by British lawyers and researchers from The Hague. The names of the 10 Britons in question have not been made public.

“​If one of our nationals is committing ​an offence, we ought to be doing something about it​. Even if we can’t stop the government of foreign countries behaving badly, we can at least stop our nationals from behaving badly,” Mansfield said.

“British nationals are under a legal obligation not to collude with crimes committed in Palestine. No one is above the law,” he added.

The dossier is based on open-source evidence and testimonies from eyewitnesses. The crimes include an Israeli army bulldozer trampling a dead body in the courtyard of one of the several hospitals attacked by Israeli ground forces in Gaza.

“The public will be shocked, I would have thought, to hear that there’s credible evidence that Brits have been directly involved in committing some of those atrocities,” said Sean Summerfield, British barrister at Doughty Street Chambers – who helped put together the evidence which is to be submitted.

The complaint comes as Israeli soldiers are being increasingly pursued in international courts for their roles in the crimes committed against Palestinians in Gaza.

Pro-Palestine organizations have filed dozens of criminal complaints in courts around the world since the start of the year, targeting Israeli soldiers for their role in Tel Aviv’s ethnic cleansing campaign in Gaza.

Among these organizations is the Hind Rajab Foundation (HRF), named after the six-year-old Palestinian girl who was killed by the Israeli army along with her family in Gaza City last year.

“When genocide or crimes against humanity occur, there is a global need for justice and accountability, not only from victims but also from those in solidarity with them. Like many others, I was deeply impacted by witnessing the level of impunity displayed by the Israelis, who were not only committing these crimes but also recording and posting them on social media, acting as if they were above any legal framework,” HRF Chairman Dyab Abou Janjah told The Cradle’s Esteban Carillo in an exclusive interview in February.

HRF focuses its efforts on pursuing both dual-national Israeli soldiers and those who leave Israel for vacation.

In January, a Brazilian court ordered an investigation into a vacationing Israeli soldier who had been identified in a video of his participation in the destruction of civilian infrastructure in Gaza.

The soldier fled Brazil with help from the Israeli Foreign Ministry. Israel has warned active-duty soldiers not to travel over the risk of legal action, and has issued certain restrictions on media interviews with military personnel.

April 7, 2025 Posted by | Ethnic Cleansing, Racism, Zionism, War Crimes | , , , , | 1 Comment

Martyrs and injured in Gaza journalists’ tent bombing

Al Mayadeen | April 7, 2025

The Israeli occupation persists in its attacks on the Gaza Strip, causing numerous deaths and injuries, while also committing a grave crime against journalists by bombing their tent in Khan Younis, in the southern part of the Strip.

A Palestinian journalist and a young man were killed, and several others injured, early Monday morning when Israeli aircraft targeted a tent for journalists near the Nasser Medical Complex in Khan Younis, southern Gaza.

Al Mayadeen’s correspondent reported that journalist Hilmi al-Faqawi and another young man, Yousef al-Khazindar, were martyred, while other journalists, including Ahmed Mansour, Hassan Islayh, Ahmed al-Agha, Mohammed Fayek, Abdullah al-Attar, Ihab al-Bardini, Mahmoud Awad, and Majed Qudaih, sustained injuries in the bombing of the tent.

Condemnations of the occupation’s crimes against journalists

The Palestinian Media Union condemned the Israeli bombing of a tent housing journalists in Khan Younis, mourning the loss of al-Faqawi, a correspondent for Palestine Today News Agency.

The Palestinian Center for Defending Journalists emphasized that these attacks on journalists are part of a systematic pattern of gross human rights violations by “Israel”, particularly against journalists who should be protected under international humanitarian law.

The press association expressed grief over the journalist’s martyrdom, saying he has joined the ranks of fallen journalists in the Palestinian media movement. It called for an end to the war crimes committed against Palestinian journalists and media professionals, urging immediate action to prosecute those responsible for these atrocities in international courts as war criminals.

The group also praised the dedication of journalists working tirelessly to document and expose “Israel’s” crimes of genocide and ethnic cleansing against the Palestinian people.

Meanwhile, the International Committee to Support the Rights of the Palestinian People (Hashed) stated that the targeting of journalists constitutes a war crime aimed at obstructing the coverage and documentation of Israeli genocide.

It highlighted that this act is a violation of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and breaches international humanitarian law, as well as United Nations and Security Council resolutions that protect journalists during armed conflicts.

Martyrs and wounded as a result of ongoing Israeli attacks

Our correspondent reported that Israeli occupation aircraft targeted three homes belonging to the al-Hasanat, Abed, and Ghurab families in the northwestern area of Deir al-Balah in the central Gaza Strip early on Monday.

Two martyrs were initially recovered following the dawn attack, but due to the challenging conditions, medical and Civil Defense teams had to withdraw.

By morning, six martyrs from the Ghurab family were recovered, though several others remain missing under the rubble, with search operations ongoing.

Additionally, several martyrs, including women and children, were killed, and others injured in an Israeli airstrike that targeted the home of the al-Nafar family in central Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip. In Gaza City, three more martyrs were killed by Israeli shelling on Wadi al-Arayes Street in the al-Zaytoun neighborhood, south of the city.

Our correspondent added that the bloodshed has continued unabated in recent hours, with the occupation targeting displaced Palestinians’ tents, even though the area had been declared a “safe zone.”

April 7, 2025 Posted by | Ethnic Cleansing, Racism, Zionism, Full Spectrum Dominance, War Crimes | , , , | Leave a comment

Collapsing Empire: Yemen shatters the illusion of US air power, yet again

By Kit Klarenberg | Press TV | April 7, 2025

Since March 15, Washington has repeatedly barraged Yemen from the sky, killing and injuring countless innocent civilians while destroying vital infrastructure.

For example, on April 2, US jets targeted a reservoir in western Yemen, cutting off access to water for over 50,000 people.

Only three days later, US President Donald Trump gloatingly posted a horrific video on social media of a tribal gathering being incinerated in a US airstrike. He falsely claimed the individuals were “Houthis gathered for instructions on an attack.”

In a chilling coincidence, the bloodcurdling clip was published on the 15th anniversary of the release of “Collateral Murder” by WikiLeaks, a notorious video filmed three years earlier of US Apache helicopter pilots firing indiscriminately at a group of Iraqi civilians and journalists while sickly cackling at the carnage they were inflicting.

While that disclosure contemporaneously caused international outcry and scandal and made WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange an internationally wanted man, openly advertising unconscionable war crimes is now apparently a formal US government policy.

US officials have pledged that renewed hostilities against Yemen will continue “indefinitely”, while Trump has bragged how “relentless strikes” have “decimated” the Ansarullah resistance movement.

Yet, on April 4, the New York Times reported Pentagon officials are “privately” briefing that while the current bombing campaign on Yemen “is consistently heavier than strikes conducted by the Biden administration”, the effort has achieved “only limited success in destroying the Houthis’ vast, largely underground arsenal of missiles, drones and launchers.”

Yemen’s anti-genocide Red Sea blockade thus endures untrammelled.

Moreover, “in just three weeks, the Pentagon has used $200 million worth of munitions, in addition to the immense operational and personnel costs to deploy two aircraft carriers, additional B-2 bombers and fighter jets, as well as Patriot and THAAD air defenses” to West Asia.

The total cost of the military adventure to date could exceed “well over $1 billion by next week.” This not only means “supplemental funds” for the operation need to be sought from US Congress, but there are grave anxieties about ammunition availability:

“So many precision munitions are being used, especially advanced long-range ones, that some Pentagon contingency planners are growing concerned about overall Navy stocks and implications for any situation in which the United States would have to ward off an attempted invasion of Taiwan by China.”

The New York Times also observed that the White House hasn’t indicated “why it thinks its campaign against the group will succeed”, after the Biden administration’s long-running Operation Prosperity Guardian embarrassingly failed to break the Red Sea’s blockade.

The answer is simple – for three decades, the Empire has been consumed by a dangerously self-deluded belief in the primacy of air power over all other forms of warfare. Ergo, the Trump administration believes that if only they intensify Yemen’s bombardment, Ansarullah will crumble.

‘Significantly damaged’

In April 1996, then USAF Chief of Staff Ronald R Fogleman boldly declared that a “new American way of war” was emerging.

While traditionally the Empire had “relied on large forces employing mass, concentration, and firepower to attrit enemy forces and defeat them,” now technological advances and “unique military advantages” – specifically in the field of air power – could be used “to compel an adversary to do our will at the least cost to the US in lives and resources.”

At the time, the Empire was riding high on the perceived success of NATO’s Operation Deliberate Force, an 11-day saturation bombing of Bosnia conducted the previous August/September.

Multiple US officials eagerly attributed the campaign to ending the three-year-long civil war in the former Yugoslav republic by precipitating negotiations. They omitted to mention that the airstrikes’ predominant military utility was allowing US-armed, trained, and directed Bosniak and Croat proxy forces to overrun Bosnian Serb positions without significant opposition, or their brazen sabotage of prior peace settlements.

Nonetheless, the narrative that wars could be won via airpower alone, and the US and its allies should invest in and structure their military machines accordingly, palpably percolated thereafter. The illegal March – June 1999 bombing of Yugoslavia provided the Empire with an opportunity to put this theory to the test. For 78 straight days, NATO relentlessly blitzed civilian, government, and industrial infrastructure throughout the country, killing untold numbers of innocent people – including children – and disrupting daily life for millions.

The purported purpose of this onslaught was to prevent a planned genocide of Kosovo’s Albanian population by Yugoslav forces. As a May 2000 British parliamentary committee concluded, however, it was only after the bombing began that Belgrade began assaulting the province.

Moreover, this effort was explicitly concerned with neutralising the CIA and MI6-backed Kosovo Liberation Army, an Al Qaeda-linked extremist group, not attacking [ethnic] Albanian citizens [of Yugoslavia]. Meanwhile, in September 2001, a UN court determined that Yugoslavia’s actions in Kosovo were not genocidal in nature or intent.

On June 3, 1999, Yugoslav leader Slobodan Milosevic folded under Russian pressure, agreeing to withdraw Belgrade’s forces from Kosovo. While Western officials celebrated a resounding victory for NATO and airpower more generally, the mainstream media – at least initially – told a very different story.

The LA Times observed that the Yugoslav army “still has 80% to 90% of its tanks, 75% of its most sophisticated surface-to-air missiles and 60% of its MIG fighter planes.” Meanwhile, its key barracks and ammunition depots weren’t damaged at all.

The New York Times reported that post-war Kosovo was bereft “of the scorched carcasses of tanks or other military equipment NATO officials had expected to find.”

While NATO and Pentagon apparatchiks stood “by their claims to have significantly damaged” Yugoslav forces, the outlet admitted Belgrade’s units withdrawing from Kosovo “seemed spirited and defiant rather than beaten.”

They took with them hundreds of tanks, personnel carriers, artillery batteries, vehicles, and “military equipment loaded on trucks” completely unscathed by the bombing campaign.

‘Campaign analysis’

Contemporary declassified British Ministry of Defence files amply underline the catastrophic failure of NATO’s blitzkrieg of Yugoslavia. Once Milosevic finally capitulated and NATO and UN ‘peacekeepers’ were granted unimpeded access to Kosovo, they struggled to find a single “burnt out tank” or other indications of vehicle or equipment losses on the ground.

A June 7 “campaign analysis” noted, “NATO took a lot longer, required a lot more effort and damaged less than perhaps we believed we could achieve at the start of the air campaign.”

It added that the Yugoslav “war-fighting doctrine” placed “great emphasis on dispersal, the use of camouflage, dummy targets, concealment and bunkers” to avoid detection, and “early assessments indicate that they appear to have applied this doctrine very successfully.”

Adverse weather conditions were also routinely exploited as cover for anti-KLA operations. The memo further recorded “there was no evidence… of disintegration of Serb forces in Kosovo,” with Yugoslav military operations continuing apace until Milosevic agreed to withdraw from the province, “and beyond”.

Yet, these damning observations remained secret. At a June 11, 1999 press conference, US Chairman of the Joint Chiefs General Henry Shelton proudly displayed a variety of colourful charts, boasting how hundreds of Yugoslav tanks, personnel carriers, and artillery pieces had been decimated by NATO, without the alliance suffering a single casualty.

His crooked accounting of the bombing remained universal mainstream gospel until a May 2000 Newsweek investigation exposed the wide-ranging “coverup” via which the Pentagon had spun the “ineffective” assault as a resounding success.

When NATO’s Supreme Allied Commander Wesley Clark, who oversaw the bombing, learned of the pronounced lack of damage to the Yugoslav military on the ground in Kosovo, he dispatched a dedicated team of USAF investigators to the province.

They “spent weeks combing Kosovo by helicopter and by foot” and turned up evidence of just 14 destroyed tanks. Meanwhile, of the 744 strikes on Yugoslav military equipment and installations claimed by Pentagon officials, just 58 were confirmed.

By contrast, USAF identified ample evidence of the Yugoslav military’s skill at deception. They found a key bridge had been protected from NATO bombers “by constructing, 300 yards upstream, a fake bridge made of polyethylene sheeting stretched over the river” – the military alliance “destroyed” the “phony bridge” many times.

Additionally, “artillery pieces were faked out of long black logs stuck on old truck wheels, and an anti-aircraft missile launcher was fabricated from the metal-lined paper used to make European milk cartons.”

Flummoxed, “Clark insisted that the Serbs had hidden their damaged equipment and that the team hadn’t looked hard enough.” So a new report was fabricated wholecloth, validating the fiction that NATO’s destruction of Yugoslav forces had been extensive. Newsweek noted its findings were “so devoid of hard data that Pentagon officials jokingly called it ‘fiber-free’.”

An official Department of Defense “After-Action Report to Congress” on the bombing campaign cited the report’s figures, although stressed no supporting evidence was forthcoming. With eerie prescience, Newsweek concluded:

“[This] distortion could badly mislead future policymakers… After the November 2000 presidential election, the Pentagon will go through one of its quadrennial reviews, assigning spending priorities. The Air Force will claim the lion’s share… The risk is policymakers and politicians will become even more wedded to myths like ‘surgical strikes’.”

“The lesson of Kosovo is civilian bombing works, though it raises moral qualms… Against military targets, high-altitude bombing is overrated. Any commander in chief who does not face up to those hard realities will be fooling himself.”

‘Incredibly different’

The “distortion” that NATO’s bombing of Yugoslavia was a military triumph has endured ever since. Not only has it served as justification for multiple subsequent calamitous Western “interventions”, such as the 2011 destruction of Libya, but USAF continues to claim “the lion’s share” of US defence spending.

According to 2024 figures, over a quarter of Washington’s total defence budget – $216.1 billion – is earmarked for the Air Force. Additionally, $202.6 billion is spent on the Navy, which typically operates in close tandem with USAF.

However large these figures may appear on paper, they do not translate into serious war-fighting capability, as Operation Prosperity Guardian in Yemen amply underscored.

A little-noticed July 2024 Associated Press report on the return home of US fighter pilots after nine months of failing to thwart Yemen’s Red Sea blockade noted that battling an enemy capable of fighting back “in the most intense running sea battle the Navy has faced since World War II” had been deeply psychologically ravaging for all concerned.

As a result, Pentagon officials were investigating how to tend to thousands of pilots and sailors adversely affected by their involvement in the bruising effort, “including counseling and treatment for possible post-traumatic stress.”

One pilot told Associated Press, “most of [us]… weren’t used to being fired on given the nation’s previous military engagements in recent decades.” He described the experience of Ansarullah’s retaliation as “incredibly different” and “traumatizing”, as getting shot at is “something that we don’t think about a lot.”

A new experience it may be – but it’s one that Washington needs to adapt to urgently. As a July 2024 RAND Corporation report found the US military was woefully ill-equipped sustain a major conflict with “peer-level competitors” such as China for any length of time, and faced significant threats from “relatively unsophisticated actors” such as Ansarullah, who have been “able to obtain and use modern technology (e.g., drones) to strategic effect.”

As Axios has reported, Pentagon weapons procurer Bill LaPlante – a journeyman engineer and physicist – has been awed by Yemen’s use of “increasingly sophisticated weapons,” including missiles that “can do things that are just amazing.”

He claims that Yemeni capabilities are “getting scary”. Once the US has exhausted itself yet again, failing to crush the Yemeni resistance, we could see yet more of its arsenal in play – and in turn, another historic defeat of the Empire, as inflicted over the course of Operation Prosperity Guardian.

April 7, 2025 Posted by | Ethnic Cleansing, Racism, Zionism, Militarism, War Crimes, Wars for Israel | , , , , | Leave a comment

Lebanon front: Why the US-Israeli war isn’t over

The Cradle | April 7, 2025

The Israeli war on Lebanon is far from over. Southern Lebanon, the Beqaa Valley, and Beirut’s southern suburbs remain open territory for Tel Aviv’s assassination operations targeting Hezbollah cadres. Barely a day goes by without an Israeli drone carrying out a targeted killing or detonation.

Israeli drones rarely leave the skies over the south or the Beqaa – whether engaged in intelligence gathering or circling for a kill. Alongside this, western diplomats warn the Lebanese government that Israel is preparing for another round of violence to pressure Hezbollah into disarmament – unless a specific timetable is set for handing its weapons to the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF).

Disarmament by drone

As Tel Aviv’s key supporter on the global stage, Washington calculates that reigniting war will force Hezbollah’s support base to turn against it, pushing for disarmament once its weapons are seen as ineffective in deterring Israeli aggression.

This narrative is promoted through media outlets and social media influencers seeking to normalize this outcome. Even some Lebanese politicians have begun echoing these talking points in interviews.

In contrast, a counter-reading among security officials suggests the occupation state stands to gain little more than what it already has in the war. It can assassinate Hezbollah personnel at will, without prompting retaliation on settlements, given Hezbollah’s declared commitment to the ceasefire and its alignment with the Lebanese state.

Why, then, would Israel risk disrupting the truce and endangering its own population – especially when its stated goal of Hezbollah’s disarmament is far from guaranteed and the cost remains unknown?

A strategy without teeth 

Two scenarios are being floated for the handover of arms. The first sees Hezbollah voluntarily relinquishing its weapons – something party officials call impossible. In fact, Hezbollah’s base has become even more entrenched in its support for the resistance’s weapons, particularly after the massacres they saw in Syria’s Alawite coastal villages.

There, extremist factions tied to Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and the new Syrian intelligence forces slaughtered thousands of civilians based solely on their sectarian identity. Many now see existential threats emanating both from Israel and the extremist Islamist government in Syria.

The second scenario hinges on adopting a national defense strategy under Lebanese army leadership. This is a concept Lebanese President Joseph Aoun often brings up, with talk of Hezbollah transferring its arsenal to the army and integrating its fighters into the military institution to form a unified national defense force.

Yet here, a critical fact is omitted: the Lebanese army consistently destroys all missiles it seizes from Hezbollah positions south of the Litani River – particularly Almas and Kornet systems. Sources speaking to The Cradle reveal that international observers attend and sometimes film these destruction processes.

Ceasefire in name only 

According to the sources, the army follows explicit US directives in destroying these capabilities. The aim is clear: keep Lebanon’s army weak and incapable of forming any real deterrent against its aggressive southern neighbor.

Washington has no intention of allowing Hezbollah’s military assets to be transferred to the national army. Lebanon’s compliance with this plan spells the death of any genuine defense strategy – and the country’s new US-backed president, fresh from his post as commander of the LAF, well knows this.

US dictates go further than just weapons destruction. Beirut also refuses to condemn Israel’s repeated breaches of the ceasefire. Since the truce was signed on 27 November 2024, Israel has racked up over a thousand violations and killed more than 100 Lebanese civilians and soldiers.

Diplomacy has failed to halt these aggressions or compel Tel Aviv to withdraw from five occupied sites inside Lebanese territory, nor has Israel complied with UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres’s request to halt the use of warplanes and drones over Lebanon.

In response to these thousand-plus violations, only three incidents of rocket or missile fire have been recorded from Lebanese territory into Israel – yet Tel Aviv’s retaliation has been ferocious.

Following the latest rocket fire, Israel bombed Beirut’s southern suburbs. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is keen to impose a clear, new military equation on its northern neighbor: any rocket launched toward Israel will carry an exorbitant cost for Lebanon. Tel Aviv is using disproportionate violence to deter further attacks.

The US, meanwhile, has pinned responsibility on Lebanon for preventing rocket launches from its territory. In response, Lebanese security services carried out a series of arrests. Ten suspects were detained in total – seven by army intelligence (three Lebanese, two Syrians, and two Palestinians) and three by General Security (two Lebanese and one Syrian).

However, none of the 10 have any proven connection to the rocket launches – they were arrested solely for being near the launch sites, according to technical evidence. In other words, the detainees are all likely innocent of the so-called “crime” of rocket fire.

A manufactured pretext?

With Lebanese agencies unable to apprehend any of the actual perpetrators, two scenarios remain. One is that Israel, through its local collaborators, is staging these rocket attacks to create a pretext for military escalation – especially given its near-total aerial control over the south, which makes undetected launches virtually impossible.

Proponents of this theory argue that Tel Aviv sees an opportunity – perhaps its last – to eliminate Hezbollah once and for all, buoyed by the international climate’s indifference to mass violence, as seen in Gaza. The severing of Hezbollah’s supply lines after the fall of former president Bashar al-Assad’s government in Syria only reinforces this belief.

The second scenario is that Hezbollah or a Palestinian faction is indeed behind the launches. Some even suggest rogue elements acting without organizational approval. Given the known launch zones, only three actors are considered possible: Israel, Hezbollah, or a third group operating with Hezbollah’s awareness.

A war without end

If Israel’s complicity is ruled out, it means the southern front is unlikely to quiet down, regardless of how much violence Tel Aviv uses as deterrence. Any future war, no matter how destructive to Hezbollah’s arsenal, will not prevent southern Lebanon from becoming an open arena for all factions, organizations, and lone actors.

After all, despite the near-total destruction of Gaza following Operation Al-Aqsa Flood on 7 October 2023, Israel has failed to stop rocket fire from Palestinians continuing to resist the carnage. This very dynamic threatens the northern front, leaving Israeli settlers vulnerable and placing massive pressure on the Israeli government – now in its third year of a war, with no tangible victory in sight.

Tel Aviv has neither eliminated the threat nor secured its settlers close to the border areas – and it knows it cannot stop the rockets. Meanwhile, Hezbollah’s patience with Israeli violations is wearing thin. The resistance is steadily rebuilding its military capacity.

When it is ready – once diplomacy is dead, and the Lebanese resistance’s legitimacy is renewed by continued Israeli occupation and daily atrocities – Hezbollah will not hesitate to respond. That will happen once the US-backed Lebanese government and army show they have zero ability to counter aggression – ironically, an outcome created entirely by the US-backed Israeli attacks on Lebanon.

April 7, 2025 Posted by | Ethnic Cleansing, Racism, Zionism | , , , , , | Leave a comment

G4S Mercs Guarding Zelensky: Private Military Contractor or Undeclared Branch of SAS and MI6?

By Ilya Tsukanov – Sputnik – 07.04.2025

Once touting itself as “the only international security solutions provider in Ukraine,” G4S has deployed up to 1,000 mercenaries to protect the West’s client state. Here’s what to know about them.

Headquartered in London and staffed by over 800K personnel across 85+ countries, G4S is a private security behemoth with a flair for hiring ex-military and intel officers.

A subsidiary of US private security giant Allied Universal since 2021, G4S has been an indispensable contractor for Western military ops, from Afghanistan and Iraq (where they were accused of paying off the Taliban and plundering religious sites in Mosul), to post-Gaddafi Libya, Sudan and Colombia (mercenary recruitment and training) and Israel (“security” at checkpoints, West Bank settlements and prisons).

G4S entered Ukraine in the mid-1990s, providing security consulting and investigative services for private clients, and guards for OSCE and EU missions. An Odessa-registered subsidiary was created in 1995, followed by a Kiev branch registered in Amsterdam in 1996.

G4S’s Ukraine footprint grew dramatically after the 2014 coup, and especially after 2022, with its mercs tasked with:

  • “securing” strategic facilities like ports, airports and major enterprises,
  • guarding valuable cargoes during shipping,
  • collecting intel on Russian military personnel,
  • training saboteurs,
  • operating private prisons (allegedly),
  • and providing “protective services” for top government officials and private VIPs, including the Ukrainian president’s office and Kiev’s city administration.

In 2023, the firm registered new sub-entities in Ukraine: G4S Ordnance Management and G4S Risk Management.

Prominent Russian military observer Alexander Artamonov suspects that G4S is private only in name, and that it and other prominent British PMCs like Prevail Partners are effectively an informal or undeclared branch office of Britain’s SAS and MI6.

The convenience of such PMC arrangements include plausible deniability when things go wrong, and involvement in activity which governments may not want to be openly associated with.

April 7, 2025 Posted by | Deception, Militarism | , | Leave a comment

‘Break-a-Leg’ (that old Mafia warning) – Trump has threatened Iran over an ultimatum that likely cannot be met

By Alastair Crooke | Strategic Culture Foundation | April 7, 2025

Trump’s ultimatum to Iran? Colonel Doug Macgregor compares the Trump ultimatum to Iran to that which Austria-Hungary delivered to Serbia in 1914: An offer, in short, that ‘could not be refused’. Serbia accepted nine out of the ten demands. But it refused one – and Austria-Hungary immediately declared war.

On 4 February, shortly after his Inauguration, President Trump signed a National Security Presidential Memorandum (NSPM); that is to say, a legally binding directive requiring government agencies to carry out the specified actions precisely.

The demands are that Iran should be denied a nuclear weapon; denied inter-continental missiles, and denied too other asymmetric and conventional weapons capabilities. All these demands go beyond the NPT and the existing JCPOA. To this end, the NSPM directs maximum economic pressure be imposed; that the U.S. Treasury act to drive Iran’s oil exports to zero; that the U.S. work to trigger JCPOA Snapback of sanctions; and that Iran’s “malign influence abroad” – its “proxies” – be neutralised.

The UN sanctions snapback expires in October, so time is short to fulfil the procedural requirements to Snapback. All this suggests why Trump and Israeli officials give Spring as the deadline to a negotiated agreement.

Trump’s ultimatum to Iran appears to be moving the U.S. down a path to where war is the only outcome, as occurred in 1914 – an outcome which ultimately triggered WW1.

Might this just be Trump bluster? Possibly, but it does sound as if Trump is issuing legally binding demands such that he must expect cannot be met. Acceptance of Trump’s demands would leave Iran neutered and stripped of its sovereignty, at the very least. There is an implicit ‘tone’ to these demands too, that is one of threatening and expecting regime change in Iran as its outcome.

It may be Trump bluster, but the President has ‘form’ (past convictions) on this issue. He has unabashedly hewed to the Netanyahu line on Iran that the JCPOA (or any deal with Iran) was ‘bad’. In May 2014, Trump withdrew the U.S. from the JCPOA at Netanyahu’s behest and instead issued a new set of 12 demands to Iran – including permanently and verifiably abandoning its nuclear programme in perpetuity and ceasing all uranium enrichment.

What is the difference between those earlier Trump demands and those of this February? Essentially they are the same, except today he says: If Iran “doesn’t make a deal, there will be bombing. It will be bombing the likes of which they have never seen before”.

Thus, there is both history, and the fact that Trump is surrounded – on this issue at least – by a hostile cabal of Israeli Firsters and Super Hawks. Witkoff is there, but is poorly grounded on the issues. Trump too, has shown himself virtually totalitarian in terms of any and all criticism of Israel in American Academia. And in Gaza, Lebanon and Syria, he is fully supportive of Netanyahu’s far-right provocative and expansionist agenda.

These present demands regarding Iran also run counter to the 25 March 2025 latest annual U.S. Intelligence Threat Assessment that Iran is NOT building a nuclear weapon. This Intelligence Assessment is effectively disregarded. A few days before its release, Trump’s National Security Adviser, Mike Waltz clearly stated that the Trump Administration is seeking the “full dismantlement” of Iran’s nuclear energy program: “Iran has to give up its program in a way that the entire world can see”, Waltz said. “It is time for Iran to walk away completely from its desire to have a nuclear weapon”.

On the one hand, it seems that behind these ultimata stands a President made “pissed off and angry” at his inability to end the Ukraine war almost immediately – as he first mooted – together with pressures from a bitterly fractured Israel and a volatile Netanyahu to compress the timeline for the speedy ‘finishing off’ of the Iranian ‘regime’ (which, it is claimed, has never been weaker). All so that Israel can normalise with Lebanon –and even Syria. And with Iran supposedly ‘disabled’, pursue implementation of the Greater Israel project to be normalised across the Middle East.

Which, on the other hand, will enable Trump to pursue the ‘long-overdue’ grand pivot to China. (And China is energy-vulnerable – regime change in Tehran would be a calamity, from the Chinese perspective).

To be plain, Trump’s China strategy needs to be in place too, in order to advance Trump’s financial system re-balancing plans. For, should China feel itself besieged, it could well act as a spoiler to Trump’s re-working of the American and global financial system.

The Washington Post reports on a ‘secret’ Pentagon memo from Hegseth that “China [now] is the Department’s sole pacing threat, [together] with denial of a Chinese fait accompli seizure of Taiwan — while simultaneously defending the U.S. homeland”.

The ‘force planning construct’ (a concept of how the Pentagon will build and resource the armed services to take on perceived threats) will only consider conflict with Beijing when planning contingencies for a major power war, the Pentagon memo says, leaving the threat from Moscow largely to be attended by European allies.

Trump wants to be powerful enough credibly to threaten China militarily, and therefore wants Putin to agree speedily to a ceasefire in Ukraine, so that military resources can quickly be moved to the China theatre.

On his flight back to Washington last Sunday evening, Trump reiterated his annoyance toward Putin, but added “I don’t think he’s going to go back on his word, I’ve known him for a long time. We’ve always gotten along well”. Asked when he wanted Russia to agree to a ceasefire, Trump said there was a “psychological deadline” – “If I think they’re tapping us along, I will not be happy about it”.

Trump’s venting against Russia may, perhaps, have an element of reality-TV to it. For his domestic audience, he needs to be perceived as bringing ‘peace through strength’ – to keep up the Alpha-Male appearance, lest the truth of his lack of leverage over Putin becomes all too apparent for the American public and to the world.

Part of the reason for Trump’s frustration too, may be his cultural formation as a New York businessman; that a deal is about first dominating the negotiations, and then quickly ‘splitting the difference’. This, however, is not how diplomacy works. The transactional approach also reflects deep conceptual flaws.

The Ukraine ceasefire process is stalled, not because of Russian intransigence, but rather because Team Trump has determined that achieving a settlement in Ukraine comes firstly through insisting on a unilateral and immediate ceasefire – without introducing temporary governance to enable elections in Ukraine, nor addressing the root causes of the conflict. And secondly, because Trump rushed in, without listening to what the Russians were saying, and/or without hearing it.

Now that initial pleasantries are over, and Russia is saying flatly that current ‘ceasefire’ proposals simply are inadequate and unacceptable, Trump becomes angry and lashes out at Putin, saying that 25% tariffs on Russian oil could happen ANY moment.

Putin and Iran are both now under ‘deadlines’ (a ‘psychological’ one in Putin’s case), so as to enable Trump to proceed with credibly threatening China to come to a ‘deal’ soon – as the global economy is already wobbling.

Trump fumes and spits fire. He tries to hurry matters along by making a big show of bombing the Houthis, boasting that they have been hit hard, with many Houthi leaders killed. Yet, such callousness towards Yemeni civilian deaths sits awkwardly with his claimed heart-rendering empathy for the thousands of ‘handsome’ Ukrainian young men needlessly dying on the front lines.

It all becomes reality-TV.

Trump threatens Iran with “bombing [the] likes of which they have never seen before” over an ultimatum that likely cannot be met. Simply put, this threat (which includes the possible use of nuclear weapons) is not given because Iran poses a threat to the U.S. It does not. But it is given as an option. A plan; a ‘thing’ placed calmly on the geo-political table and intended to spread fear. “Cities full of children, women, and the elderly to be killed: Not morally wrong. Not a war crime”.

No. Just the ‘reality’ that Trump takes the Iranian nuclear programme to be an existential threat to Israel. And that the U.S. is committed to using military force to eliminate existential threats to Israel.

This is the heart to Trump’s ultimatum. It owes to the fact that it is Israel – not America, and not the U.S. intelligence community – that views Iran as an existential threat. Professor Hudson, speaking with direct knowledge of the background policy (see here and here) says, “it’s NOT just that Israel as we know it – must be safe and secure and free from terrorism”. That’s Trump and his Team’s ‘line’; that’s the Israeli and its supporters narrative too. “But the mentality [behind it] is different”, Hudson says.

There are some 2-3 million Israelis who see themselves as destined to control all of what we now call the Middle East, the Levant, what some call West Asia – and others call “Greater Israel”. These Zionists believe that they are mandated by God to take this land – and that all who oppose them are Amalek. They believe the Amalek to be consumed with an overwhelming desire to kill Jews, and who therefore should be annihilated.

The Torah records the story of Amalek: Parshat Ki Teitzei, when the Torah states, machoh timcheh et zecher Amalek—that we must erase Amalek’s memory. “Every year we [Jews] are obligated to read – not how God will destroy Amalek – but how we should destroy Amalek”. (Though many Jews puzzle how to reconcile this mitzvah with their ingrained contrarian values of compassion and mercy).

This commandment in the Torah is in fact one of the key factors that lies at the root of Israel’s obsession with Iran. Israelis perceive Iran as an Amalek tribe plotting to kill Jews. No deal, no compromise therefore is possible. It is also, of course, about Iran’s strategic challenge (albeit secular) to the Israeli state.

And what has made the Trump ultimatum so pressing in Washington’s view – apart from the China-pivot considerations – was the assassination of Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah. That assassination marked a big shift in U.S. thinking, because, before that, we inhabited an era of careful calculation; incremental moves up an escalator ladder. What is understood now is that ‘we’re no longer playing chess’. There are no rules anymore.

Israel (Netanyahu) is going hell-for-leather on all fronts to mitigate the divisions and turmoil at home in Israel through igniting the Iranian front – even though this course might well threaten Israel’s destruction.

This latter prospect marks the reddest of ‘red lines’ to ingrained Deep State structures.

April 7, 2025 Posted by | Ethnic Cleansing, Racism, Zionism, Wars for Israel | , , , , , | Leave a comment

‘Unnecessary’ to tell the truth to Ukrainians – Kiev’s spy chief

RT | April 7, 2025

Ukrainians should be kept in the dark about the details of the “harsh reality” of the conflict with Russia, because many of them can’t handle the truth, Kirill Budanov, Kiev’s military intelligence chief, has said.

In a conversation with journalist Anna Maksimchuk on Saturday, the three-star general expressed his views on information censorship during wartime, suggesting that Ukrainian society should only find out certain things in the future.

”During wartime, knowing the whole truth is not necessary. Otherwise, people may develop opinions,” Budanov said. “Some minds are not prepared to grasp the harsh reality. Let’s not put them to the test. Everything should be dosed.”

Since 2020, Budanov has led the Main Directorate of Intelligence of the Ukrainian Defense Ministry (HUR) – an agency reportedly rebuilt from scratch by the CIA following the 2014 armed coup in Kiev to serve as a tool against Russia.

Prior to the escalation of hostilities with Russia in 2022, Ukraine’s Vladimir Zelensky cracked down on critical media, claiming to do so in order to fight against local oligarchs under Moscow’s influence.

During the conflict, Kiev launched a news marathon with programming said to be directly controlled by the president’s office – which critics have called state propaganda. Additionally, under martial law, Zelensky banned several opposition parties, claiming they posed a national security threat.

Earlier this year, turmoil swept through Ukraine’s media landscape following US President Donald Trump’s decision to dismantle the US Agency for International Development (USAID), an organization used by Washington to promote its political agenda through foreign grants.

Researcher Oksana Romanyuk estimated in January that nearly 90% of Ukrainian outlets relied on foreign aid, with 80% specifically receiving funding from USAID.

April 7, 2025 Posted by | Deception, Mainstream Media, Warmongering | | Leave a comment

Republican Voters on Ukraine Aid: Time to Turn Off the Cash Spigot – Poll

Sputnik – 07.04.2025

Unlike 83% of Democrats who continue to support pumping US financial aid to Ukraine, 79% of Republicans oppose such spending, a Wall Street Journal survey revealed.

The survey, carried out among 1,500 registered voters from March 27 to April 1, laid bare growing divisions between the two political parties over American foreign policy.

Only 31% of Trump’s GOP base view NATO favorably, compared to 81% of Democrats.

At least 62% of American voters believe that expanding US territory by including Greenland and Canada is a bad idea, according to the survey.

Only 25% of the respondents support this idea, while the remaining 13% said they did not know the answer to this question or refused to answer it at all. That said, more than half of Republicans (51%) support US President Donald Trump’s statements about territorial expansion.

April 7, 2025 Posted by | Militarism, Russophobia | , , | Leave a comment

Schrödinger’s novichok: 12 points from the Dawn Sturgess inquiry, part 2

By Tim Norman | Propaganda In Focus | February 26, 2025

What happens when official evidence about a nerve agent death exists in impossible dual states? Part two of a three-part report on the Dawn Sturgess case examines elements simultaneously coherent yet confused, recorded yet rejected, detected yet undetectable.

A note on sources: Links presented in bold go to precise points in the YouTube feed from the Dawn Sturgess inquiry. Links that are not in bold are to supporting sources: articles and videos from mainstream news providers.

Part 1 of this investigation revealed how the nerve agent novichok maintained striking contradictions: simultaneously lethal yet harmless. Part 2 examines how this dual state extends beyond the poison itself.

Point 7. The critical patient who wasn’t critical

The statements of Dr Stephen Cockroft (morning of Day 9) provided some of the most revealing testimony that the inquiry heard: that of a senior doctor removed from duty and silenced after discovering that Yulia Skripal was in far better health than she was expected to be following her alleged exposure to a nerve agent more deadly than VX.

But to understand how significant Cockroft’s testimony was, some background is needed.

Dr Cockroft is a highly experienced doctor, who had been working at Salisbury District Hospital (SDH) since 1994. He told the inquiry that he had been an intensive care consultant for 24 years at the time of the alleged poisoning of Sergei and Yulia Skripal.

Together with another intensive care specialist — Dr James Haslam (who gave testimony in the afternoon of Day 8) — Cockroft was involved in caring for the Skripals during their first week in hospital following their admission in the early evening of Sunday, 4 March 2018.

It was Cockroft who was on duty when Sergei and Yulia were admitted, and his testimony to the inquiry was the first time his account of what happened was made public.

Both Cockroft and Haslam testified that they considered the possibility that the Skripals had somehow been poisoned relatively early on — they had apparently started to suspect this by Monday afternoon — although their opinions differed on what kind of poison might have been involved, and the working diagnosis that the paramedics had made of an opiate-related incident when they first encountered Sergei and Yulia incapacitated in the centre of Salisbury seems to have been maintained at the hospital for about 24 hours.

The medical staff at the hospital told the BBC that they did not initially take any additional precautions for themselves in the form of barrier nursing or enhanced personal protective equipment because there was “no indication” of nerve agent poisoning when the Skripals were admitted.

Curiously, Haslam was called to give testimony to the inquiry the day before Cockroft — and it was Haslam’s statements and testimony about the condition of the Skripals on their arrival at hospital that the inquiry heard, even though he was not there. Cockroft — who was there and witnessed their original presentation — was not asked to give testimony on this point when he appeared before the inquiry the following day.

“I wasn’t present [at the hospital’s emergency department] on that Sunday, but I would have consulted the records and also spoken to colleagues who were present [in preparing my statement],” Haslam said (Day 8, p123). In both cases, Haslam said, “the clinical picture [when the Skripals arrived at SDH] was one of profound compromise of the central and peripheral nervous systems”.

As well as giving personal testimony the day after Haslam, Cockroft provided two written statements to the inquiry, the first of which was taken two weeks after the Salisbury events by “officers from counterterrorism command”, dated 19 March 2018. His second statement — in which he apparently sought to clarify elements of his first statement specifically for the benefit of the inquiry — was dated 18 July 2024.

“I was on duty the weekend of Sunday 4th of March 2018 when the two patients, Yulia and Sergei were admitted,” Cockroft’s first statement reads. “I was one of the first doctors to meet them at the emergency department and since their admission I looked after them up until the end of the day on Monday. I later assisted my colleagues on the intensive care unit (ICU) on Wednesday and Thursday.”

Cockroft handed over to Haslam on Monday afternoon. At some point late on Sunday or in the very early early hours of Monday morning, Cockroft had been told to “Google” Sergei Skripal (Day 14, p53) “by one of the Police Constables” (Day 9, p15) and become aware of “the spy link” (Day 9, p21).

It was because of this that Cockroft apparently started to suspect that the Skripals had been subjected to a poison attack. However, his initial suspicions were that they had been poisoned by the powerful synthetic opioid carfentanyl, rather than fentanyl (also a powerful and dangerous opiate but less potent than carfentanyl and, as we know from part 1, potentially a drug of abuse), heroin, or an organophosphate nerve agent such as novichok.

“Carfentanyl has a potency hundreds of thousands of times greater than fentanyl,” Cockroft told the inquiry (Day 9, p27). “Fentanyl itself is an extremely potent opiate. We use it as an anaesthetic agent … daily and it is extremely dangerous in recreational hands. Carfentanyl is off the scale.”

Haslam by contrast had apparently already started to suspect some kind of organophosphate poisoning, although it is not clear how much time he could have had with Yulia and Sergei — or spent examining their records — to have come to that diagnosis, given that he had not been at SDH when the Skripals were admitted and was presumably relying on Cockroft to update him during their handover.

“My recollection is that when we handed over on the Monday afternoon that Dr Cockroft was under the impression that it was likely to be an exotic opioid substance, so something more likely carfentanyl, and that was his working diagnosis … an exotic opioid that might be used to assassinate someone,” Haslam told the inquiry (Day 8, p156). “That was his working diagnosis.”

“[But by the time of the] handover … I suspected possibly organophosphates,” Haslam said (Day 8, p143). “It no longer felt like an opioid poisoning or overdose. The symptoms had evolved… and it wasn’t feeling like an opioid toxicity to me by that stage.”

“From the Monday afternoon … organophosphates were my working diagnosis,” Haslam said (Day 8, p162). “[M]ost of Monday night I spent researching about organophosphates … [and learning about] nerve agents, so I was suspecting nerve agents by Monday night-time.” (Day 8, p164).

Haslam’s suspicions were seemingly confirmed by tests on blood samples that had been taken from the Skripals on the Sunday evening and sent to a specialised laboratory in Birmingham as well as DSTL Porton Down, with the results from the latter coming through first in the early hours of Tuesday morning.

“The police had requested … blood samples, which had also been processed at DSTL and so those results were phoned through [early] on the Tuesday morning … to my night team,” Haslam told the inquiry (Day 8, p163).

The results from the laboratory in Birmingham came through on Wednesday at 17.10 (see slide 3 from the inquiry document here) and provided confirmatory diagnosis. The tests “confirmed our suspicions that it was severe poisoning with an anticholinesterase substance, so something suppressing the activity of the enzyme cholinesterase”, Haslam said (Day 8, p162).

Cholinesterase inhibition is evidence of nerve agent poisoning, as organophosphate nerve agents like novichok and VX work by blocking an enzyme called acetylcholinesterase in the body. This causes the muscles to lose control, leading rapidly to death by asphyxiation or cardiac arrest.

It is worth pausing here to note that Haslam was not the first person involved in the response to the Salisbury events to suggest a cholinesterase inhibitor was the cause of Yulia and Sergei’s collapse, and there appears to have been a breakdown of communication between the police and hospital staff that prevented Cockroft — and by extension, Haslam — from being made aware of the possibility that a nerve agent was involved in the very early hours of Monday morning, as early as around 1.30am.

According to the witness statement of one of the police officers involved, Detective Inspector Ben Mant, the first person to suggest a cholinesterase inhibitor was involved was a Wiltshire police constable (PC) referred to by the inquiry as ‘VN005’.

Although subordinate to DI Mant in rank, ‘VN005’ had specialised knowledge — he was a trained firearms officer and also a “a CBRN [Chemical, Biological, Radiological, and Nuclear] tactical advisor” (Day 15, p140).

In his statement, DI Mant describes a briefing meeting he held at Salisbury police station, Bourne Hill at 22.50 on the Sunday evening, involving officers including Temporary Police Sergeant (TPS) Tracey Holloway and PC Alex Way, who had both earlier attended the scene in central Salisbury where Sergei and Yulia Skripal were discovered incapacitated on a bench. PC Way had been wearing a body camera, which recorded what they saw, and ‘VN005’ had apparently been able to view the footage of Sergei Skripal.

When he began the briefing, Mant states, “We were joined almost immediately by VN005 who explained to me that he was a CBRN advisor … This is the first time, to the best of my knowledge, that I had met Tracey, Alex and VN005.

“VN005 … inform[ed] me that the Skripals’ symptoms as described by the attending officers were consistent with a cholinesterase inhibitor — otherwise known as a nerve agent.

“VN005 provided me with a document of common indicators and the symptoms observed by PC Way and TPS Holloway were consistent with seven out of 12 possible indications.

“This immediately alarmed me and at 23.10 hours, I rang Detective Superintendent [Tim] Corner [Mant’s superior officer] … to advise him of what VN005 had told me. Det Supt Corner reassured me that he had already been contacted by VN005 and that he had spoken to the on-call officers at the CBRN centre. He was waiting for further calls but they appeared far less concerned than PC VN005.”

‘VN005’ also provided statements and documents to the inquiry, and reported what happened at DI Mant’s briefing.

“At 2115 hours I arrived at Bourne Hill Police station in Salisbury,” the main statement from ‘VN005’ reads. “At 2130 hours I watched PC Way’s body worn camera footage of her attendance at the initial scene. This footage shows … a male sat on a bench displaying symptoms which I believed were consistent with either a high dose of radiation or a potential nerve agent.

“Then at 2250 hours Detective Inspector Mant … started an initial brief with all involved. I advised DI Mant of my suspicions of a chemical exposure and passed him a list of nerve agent symptoms to pass on to hospital staff.”

A copy of the document that ‘VN005’ provided to Mant, listing nerve agent symptoms with ticks next to symptoms ‘VN005’ felt were being displayed by Sergei Skripal, was shown to the inquiry. This was apparently the document that ‘VN005’ wanted Mant to pass on to the hospital.

But this is the point at which communication between the police and the hospital seemingly broke down because, although DI Mant goes on to describe driving to the hospital after the briefing at Bourne Hill and talking to Dr Cockroft on the phone when he arrived there, there is nothing to suggest Mant gave the hospital staff the document ‘VN005’ had given him listing nerve agent symptoms.

There is also nothing to suggest Mant asked Cockroft about the possibility of nerve agent poisoning during their conversation, even though Mant said how alarmed he had been by the suggestion from ‘VN005’ that a nerve agent had been the cause of the Skripals’ collapse.

Mant concluded the briefing at Bourne Hill around midnight and called his superior officer again.

“At 00.15 hours I called Det Supt Corner back to update him,” Mant’s statement reads (p7). “Det Supt Corner directed that the priority was to make contact with the ICU consultant and to share with them the information (that was readily available online) about Mr Skripal. This was to make sure that the consultant knew what we knew about the Skripals. We also agreed that I should personally visit the hospital and speak directly with the consultant.

“At 01.00 hours, [I] arrived at Salisbury District Hospital and made [my] way to the Intensive Care Unit. Mr Cockroft was not there but I was informed … he was happy to receive a phone call and would expect to be called. I took [a] phone to a nearby doctor’s office and spoke to him, in private, from there.

“I asked Mr Cockroft what he knew about the patients and he immediately explained that he had ‘googled’ Sergei and was aware of the spy link… I was relieved that he already knew this as it made life easier in terms of disclosing/sharing the information.”

Mant goes on to describe his conversation with Cockroft about the potential causes of the Skripals’ condition, but nowhere does he mention that they discussed the possibility of nerve agent poisoning, or the document describing nerve agent symptoms that ‘VN005’ had apparently given him to take to the hospital.

“We then went on to talk about what may have caused their illness,” Mant’s statement reads. “Mr Cockroft explained that … he had … [called for] a urine toxicology scan for opiates and cocaine but that it was not a quick process and he asked whether the police could do anything more quickly. I stated … that we could fast track the examination of the blood and urine … Mr Cockroft was grateful for this.

“Mr Cockroft agreed that it was unlikely to be radiation poisoning, or ricin (of which he had some previous experience), as the symptoms for them have a slow onset. This was consistent with the advice given to Det Supt Corner by the CBRN experts. We discussed whether this could be a suicide attempt or a homicide/suicide attempt and he stated that he felt it most likely that some form of poison had been ingested.

“Mr Cockroft thought the cause may have been ingested due to the speed of onset of symptoms. He stated that both of the Skripals were currently sedated in order that they could receive supportive therapy but that he would attempt to wake them later in the morning … I finished the conversation with Mr Cockroft at about 01.24 hours.”

Mant’s report that Cockroft was considering an attempt to “wake” the Skripals “in the morning” is something we will return to.

Both Mant and ‘VN005’ gave testimony to the inquiry in person.

The testimony from ‘VN005’ was given in complete anonymity, with no YouTube stream made public and only the transcript made available. The testimony includes reference to his list of nerve agent symptoms as a “ready reckoner” (Day 15, p120). “I passed this [list] to Inspector Mant to pass on to the hospital,” the transcript reads (Day 15, p166).

“You suggested that DI Mant inform the hospital to check for bloods of any cholinesterase inhibiting compounds?” Andrew O’Connor KC, the lead counsel for the inquiry, asks ‘VN005’ (Day 15, p168).

“Correct,” ‘VN005’ replies.

Mant’s testimony includes reference to the list of nerve agent symptoms given to him by ‘VN005’ as an “aide memoire” (Day 14, p14) and his consequent anxiety about the possibility of a nerve agent-related event having occurred in Salisbury (Day 14, p16).

Mant’s testimony also reports his phone conversation with Cockroft and their discussion about expediting the testing of urine and blood samples that had been taken from the Skripals — but if they discussed the possibility of nerve agent poisoning Mant did not testify to that effect, and as in his written statement Mant did not report handing the document ‘VN005’ had given him to anyone at the hospital while he was there (Day 14, p54).

The inquiry’s lawyers did not pick up on this apparent breakdown of communication between the police and the hospital on the critical issue of when nerve agent poisoning could have been diagnosed in the case of the Skripals — or at least presented to the medical staff as a serious possibility.

As we know, the diagnosis apparently made intuitively by Haslam on Monday afternoon around the time of his handover with Cockroft — and then indicated by the results from DSTL Porton Down in the early hours of Tuesday morning — had been confirmed by results from the laboratory in Birmingham on Wednesday evening.

After his handover with Haslam, Cockroft had a day off — but on Wednesday he was back at work at SDH. The ICU staff there were now aware that the Skripals had apparently been poisoned by a nerve agent, and a major incident — related to the earlier working diagnosis of fentanyl poisoning — had already been declared the day before.

Cockroft’s 2018 statement indicates his duties on his return to the ICU were to care for the other patients there while Haslam concentrated on Sergei and Yulia Skripal — as well as Detective Sergeant Nick Bailey, who was admitted on Tuesday after suffering symptoms following his search of Sergei’s home in the early hours of Monday morning.

Bailey had already been to the hospital for a check-up later on Monday and was given the all-clear, but his symptoms persisted and he returned on Tuesday for what turned into a 17-day stay in hospital.

Bailey was not as severely affected by the nerve agent that was supposedly used to contaminate the front door of Sergei’s home as the Skripals had been. He had been wearing a forensic suit — designed to maintain the integrity of evidence at a crime scene and offer a degree of protection against contamination, but not designed to protect the wearer against extremely hazardous substances such as a chemical weapon — when he went to the house (Day 13, p53).

Bailey did not need to be put on ventilation and remained conscious throughout his stay at SDH. He suffered no lasting physical injury from his apparent exposure to novichok and a year and a half later, in August 2019, he ran a marathon in support of the hospital, raising almost £20,000.

Yulia and Sergei by contrast had been “intubated and mechanically ventilated” when they were admitted to hospital, as Haslam told the inquiry (Day 8, p123, p125).

Yulia was particularly in need of ventilation as without it she would apparently not have been able to breathe and would have died. Sergei was also intubated because, although he was able to breathe without assistance when he arrived at hospital, he was in a deep coma (Day 8, p123).

Intubation typically requires the patient to be sedated due to the discomfort of a tube being put into their airway and maintained there, and this sedation may involve fentanyl — unless the patient is believed to have potentially overdosed on some kind of opiate, in which case opiate-based pain relief would not be used as this could obviously exacerbate their condition.

Fentanyl is, therefore, unlikely to have been given to Sergei and Yulia Skripal — or Dawn Sturgess — when they were admitted to SDH and intubated: something the pathologist Professor Guy Rutty did not consider when he gave testimony to the inquiry about the various drugs found in Dawn’s urine sample, which we looked at in part 1.

Leaving that to one side, it is routine practice in ICUs to carry out what is called a “sedation hold” (or sedation interruption) with sedated patients, particularly those on mechanical ventilation. This means the administration of the drugs that are keeping the patient unconscious — generally done through an automatic pump or drips — are paused in order for the patient to emerge from their medically-induced sleep.

This practice is what Cockroft was referring to when he told DI Mant that he “would attempt to wake [the Skripals] later in the morning” when they had their phone conversation in the early hours of Monday.

It is not clear if Cockroft did in fact order a sedation hold for either Yulia or Sergei before he handed over responsibility for their care to Haslam on Monday afternoon, although the statements of both Cockroft and Haslam strongly suggest this would have been standard practice.

The evidence that sedation holds are helpful for a patient’s recovery is strong and a survey conducted 10 years before the Salisbury events suggested that 78% of ICUs in the UK carried out sedation holds on a daily basis or even more frequently.

“Sedation holds are things that we do two or three times a day,” Cockroft says in his statement from 2018 (p7). “When we have a longer term intensive care patient, by this I mean patients that are going to be with us for more than two days, it is routine practice to stop drugs that are sedating to patient to allow them to wake up and interact with the nursing staff or the Doctors.

“We want to know if they are pain free, we want to know if they are anxious, we want to know if they are breathless and it’s an opportunity to reassure the patient that they are fine.

“The other reason we do this is we want to make sure that we are not giving them too much sedation, as we want them to maintain muscular activity, it speeds up their convalescence, otherwise if you flatten them completely their muscles can take weeks longer to get them off of the ventilator and walking about.”

Whether or not a sedation hold had been ordered for Yulia or Sergei before, Haslam apparently ordered a sedation hold for Yulia on Thursday.

“I would like to ask you about … [Yulia’s] sedation hold,” Émilie Pottle KC, one of the barristers for the inquiry, asked Haslam (Day 8, p176). “Your colleague Dr Cockroft … explains [in his written statements] that you had ordered a sedation hold for Yulia on Thursday 8 March, which is a routine practice, he says; is that correct?”

“That’s correct,” Haslam replies.

“I think you told us earlier this afternoon that it is done in order for you to assess — it’s a normal practice for you to stop the sedation to see the neurological function; is that right?” Pottle asks.

That’s a standard, almost daily part of intensive care practice, yes,” Haslam replies.

“Dr Cockroft says that you had ordered the sedation hold, but that you weren’t present when Yulia Skripal regained consciousness; is that right?” Pottle asks.

“I wasn’t present in the room, but I was present on the intensive care unit… just round the corner in an office,” Haslam says.

Whether Haslam was present on the ICU or not, it seems Cockroft was the consultant called to respond to Yulia as she woke up by staff on the intensive care ward because they could not locate Haslam, or because he was temporarily unavailable, possibly in a meeting.

With the hospital having been informed by DSTL Porton Down that blood tests showed Yulia and Sergei had apparently been exposed to a nerve agent, Cockroft believed Yulia would have suffered severe neurological injury and permanent brain damage as a result.

But to his astonishment, he found this was not the case.

“An untoward event took place on Thursday 8 March 2018,” Cockroft writes in his statement from 2024 (p1, paragraph 2). “A colleague (Dr James Haslam) had ordered all sedation to be discontinued temporarily to Yulia Skripal … unfortunately, Dr Haslam [then] left the ICU without advising me.

“I was present on the ICU treating another patient … [and] Yulia Skripal regained consciousness very quickly. [She] was confused, frightened, trying to get out of bed and was pulling at her various vascular access lines and breathing tube. She was in severe danger of injuring herself.

“On entering her hospital room, I immediately took hold of her hands and tried to reassure her that she was safe. Simultaneously I asked the two nurses present to restart her sedation, but as these were infusion pumps it was going to take several minutes for sedation to become effective.

“Whilst these infusions were recommenced, I tried to reassure Yulia that she was safe, as was her father. I had absolutely no idea what they had both experienced on that fateful Sunday 4 March 2018 and had no idea if they had been attacked or would have had any knowledge or insight into the events that had led to their hospital admission.

“During those few minutes I asked Yulia if she had any recollection of her and her father being assaulted in some way. Fortunately, after some five minutes, she was safely sedated and support of her breathing could be re-established.”

In his 2018 statement, Cockroft says he was with another doctor — referred to only by her first name, Anna — while he attended to Yulia.

“Anna… is also a doctor, she is a visiting medical registrar, she is a very senior chest doctor [but] she ha[d] very little medical intensive care experience and [was] working in the ICU for training purposes,” Cockroft states (p1, paragraph 2).

It seems it was Anna who alerted Cockroft to Yulia’s rapid recovery of consciousness, and Anna also spoke to Yulia as nurses worked to re-establish her sedation. Cockroft describes his perception of Yulia’s neurological health as she did so.

“Anna explained [to Yulia] that she had just brought the intensive care unit consultant in,” Cockroft says (p3). “I was staggered to see Yulia with her eyes open and apparently responding in a meaningful way. Yulia was looking at Anna in a purposeful way, her eyes were wide open, her gaze was directed towards Anna in a way that suggested to me that she had good vision to perceive that Anna was the person that was talking to her.

“It wasn’t a response we would see from someone with brain damage for example, their gaze would not be as precise as it were, they may hear a noise but they don’t necessarily look towards it, however Yulia was looking directly at Anna and it was an encouraging sign.”

Cockroft gave more detail about what happened when he spoke to the inquiry in person.

“I will be honest with you, I was … gobsmacked,” Cockroft told Pottle (Day 9, p32).

This was a girl I never thought I would see move again. I never thought she would be capable of having a conversation. I was quite convinced she suffered catastrophic brain damage and I couldn’t believe that she could be as neurologically intact as she obviously was.

“She was looking at me, she was nodding, she was crying, she was absolutely terrified and I was explaining to her where she was … [trying to] offer some reassurance and all I desperately really wanted was the sedation to go back on and the whole thing to stop.”

Watching the inquiry’s YouTube stream Cockroft is very emotional as he recalls what happened. It seems he believes he was doing everything he could as a professional, and was acting entirely out of concern for Yulia.

Pottle picks up on a key part of Cockroft’s written statement (p4) about what he said to Yulia, where he writes: “I wanted to make a point of telling her that we knew she had been poisoned, that we knew what it was and that she was getting the right treatment to get her better.”

“At one stage you asked her about who had poisoned her?” Pottle asks.

“I asked if anybody had attacked them,” Cockroft replies. “[I said], ‘You have both been taken ill. Your father is in the next door room. We think you have both been poisoned. Did anybody attack you?’”

“Were you any more specific than, ‘Did anyone attack you?’” Lord Hughes, the chair of the inquiry, interjects.

“I think [I said] did anyone spray something over you?”, Cockroft replies.

“You asked if she had been sprayed?” Lord Hughes says.

“Yes,” Cockroft replies.

“Your words, not hers?” Lord Hughes asks.

“She couldn’t speak [because she was intubated],” Cockroft replies.

Yulia’s emergence from sedation and Cockroft’s testimony about his brief interaction with her is significant in a number of ways.

From the point of view of Cockroft’s career at SDH, it seems to have been something of a personal disaster. Although Haslam was apparently unconcerned by what had happened when it was reported to him, the hospital’s medical director, Christine Blanshard, took the view that Cockroft should not have spoken to Yulia about what might have happened to her, as this should have been left to the investigating authorities.

Cockroft was punished.

“I was suspended from working on the ICU with immediate effect until Yulia and Sergei had either been discharged or died,” Cockroft writes in his statement from 2024 (p2, paragraph 5). “Apparently by having had a conversation with Yulia Skripal I had been unprofessional and should have left such a conversation to the security services.”

Blanshard not only removed Cockroft from the ICU rota, but she told him that if he discussed any aspect of the poisoning of Sergei and Yulia with his colleagues at the hospital it would be treated as serious professional misconduct on his part.

“I was forbidden to discuss any aspect of the presentation, recognition or initial treatment of Yulia or Sergei Skripal,” Cockroft told the inquiry (Day 9, p37).

Cockroft was also prevented by Blanshard from speaking on the subject at two meetings where the poisonings were addressed: a meeting of the Health Protection Agency at Porton Down in April 2018, and a large meeting of SDH staff on 21 June 2018.

“I have to say I thought Dr Blanshard’s attitude was a little difficult,” Cockroft said (Day 9, p36). “You know, I was the consultant with 24 years’ intensive care experience. She trained in gastroenterology and I don’t think had ever worked on an intensive care unit.”

Blanshard allowed Cockroft back onto the ICU rota after both Yulia and Sergei had been discharged from SDH. Yulia was discharged from hospital on 9 April 2018, and Sergei was discharged on 18 May; Cockroft returned to work on the ICU the day after Sergei left the hospital (Day 9, p50).

Six months after this Cockroft resigned from his position to take a job in the private sector (Day 9, p38). Perhaps his decision was unrelated to his experiences as one of the first doctors to treat Yulia and Sergei Skripal when they arrived at SDH, and his treatment by Blanshard after he spoke to Yulia when she woke up from sedation.

But the significance of Cockroft’s conversation with Yulia is more extensive than the personal impact it may have had on him and his career at SDH.

Perhaps most significantly it is relevant to a decision that was taken by the UK Court of Protection on the Skripals’ behalf a full two weeks after they were admitted to hospital, due to their apparent total incapacitation.

Before Cockroft’s testimony to the inquiry, the account of the Skripals’ health (and that of DS Nick Bailey) was that they were, at least initially, in a critical condition and on the verge of death. The suggestion in the media at the time was that exposure to novichok, widely described as a horrifyingly deadly nerve agent, would have caused them catastrophic and probably permanent injury — just as Cockroft believed it had before Yulia woke up.

An experienced ICU consultant like Cockroft, on discovering during a sedation hold that one of his patients was far more “neurologically intact” than expected following their alleged exposure to a nerve agent, might then have been expected to order further sedation holds over the following days to investigate their patient’s condition further and begin to reduce their sedation.

But with Cockroft removed from the ICU rota by the hospital’s medical director Dr Blanshard and banned from speaking to his colleagues about any aspect of the alleged poisoning of the Skripals, the suggestion that their unconscious state was medically essential — or was a direct consequence of their alleged exposure to and injury by a nerve agent — was maintained.

This suggestion was reinforced when a team from the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) visited Salisbury at the invitation of the UK government to carry out an investigation into the alleged novichok attacks.

The OPCW, based at The Hague in The Netherlands, is a supposedly independent watchdog with the remit to investigate chemical weapons incidents worldwide, and an OPCW team was “deployed to the United Kingdom on 19 March [2018] for a pre-deployment and from 21 March to 23 March for a full deployment” in order to confirm — among other things — DSTL Porton Down’s discovery of traces of novichok in the Skripals’ blood.

This required fresh blood samples to be taken — but the Skripals were deemed to be incapable of giving consent for this due to their unconscious or comatose state, so a judgement from the Court of Protection was sought by the Salisbury NHS Foundation Trust and duly granted on 22 March, the penultimate day of the OPCW team’s visit to the UK.

“Both Mr and Ms Skripal remain in hospital under heavy sedation,” Justice Williams said in his written judgement. “The precise effect of their exposure on their long term health remains unclear albeit medical tests indicate that their mental capacity might be compromised to an unknown and so far unascertained degree … neither patient is expected to regain capacity by the time the sampling will be needed.”

Justice Williams noted that the medical opinion of “ZZ”, the Skripals’ unnamed “treating consultant” at SDH, was (p12):

a) Mr Skripal is heavily sedated following injury by a nerve agent.

b) Ms Skripal is heavily sedated following injury by a nerve agent.

c) Mr Skripal is unable to communicate in any way.

d) Ms Skripal is unable to communicate in any meaningful way.

e) It is not possible to say when or to what extent Mr or Ms Skripal may regain capacity.

Having blood samples taken was not the only invasive procedure the Skripals underwent at the time that they should have been asked consent for, if they had been able to give it.

Dr Haslam said in his written statement (p3) that “both patients underwent surgical tracheostomy formation on 21 March 2018” — meaning that when the OPCW team visited the Skripals in SDH to take their blood, they would have found them being ventilated not via their mouths but via surgical holes in their throats that had been made a day or two before.

There is no way the Skripals would have been able to communicate verbally under these circumstances, even if their sedation had been reduced to the point that they were able to recover consciousness.

Yulia’s tracheostomy tube was removed four days after the OPCW team returned to The Hague, having been in for a week. Sergei’s tube was removed two weeks after his daughter’s.

The BBC reporter and writer Mark Urban mentions the judgement of the Court of Protection in his book The Skripal Files, the first edition of which was published in October 2018. Urban was apparently working on a book about Sergei Skripal before the Salisbury events occurred, and his account has been generally accepted as the official version of events.

“Doctors had experimented with reducing [Yulia’s] ventilation as soon as 10 days after the attack,” Urban writes. “In court papers submitted on 20 March … Yulia is described as ‘unable to communicate in any meaningful way’.

“Within a few days of these proceedings (connected with the taking of samples by international observers) she was sufficiently improved, and sedation dialled back, that she was becoming ‘meaningful’.”

As we now know from Cockroft’s testimony, Yulia’s sedation had been “dialed back” once — at least briefly — a couple of weeks before, and according to both Haslam and Cockroft good clinical practice in the ICU is that this “dialing back” should have been a regular occurrence following the discovery that she was “neurologically intact”.

And as we shall see in a moment, Yulia was fully capable of communicating in a “meaningful way” when she was allowed to emerge from her sedation.

There are a couple of other points where Yulia’s early, unexpected return to consciousness was apparently airbrushed from the account that was given to the public at the time, maintaining the impression that the Skripals were critically injured and that their recovery — if it happened at all — was going to be more gradual than it actually was, at least in Yulia’s case.

Before The Skripal Files was published, Mark Urban made a 20 minute documentary programme for BBC Newsnight about the Salisbury events that was broadcast in May 2018, and which remains available for viewing on the BBC Newsnight YouTube channel.

About halfway through the programme, Urban says in voiceover: “After a couple of weeks [of the Skripals being hospitalised] there were gradual but distinct signs of progress. The exact timing of that, and details of the drugs given, remain matters of medical confidentiality.”

Urban was clearly being economical with the truth here, as he had been able to interview several of the medics at SDH for the programme — including the hospital’s medical director Dr Blanshard, who had removed Cockroft from the ICU and threatened him with a charge of medical misconduct if he told any of colleagues what he had discovered early on about Yulia’s good neurological condition.

It is worth reviewing a segment towards the end of the programme, when Urban asks Dr Blanshard how it is possible that the Skripals could have survived significant exposure to a nerve agent as deadly as novichok is supposed to be. Her body language is quite revealing.

“For those people who say, ‘Oh, if this was a nerve agent they’d be dead,’ what would your response to that be?” Urban asks Dr Blanshard.

“Well, they’re not,” Dr Blanshard replies, smiling nervously and avoiding eye contact by looking at her hands as she stumbles over her words. “The proof of the pudding is in the outcome [sic]… these wouldn’t be the first patients that have recovered from, for example, organophosphorus poisoning or other nerve agents.”

It is for the viewer to decide how convincing Dr Blanshard’s demeanour is.

She may have simply forgotten because of the drugs that she was being given to keep her sedated, but Yulia herself left out her brief return to consciousness from the one public statement she made about what happened to her. She gave this statement to camera for the world’s media on 23 May 2018, 44 days after she was discharged from SDH and just four days after her father left hospital.

Although Yulia had apparently previously said in a written statement that she hoped to give a full interview to the media when she was strong enough, when she did appear in public she simply read out a pre-prepared script and took no questions.

She has never been seen in public since.

“After 20 days in a coma I awoke to the news that we [she and Sergei] had been poisoned,” Yulia said, looking fully recovered apart from the scar on her neck caused by the tracheostomy she had undergone a day or two before the OPCW team had arrived in Salisbury to take her blood.

But in fact she had briefly woken up much earlier than that — after only four days in hospital — and had been able to respond in a “meaningful way” to the news that she had allegedly been poisoned then.

Bonus point: the testimony that wasn’t testimony

Between his two written statements and his personal testimony to the inquiry, the account that Cockroft gave of what happened when Yulia woke up following her sedation hold is unclear in certain areas — and because the lawyers involved in the inquiry did not ask him follow-up questions to pick up these ambiguities, a certain amount of guesswork is required around some of the statements he made.

For example, in some of the written testimony from 2024 that we have already looked at, Cockroft says: “I had absolutely no idea what [the Skripals] had both experienced on that fateful Sunday 4 March 2018 and had no idea if they had been attacked … [but] I asked Yulia if she had any recollection of her and her father being assaulted in some way.”

It appears from this that Cockroft had surmised Sergei and Yulia had been attacked, presumably because the staff at the ICU had been told by DSTL Porton Down that the Skripals had been exposed to a nerve agent. Cockroft may not have been told explicitly or officially that they were “attacked” or “assaulted” — which is perhaps why he said he had “absolutely no idea what they had both experienced” — but he seems to have made that assumption, which may be reasonable.

But Cockroft went further than that. He apparently guessed or suggested that Yulia and Sergei were attacked or assaulted with a spray, possibly because, as Dr Ord — the medical doctor who was passing by when the Skripals were discovered, and became one of the first responders — told the inquiry, “It’s very unusual for two people to be unwell at exactly the same moment, which was clearly what was happening”.

Cockroft may have imagined the Skripals were sprayed with poison at the same time and while they were together as a possible explanation for the near-simultaneous onset of effects in them both — a striking detail given their significant differences in terms of age, health and body weight.

As we have seen, the question that Cockroft asked Yulia about whether she had been sprayed with something was a detail that Lord Hughes picked up on — although his point seems to have been that this was not a claim she had made in her own words (an obvious point because she could not speak as she was intubated at the time).

In his 2018 statement Cockroft says he did not get a response to his questions asking Yulia if she was attacked or if something was sprayed over her, but he says: “I can recall Anna repeating some of the questions that I said, I can recall her asking did anyone attack you?” (p5).

Anna, the doctor who was with Cockroft while he was talking to Yulia, becomes important at this point because she apparently took notes of what Cockroft said and what Yulia’s responses were.

Cockroft’s statement continues: “After we put Yulia back to sleep, I really thought that was the end of the matter … I didn’t realise Anna had recorded the conversation I had with Yulia in her notes … [I] was just trying to reassure her. It was a conversation of … dubious significance because… she had just woken up from a coma. I wouldn’t have even wrote [sic] it in the notes … it was more to alert my colleagues that Yulia was not brain damaged.”

The fact that Anna took notes of the “conversation” Cockroft had with Yulia on Thursday 8 March is significant because it is referred to by Keith Asman, the head of forensics and digital investigations for the police’s southeast region counter-terrorism unit, in a statement he made for the inquiry that was signed on 23 October 2024.

In it Asman reports what he was told by a member of the police force code-named ‘DI VN104’ (p19, point 77).

“At some point after 2100 [on 8 March 2018] I spoke to DI VN104 who told me that Yulia Skripal had woken in hospital and had been spoken to by a medical professional, who had asked a series of questions,” Asman states.

“She was asked to blink a number of times dependant [sic] on whether the answer to the question was yes or no. Yulia Skripal was asked:

  • Do you remember what happened — blinked yes
  • Did you take anything at home — blinked no
  • Do you remember being poisoned — blinked yes
  • Do you remember being sprayed — blinked yes
  • Were you sprayed at home — blinked no
  • Were you sprayed at the restaurant — blinked yes
  • Do you know the person that sprayed you

“At this point Yulia Skripal was described as being emotional and fell unconscious. I made notes of my conversation with DI VN104 in one of my notebooks,” Asman states.

There seems little doubt that what ‘DI VN104’ is referring to and Asman is reporting in his statement to the inquiry is the interaction between Cockroft and Yulia, as recorded by Anna in her notes. But here Cockroft seems to know some significant details about Yulia and Sergei’s movements on the Sunday that they were allegedly attacked — particularly that they went from Sergei’s home to a restaurant.

It is also not clear how Cockroft established blinking “yes” and “no” as a means of communicating with Yulia. He almost certainly had experience of communicating with intubated patients in this way in the past — but it is a significant detail that he omitted from his statements and his personal testimony to the inquiry, where he emphasised that he was simply trying to calm Yulia down and reassure her.

During his appearance before the inquiry on Day 17 — eight sitting days after Cockroft gave testimony — Asman is asked by the barrister Francesca Whitelaw KC about the “blink interview” he describes in his statement.

In the exchange that follows Asman, Whitelaw and Lord Hughes agree that Yulia’s statement that she was sprayed in the restaurant is not credible, and should not be taken seriously.

They decide that her statement can be dismissed because the forensic evidence of novichok traces supposedly found at Zizzi’s was apparently too low for the restaurant to have been the primary location of the poison; because they felt Yulia was probably confused as she had just emerged from sedation; and because the idea of being sprayed was suggested to her by Cockroft and wasn’t expressed in her own words (even though she couldn’t speak as she was intubated).

When Yulia is reported to start crying, Asman suggests that this is because she was somehow involved in the plot to poison her father, and thought she had been identified as the culprit.

“We have heard evidence about how [Yulia] woke for a brief period in hospital and was spoken to by a doctor and here we see the information that was conveyed back to you from DI VN104,” Whitelaw says to Asman (Day 17, p72).

“We see there… the suggestion, which we now know not to be right, of course: ‘Do you remember being sprayed — blinked yes’; ‘Were you sprayed at the restaurant — blinked yes.’ My question for you is: how, if at all, this impacted on your investigations?”

“It only very slightly impacted on it,” Asman replies. “I wasn’t sure whether Yulia had wittingly or unwittingly been involved [in poisoning her father, an early hypothesis of Asman’s that he describes in his statement (p15, paragraph 59)] and … I did wonder to myself if she was crying because she felt maybe she had been identified … [but] apart from that, nothing else at all.”

“You were … following the forensics,” Whitelaw says.

“Absolutely, Asman replies. “It was information to have but not necessarily going to change my approach on anything.”

“This information … was it consistent or inconsistent with what you had found out in terms of forensic about the presence of Novichok at The Mill and 47 Christie Miller Road?” Whitelaw asks.

“I would say, was inconsistent on the basis that she said she was sprayed in the restaurant —” Asman replies.

Well, you see she didn’t,” Lord Hughes interjects. “If the record that you were given there is right, someone [Cockroft] suggested to her, ‘Had you been sprayed?’ She didn’t come up with it herself.”

“That is absolutely correct,” Asman replies. “Maybe I should rephrase to say the inference being she may have been sprayed in the restaurant, but that was not what we were seeing through the forensic results where there was only a low-level trace in that location, sir.”

“We, of course, bear in mind the circumstances that Yulia had been unconscious in hospital,” Whitelaw adds.

“Absolutely, sir, yes,” Asman replies.

“This is the so-called sedation hold, isn’t it,” Lord Hughes says. […] “But anyway the suggestion that she had been sprayed in the restaurant didn’t fit with your investigations?

“No, sir,” Asman replies.

And that’s where the inquiry’s interest in Yulia’s responses to Cockroft’s questions ends. The idea that she and her father could have been sprayed with a substance in Zizzi’s restaurant — potentially minutes before they sat on the bench where they were found — was dismissed, apparently without further investigation.

The “blink interview” was all simply the result of drug-induced confusion on Yulia’s part as far as the inquiry was concerned.

In her closing statements on Day 24, Lisa Giovannetti — the barrister for the police who, as we have seen, took a very superficial approach to the evidence when it came to the amount of liquid in the bottle found in Amesbury — made this argument explicitly.

“We say that you can place no real weight on the blink interview conducted with Yulia Skripal by Dr Cockroft, in which she is reported to indicate that she thought she had been sprayed in Zizzi’s,” Giovannetti told Lord Hughes. “If you’re satisfied on that, I won’t develop that point any further, but we say it’s inconsistent with the accounts she gave subsequently when she wasn’t under the influence of medication.”

“I say no more about it at the moment, Ms Giovannetti, but you need not push at that door,” Lord Hughes replies.

The inquiry’s dismissal of Yulia’s blink testimony is particularly striking given its ready acceptance of Charlie Rowley’s contradictory accounts, despite his admitted alcoholism and drug use affecting his memory.

While Yulia’s responses during her brief emergence from sedation were deemed too unreliable to consider seriously — even though the police had initially hypothesised that the Skripals had been poisoned in the restaurant “given the timings” (Day 15, p46) — Rowley’s frequently changing story about finding the bottle that allegedly killed Dawn was treated by inquiry as fundamentally credible.

To recap briefly on this critical testimony, upon which this narrative largely depends: Rowley variously claimed he couldn’t remember finding the bottle at all, that he found it in Salisbury, and that he picked it up off the street on his way to a chemist in Amesbury when he went there to collect his Methadone prescription (Day 22, p51). He also said at one point that he did not recognise the packaging of the bottle when it was shown to him (statement of Detective Chief Inspector Philip Murphy, paragraph 111).

Rowley later “became confident that he had found it shortly before he gave it to Dawn” in a bin (Day 1, p69), but this was dismissed by Cmdr Murphy of the Metropolitan Police Counter-Terrorism Command during his testimony to the inquiry because “the bins were emptied on a regular basis in that area”, (Day 22, p164) and therefore the bottle could not have remained where the two Russian secret agents allegedly dumped it for almost four months before Rowley supposedly found it.

The inquiry ultimately appeared to accept Cmdr Murphy’s “assessment … that Charlie Rowley was likely bin dipping on that day [4 March 2018, the day of the alleged novichok attack] and has recovered it on that day” (Day 22, p142) — an assessment seemingly based largely on the fact that there was CCTV footage of Rowley in the general vicinity of the Brown Street car park bins holding a black bin liner that afternoon. (Day 22, p135).

The Brown Street car park bins, we will recall, are the bins where O’Connor, the lead counsel to the inquiry, speculated as a “factual possibility” that the two Russian secret agents might have dumped their assassination weapon after going into the public toilets at Queen Elizabeth Gardens in order to take it apart and use their portable heat sealer to wrap it up in thick plastic — for a reason O’Connor didn’t speculate about.

If Rowley did find the bottle “minutes after” it was dumped, as Stephen Morris reported for The Guardian, this would mean he must have then held on to the bottle without attempting to sell it or giving it to Dawn for almost four months — something even Adam Straw, one of the barristers representing the Sturgess family, found hard to believe (Day 24, p29).

It seems to the family most unlikely that having intentionally picked up the box Charlie would then not either have given it to Dawn or tried to sell it for nearly four months,” Straw said. “He must have been aware of it during that period, not least because he moved property on 18 May 2018. Dawn’s birthday was 18 June which was an obvious moment to give it to her as a present.”

Despite these contradictions, the inquiry accepted Rowley’s testimony as the foundation of the case that connected Dawn’s death to the Skripal incident, despite his poor memory of the events, conflicting accounts, and well-documented and admitted drug abuse issues.

Yulia’s responses by contrast were dismissed as drug-induced confusion.

If all this seems like weak or circumstantial evidence, there’s more to come.

Point 8. The hotel room novichok that disappeared

The two Russian secret agents who allegedly contaminated Sergei Skripal’s front door handle with novichok on Sunday 4 March 2018 apparently travelled from Moscow to London to Salisbury to do so.

They stayed on the Friday and Saturday nights at a budget hotel in the Tower Hamlets area of London called the City Stay, and made the journey from London to Salisbury and back twice — on both the Saturday and the Sunday — flying out of the UK from London Heathrow back to Moscow on Sunday evening.

Although one might perhaps expect secret agents on an assassination mission — allegedly ordered by the president of Russia personally — to practise a little more operational security than using well-known travel booking websites to arrange their accommodation, it seems they booked the hotel through booking.com. Not only this, but it appears the City Stay hotel was a favourite of theirs, as they had stayed there at least once before on a previous visit to the UK in 2016, using the same — apparently false — names that they used in March 2018.

Cmdr Murphy told the inquiry (Day 20, p134) that the secret agents had previously stayed at the City Stay for five nights in December 2016, having travelled to London from Paris using the Eurostar train — and that this kind of movement, travelling indirectly from Russia via an intermediate country, was not unusual for them.

“This is a common pattern for [the two secret agents] when they fly into one place,” Murphy said. “So [in 2016] they … travelled from Paris to London in order to get to the UK … and stay at City Stay.”

The journeys that the secret agents had made around Europe in the past were revealed by their visa applications, which the police were able to obtain. Their phone numbers were also obtained by the police from these visa applications, as well as from a reservation that one of them had made through booking.com in late 2017 for a hotel in Geneva (see p11 of the police document here).

Their movements around London and Salisbury were supposedly traced by data from their mobile phones, which the secret agents apparently did not change for their mission to the UK in March 2018.

For their alleged assassination mission to Salisbury, the secret agents flew into London directly from Moscow and flew directly back again, without travelling via an intermediate destination. Their mobile phone data suggested that they made their journeys to and from the City Stay hotel by public transport — railway and the London Underground.

After the secret agents had returned to Russia, the police in the UK made a major breakthrough in their investigation into the Salisbury events when they discovered traces of novichok in the room of the City Stay hotel where the secret agents had stayed.

Murphy emphasised the significance of this discovery to the inquiry on Day 19 (p187) — a discovery that was communicated to him by ‘MK26’, the lead DSTL scientific advisor to the police investigations into the Salisbury and Amesbury poisonings.

“MK26 had supported the process of examining the room throughout,” Murphy said. “They informed me that of the 30 swabs taken, two… had returned a positive for Novichok. One was on the window latch and one was on the sink in the hotel room and that was clearly a very significant development… because it demonstrated that [the Russian secret agents] had been in a hotel room where we were now finding Novichok.”

“At this point … we didn’t yet have a recovered device that contained Novichok or anything else, so I was unable to link [the Russian secret agents] specifically to an amount of Novichok or a device of any kind,” Murphy continued. “This took us substantially further in demonstrating that a hotel room well away from Salisbury, in London [was] directly connected to our individuals … [because there was] a room in which they stayed [where] we were now finding contamination of Novichok.”

Murphy told the inquiry that the discovery was also significant for the police because it informed the Crown Prosecution Service’s decision to charge the two Russian secret agents with the attempted murder of Sergei and Yulia Skripal, as well as the policeman Nick Bailey.

“[The discovery] was a factor … in our engagement with the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS),” Murphy said (Day 19, p193). “So when considering charges we were very open and transparent about MK26’s results to ensure that the CPS were making an appropriately informed decision about charging decisions, where clearly Novichok in a hotel room where our two suspects had stayed was a very significant development.”

Giovannetti, the barrister representing the police, also highlighted the presence of novichok in the hotel room where the two Russian secret agents had stayed as a significant factor during her closing remarks.

“The presence of Novichok at the City Stay Hotel demonstrates that [the Russian secret agents] had the means to commit the attack,” she told Lord Hughes (Day 24, p95). “MK26 was a careful and obviously expert witness whose evidence we submit you can accept in full … [the secret agents] must have had the Novichok used in the attack on the Skripals with them in … the City Stay Hotel prior to the point that it was deployed.

“In short, before the attack they had possession of what was intended to be the murder weapon.”

There were, however, some remarkable details about this evidence that was apparently critical to the case against the two Russian secret agents.

The first fact to be understood is that the traces of novichok that the Russian secret agents supposedly left in the City Stay hotel were not discovered until two months after they had returned to Russia, during which time the room they had stayed in was of course used by a number of other guests.

Even after novichok was discovered in the hotel room, the police chose not to inform the owner of the hotel, who only became aware that his establishment had been contaminated with military grade nerve agent when this was announced to the public in September 2018.

This contrasts sharply with the way the authorities responded to other sites that they believed had been contaminated with novichok.

The Mill pub where Sergei and Yulia Skripal had had a drink was closed on 5 March, the day after their alleged poisoning, and remained closed for decontamination and refurbishment for more than a year.

Zizzi’s restaurant was ordered to close by the police on the same day and was closed for eight months.

Skripal’s house in Christie Miller Road had its roof timbers replaced in January 2019 and wasn’t declared decontaminated until March 2019.

The brand-new building in Amesbury where Charlie Rowley briefly lived and where he and Dawn collapsed was demolished in October 2020.

Murphy told the inquiry that when the public announcement was made that the hotel room in the City Stay hotel had been discovered to have been contaminated with novichok, he traced all the guests who had stayed there since the Russian secret agents left. It seems none had become ill while they were in the UK, and Murphy put “a plan in place” (Day 19, p189) whereby he could contact them in future if necessary — although how he would know when there might be any necessity from their point of view is not clear.

“That room had been in use since 4 March, so I did a lot of research into — I should say covert research nonetheless — into all those individuals that had stayed in that room in the intervening period,” Murphy said. “I then took some health and science advice to understand the implications for those individuals had the room potentially had higher levels of contamination… and was able to ascertain that those people were from all over the world.

“None — on the basis of what we could discover — had reported any illness at all before they left the country and so I was able to put a plan in place that meant that I could contact these individuals at some point in the future, explain their connection to the room and offer them the ability to access a doctor if necessary for some advice.

“Although none were ill [it] took a great deal of planning now to consider the health and safety implications for the public of a number of bookings in that room since [the two secret agents] left it [in March 2018] and our discovery in early May of Novichok.”

Perhaps Murphy and the police were less concerned about the novichok discovered at the City Stay hotel than they were about the contamination at places like The Mill pub or Zizzi’s restaurant because the levels of novichok found in the hotel room were apparently so low. Yet this same evidence — too insignificant to warrant warning hotel guests or decontaminating the room — was simultaneously significant enough to serve as a critical component in charging the Russian secret agents with attempted murder.

The traces of novichok that ‘MK26’ and DSTL Porton Down supposedly identified at the hotel were quite infinitesimally small — as they would have to be, for a nerve agent of such extraordinary toxicity to present no risk to the people who stayed in the room after the secret agents left.

The inquiry heard that if the traces of novichok had been any lower, the equipment used to detect it at DSTL Porton Down would not have been able to find it at all. ‘MK26’ reported this in one of their witness statements, and confirmed it in person when asked about it by O’Connor.

“The swab from the window latch and that taken from the bathroom sink were positive for the specific Novichok nerve agent at levels close to the limit of detection of the instruments used for the analysis,” ‘MK26’ stated (p20). “All other samples from the City Stay hotel were negative for the presence of the specific Novichok nerve agent.”

‘MK26’ is referring here to levels of nerve agent detected at a concentration of parts per billion, parts per trillion or even lower. This is because incredibly tiny amounts of a substance can be detected by modern mass spectrometry devices such as those that are available to the scientists at DSTL Porton Down. This means sub-microgram quantities of novichok — or nanogram levels — were allegedly discovered at the hotel, if they really were found at the limit of detection for such instruments of analysis.

Making a positive identification of a substance at such ultra-trace levels means rigorous validation is needed to ensure the results are accurate and false positives have not been created by environmental contamination, handling, preparation or other potential of sources of error. Minute amounts of background “noise”, such as cleaning chemicals for example, can potentially interfere with the results through what is called the matrix effect. In the case of the City Stay hotel, the room would have been cleaned multiple times by hotel staff before the swabs were taken.

This potential for error or cross-contamination emerged during the investigation when a “shaker” [a device in an isolated laboratory cabinet used to agitate samples as part of the extraction process] at DSTL Porton Down tested positive for trace levels of novichok — at similar levels to those allegedly found in the hotel room — while the samples were analysed.

Because the levels of contamination were similar, ‘MK26’ suggested that this was an anomalous result that didn’t invalidate the results from the hotel. MK26 suggested that the levels of novichok on the shaker should have been lower if they were the result of cross-contamination (Day 16, p162), and emphasised that the procedures and protocols at DSTL Porton Down to guard against cross-contamination were in any case extremely robust (Day 16, p73).

A second set of swabs was taken from the bathroom sink and the window latch in the room where the two secret agents had stayed, to establish if the results could be reproduced and confirmed. Reproducibility, of course, is a cornerstone of the scientific method, and confirmation is essential in forensic science if the evidence is to be admissible.

But this second set of samples came back negative.

‘MK26’ offered an explanation for this that was far from rigorous science, and could be described at best as a weak hypothesis. ‘MK26’ claimed that the first swabs had removed every trace of the evidence, effectively destroying it forever. Reproduction and confirmation of the result was therefore impossible.

“You describe in your statement that there was a second exercise, a repeat sampling of the room,” O’Connor says to ‘MK26’ (Day 16, p165). “Was that partly because of… concerns [that] had already arisen about possible cross contamination?

“It was to see whether or not we could find … further confirmatory samples,” ‘MK26’ replies. “The second sampling really focused on those areas where we had already found the positives, so we were just looking for further corroboration really and for completeness.”

“In fact, as you explain in your statement, the results of that second exercise were negative — were entirely negative — including from the window latch and bathroom sink areas that you had previously obtained the positive from,” O’Connor says. “Does that alter your assessment, your 95 per cent confidence about … the validity of those earlier readings?”

“No, it doesn’t change my assessment because the levels that we found on that first sampling visit were very low,” ‘MK26’ replies. “Therefore it is entirely conceivable that those areas that were contaminated, that contamination was removed in that first swabbing and if there was any at all that remained, it would have been below our limit of detection, and so we wouldn’t have found it.”

This critical evidence — the importance of which was emphasised by Cmdr Murphy in the context of the investigation and the charges made by the CPS, and by Giovannetti in showing that the secret agents had the means to make the attack on Sergei Skripal — appears to be a particle of nerve agent allegedly found at the concentration of one part per billion or less, by a laboratory that produced a false positive while looking for it, and which was so small the evidence was allegedly destroyed through testing.

It is no surprise that Giovannetti emphasised the expertise of ‘MK26’ and appealed to authority in her closing statements to Lord Hughes, saying he should accept the evidence of ‘MK26’ in full. The quality of the evidence in scientific terms was extremely poor, and its credibility depended heavily on the expert credentials of the witness presenting it.

But ‘MK26’ and DSTL Porton Down were to make even grander and more extraordinary claims to the inquiry on the basis of their expert credentials, with even less scientific grounds to support them.

Part 3: How Skripal trusted Putin, and the witnesses that didn’t appear

Tim Norman lives on the south coast of England and began his career in technology journalism in the 1990s writing about the then-emerging internet. He has worked in editorial production roles for local, national and international media and on daily, weekly and monthly publications. A member of the NUJ, he was Father of the Chapel at The Argus in Brighton when the newspaper went on strike in 2011.

April 7, 2025 Posted by | Deception, False Flag Terrorism, Russophobia, Timeless or most popular | | Leave a comment