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Book review: Boiling Point, How America Brought War to Ukraine

By Tim Kirby | Strategic Culture Foundation | November 14, 2026

Did Vladimir Putin just wake up one day on the wrong side of the bed and decide to invade Ukraine in February of 2022 or is there a lot more to this single decision that has been reshaping the 21st century geopolitical landscape? Obviously, from the way that I just posed the question you can see that I am on the side that views the causes for the war in Ukraine to be very deep, long-term, historical and consciously nefarious, and most importantly, not from within the halls of the Kremlin. So it was a pleasure to take a look at the book “Boiling Point, How America Brought War to Ukraine” by author Stephen Kinzer, who like myself, also believes that the real reasons behind military conflicts around the world are not what CNN and the BBC have been telling you. The main thesis of this book was stated clearly by its creator; the war “may have been illegal, but it was definitely not unprovoked.”

Financing terror with American wealth since 1945

The thing that unites terrorists, journalists, and activists is that they all have to be financed by ‘someone’ in order to keep their activities going. Kinzer rightfully points out that the terror acts of Stepan Bandera, and others of his ilk, right after WWII, used for the vague goal of destabilizing the USSR, were only worth the American money if one wanted to usher in a Cold War. It is true that at the time communist revolutionary action was still a hot commodity. Right after the big war ended there would be a whole wave of mid-century red revolutions, and thus the USA did need to defend itself from a similar fate. But did financing Bandera actually provide this defense, or instead did it only justify commie terror against the capitalists even more so?

It is important to note that the Russians often refer to the post Maidan regime in Kiev as the “Banderite Regime” because this one particular mass murderer of civilians sits atop the pantheon of Ukrainian heroes. Bandera could have been left to history as one of many ugly faces that sided with Hitler and committed atrocities, but sadly, Washington chose to keep the PR campaign for this figure going for nearly a century now. Ukrainian nationalism has always been a well-financed tool to be used against Russia, and that is why old murderous Stevie gets a lot of hype and peaceful poets do not. Ukrainian nationalism that is not to be used as cannon fodder against the Kremlin has no value to Washington.

This doubling down on celebrating Hitler’s terrorists as national heroes is one of the reasons why, beyond pragmatic ‘demilitarization’, the Kremlin has wanted ‘denazificiation’ of Ukraine since the very beginning of the Special Military Operation.  This is not a factor of “everyone I don’t like is a Nazi” but an actual core factor in Putin’s decision making. It is critically important that the author of Boiling Point put major focus on the financing of terror against Russia for generations without any long-term logic that could be justified to the American people who paid for it.

The Cold War should have ended in 1991

Boiling Point exceptionally sheds light onto the fact that NATO expansion was a cause for the war in Ukraine that almost everyone saw coming, even in the West. Since the end of the Cold War in 1991 all of the Kremlin’s pleas to keep NATO far from its borders were ignored. And, by 2008 it had already been mostly decided that Ukraine and Georgia were going to be prepped to become alliance members.

If one views the West as the benevolent bringer of prosperity, democracy, puppies and rainbows then NATO expansion should not have been seen as a threat. However, the Russians saw Serbia, Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya etc. all being blown to bits by the benevolent ones for dubious reasons. Kinzer does a good job of expressing how the Kremlin saw all of these NATO expansions as a massive growing threat that was being designed to ultimately and finally destroy Russia and Russians entirely. The whole ‘Biolab’ network and now ‘Torture Chamber’ scandal are very strong evidence that the Russians were correct on this point. The fact that numerous Western politicians have claimed that the war in Ukraine is good because Russia is being weakened while NATO troops are not dying (in large numbers) is a great thing from a cost/benefit analysis standpoint, only proves Kinzer’s point completely.

All color revolutions are stained by foreign influence

Perhaps 30 years ago in a pre-internet world we could be logically so naïve as to see color revolutions as being as natural of a phenomenon as rain or a sunset, but the times have changed. As I often say in my public speeches, “people don’t rise up themselves, they are risen up by outside forces” and the various revolutions in Ukraine are no exception. Oliver Stone’s “Ukraine on Fire” provides an excellent break down of just how the ironically named Revolution of Dignity, or in common parlance The Maidan, was orchestrated and executed by the West including Washington.  Boiling Point also includes material about this critical aspect of why the War in Ukraine started, if there wasn’t money being pumped into a nationalist anti-Russian revolution in Kiev, things would have remained the way they were; calm and neutral. But then again, over time perhaps a ‘Resurgent Russia’ could have begun to drag Ukraine back home with soft power. That was something the Russophobes in the West could not accept under any circumstances. Supposedly, one criticism of Boiling Point is that it gives the Ukrainian side themselves, including the masses, no agency in these broad historical events. This criticism must come from a highly biased or extremely naïve schmuck, for countries do not commit suicide and act in direct contrast to their national interest when they have agency.

Biden could have negotiated, but didn’t

In December of 2021 the Russians submitted a list of demands for consideration in terms of how to redraw the security architecture of Europe. This was done in theory to make everyone happy and avoid war. As history notes Team Biden and their mighty Autopen unilaterally rejected every one of the Kremlin’s points without even discussing them or providing an explanation. The global hegemon does not negotiate with oil-pumping aboriginals, and thus the final chance for peace was thrown into the dumpster of history thanks to our good old friend hubris. Ironically, it looks like the exact same Kremlin security talking points are at least being humored and discussed by the American side as we speak. Potentially two million lives have been lost and many more millions displaced all for this whole theatre of the absurd to come full circle, right back to the discussions that should have happened in December, 2021.

A good thorough read

Boiling Point, How America Brought War to Ukraine by Stephen Kinzer presents a well-organized autopsy of the terrible foreign policy decisions that have led us to the bloody war in Ukraine and verge of nuclear apocalypse, especially from the American side. This book really explains to the reader what the media consciously does not. Give it a try.

November 15, 2026 Posted by | Book Review, Deception, Militarism, Russophobia | , , , | Comments Off on Book review: Boiling Point, How America Brought War to Ukraine

Israel Revives The ‘Iranian Assassination Threat Against Trump’ Deception In A Desperate Bid To Restart The War

By Justin K.P. | The Dissident | November 14, 2026

Israel is clearly desperate to get Trump to restart the Iran war, and is pulling out every deception it can to further that goal.

The New York Times reported on November 3rd that “Israel has shared intelligence with the United States asserting that Iran is considering the use of chemical weapons against its adversaries”, a clearly fabricated claim, with the New York Times noting that “American officials see the Israeli intelligence as part of a pressure campaign by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government to persuade the Trump administration to return to major combat operations against Iran”, and that Gulf countries that Israel shared the “intelligence” with “believe Israel is trying to push the United States and its partners to return to a more intense phase of the war.”

With the recycled WMD deception clearly not working, Israel has moved on to another deception that historically has worked in getting Trump to ratchet up the war with Iran, the claim that Iran is going to kill him.

The Miriam Adelson-funded outlet Israel Hayom writes that , “The prospects of reaching an agreement between the US and Iran, even a preliminary one, have diminished significantly in recent days, partly because of intelligence the Mossad provided to the CIA indicating that Iran intends to target President Donald Trump and senior members of his administration. Senior Israeli and American officials told Israel Hayom that the threats were among the main factors behind Trump’s recent shift in his approach to negotiations with Tehran”.

Fabricated claims of an Iranian assassination attempt against Trump have been the primary deception used by Israeli intelligence and its Neo-conservative allies in the U.S. to draw Trump into the Iran war.

As journalists Max Blumenthal and Ken Silva exposed, the Iran assassination deception was first created by the FBI on the campaign trail of 2024, where FBI assets staged a sting operation entrapping Pakistani national Asif Merchant into supposedly agreeing to assassinate Trump for Iran.

“A closer look at the Merchant case reveals that at the very least… it was a highly controlled FBI sting operation that never posed a threat to Trump. More nefariously, records and whistleblower disclosures indicate that Merchant may have been the patsy in a case totally fabricated by the undercover agents”, Ken Silva noted.

All parties involved in the supposed “assassination attempt” outside of Asif Merchant were either undercover FBI assets or agents.

As Max Blumenthal documented, “Almost as soon as Merchant entered the US, the FBI introduced him to a confidential informant posing as a potential business partner and operating under the alias, Nadeem Ali. The informant had served as translator for the US military during its occupation of Afghanistan … Though Merchant did not propose any crimes, the FBI wiretapped a meeting between him and the informant, Ali, in a hotel room on June 3, 2024. There, Merchant was taped making a supposed ‘ finger gun’motion while mentioning an unspecified ‘opportunity’ … According to the FBI, Merchant had outlined a highly complex plot which required the hiring of two hitmen… Virtually penniless, Merchant was forced to gather the cash from an anonymous ‘associate,’ according to the DOJ indictment. Next, the FBI informant took him on a winding journey from Boston to New York City, where he allegedly handed the money to two other FBI informants posing as hit men.”

Israel capitalized on this apparent entrapment operation and took it a step further, making baseless claims that Iran was somehow involved in the serious assassination attempts against Trump in Butler, Pennsylvania, and at Mar-a-Lago.

As journalist Max Blumenthal reported:

On June 15, 2025, days after launching an unprovoked war on Iran, Netanyahu took to Fox News to manipulate Trump into joining the assault. The Israeli leader appeared to know exactly which psychological vulnerabilities to exploit.

“These people who chant death to America, tried to assassinate President Trump twice,” Netanyahu declared, asserting without a shred of evidence that Iran was behind both the Butler assassination attempt and the one at Mar a-Lago.

“Do you have intel that the assassination attempts on President Trump were directly from Iran?” a visibly startled Fox News host Bret Baier asked.

“Through proxies, yes. Through their intel, yes. They want to kill him,” stated Netanyahu with a cocksure gaze.

Following this deception, and the June 2025 bombing of Iran for Israel, the White House tweeted an image of Trump with the caption, “I was the hunted, now I’m the hunter,” apparently using the fabricated Iranian assassination threat to justify the war for Israel.

Prior to the launch of the war in Iran in February, Benjamin Netanyahu and his Neo-conservative allies such as Lindsey Graham heavily focused on the fabricated claims of Trump facing assassination attempts from Iran to get him to launch the war.

Reuters reported that shortly before starting the war with Iran, “Netanyahu, ‌determined to move forward with an operation he had urged for decades, argued that there might never be a better chance to kill Khamenei and to avenge previous Iranian efforts to assassinate Trump”, adding that “the call amounted to the Israeli leader’s closing argument to his U.S. counterpart” and that “the three sources briefed on ​the call said they believed it … was a catalyst for Trump’s final decision to order the military on February 27 to move ahead with Operation Epic Fury.”

Lindsay Graham similarly focused on this deception in his attempt to get Trump to launch the war with Iran, with the Wall Street Journal reporting that, “On Iran, Graham likened Iran’s leader to Adolf Hitler and told Trump that Iran was in a historically weak position. They talked about the regime’s efforts to assassinate Trump in 2024” in a report on Graham’s attempt to get Trump into the war.

Graham apparently concluded that the assassination deception was the most effective in convincing Trump, with the Wall Street Journal reporting that Graham “spoke with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, coaching him on how to lobby the president for action. Netanyahu showed the president intelligence that persuaded Trump to go ahead, Graham said”, an apparent reference to the phone call reported on by Reuters where Netanyahu honed in on the assassination deception.

Israel yet again revived the deception in August of this year, when Trump flew out of Turkey based on fabricated Israeli claims of another Iranian assassination attempt.

According to the Washington Post :

U.S. intelligence officials were skeptical of an Iranian assassination threat against President Donald Trump that was relayed by Israel and prompted an extraordinary clandestine maneuver that saw him secretly fly out of Turkey in an alternate military aircraft, current and former U.S. officials familiar with the intelligence said.

The assassination threat was relayed by the Israeli government to the CIA, where analysts did not view the intelligence as compelling and conveyed that skepticism to Trump administration officials, one of the officials said.

Another official called the reports of threats against Trump’s life “Israeli-derived, not U.S.-generated, and viewed as low confidence.”

“Some U.S. intelligence officials saw Israel’s sharing of the warning about threats to Trump’s life as designed less to inform than to influence the president’s decision-making and U.S. policy in the region,” the report added.

It is more than clear that the current Israeli “intelligence sharing” is nothing more than a recycling of the deception that has had so much success in goading Trump into war with Iran in the past.

The only question remaining, if Trump is not convinced, will Israel continue with simply fabricated intelligence reports, or will they grow desperate enough to resort to a false flag operation? Only time will tell.

November 14, 2026 Posted by | Deception, False Flag Terrorism, Wars for Israel | , , | Comments Off on Israel Revives The ‘Iranian Assassination Threat Against Trump’ Deception In A Desperate Bid To Restart The War

US rewrites history to dodge blame for illegal war on Iran: Foreign Ministry spokesperson

Press TV · November 14, 2026

Iran’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmail Baghaei has firmly rejected a “new deceptive narrative” peddled by American officials, who claim the United States did not start the war with Iran and that Tehran somehow initiated hostilities with the 1979 Islamic Revolution.

In a detailed post on X on Saturday, Baghaei said Washington is desperately trying to evade responsibility for the “catastrophic human, economic, and geopolitical consequences” of its unlawful aggression against the Islamic Republic.

He stressed that the 1979 Islamic Revolution was a legitimate struggle by the Iranian people to reclaim their sovereignty, freedom, and human dignity after decades of foreign interference, particularly the bitter memory of the 1953 CIA-backed coup that toppled the democratically elected government of Mohammad Mosaddegh.

“Military aggression has a clear definition,” Baghaei stated. “No matter how desperately American officials try to evade the issue, they cannot erase from the minds of the American people or the world the fact that it was the United States that twice, in less than nine months, launched unprovoked aggression against Iran in the midst of diplomatic negotiations.”

He pointed to the US-Israeli military offensive that began on February 28, during which American forces assassinated senior Iranian officials, including Supreme Leader Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei, killed and wounded Iranian women and children, and destroyed vital civilian infrastructure.

Baghaei noted that Washington had now reached a military and political dead end and was attempting both to deny responsibility for starting the war and to conceal its failure to achieve its objectives behind a false narrative of victory.

He added that the American political establishment had itself acknowledged at the highest levels that the war against Iran was the principal cause of its electoral defeat.

Turning to the deeper historical roots of the conflict, the Iranian official listed a long chain of US hostile actions: the 1953 coup; Washington’s political, intelligence, military, and financial support for Saddam Hussein’s regime during the eight-year imposed war on Iran; the Reagan administration’s complicity in Iraq’s use of chemical weapons against Iranian civilians and soldiers; the obstruction of UN Security Council efforts to hold Baghdad accountable; direct US Navy involvement in Saddam’s aggression in April 1988; the downing of Iran Air Flight 655 over the Persian Gulf in July 1988, killing all 290 people on board; sweeping economic sanctions designed to harm the Iranian people; the unilateral withdrawal from the JCPOA and the reinstatement of the “maximum pressure” campaign; the assassination of anti-terror commander Qassem Soleimani; and numerous other interventions.

“The United States cannot escape responsibility for its decision to launch an unlawful war of choice against Iran on 28 February 2026 by turning back the clock or redefining the meaning of war,” Baghaei concluded. “The United States has been both the instigator of historical hostility toward the Iranian nation and the initiator of military aggression against Iran.”

The remarks come amid continued US attempts to pressure Iran through military threats, economic blockade measures, and efforts to recruit other countries into hostile actions in the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz, actions that Tehran has repeatedly warned will be met with a crushing and proportionate response.

Iranian officials have consistently maintained that any further aggression will expand the war beyond US control, while reaffirming the Islamic Republic’s readiness to defend its sovereignty and the security of the region.

November 14, 2026 Posted by | Deception, Timeless or most popular, War Crimes, Wars for Israel | , | Comments Off on US rewrites history to dodge blame for illegal war on Iran: Foreign Ministry spokesperson

Araghchi: Failure to punish aggressors against Iran endangers all nations

Press TV · November 13, 2026

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has warned that failure to hold the US and Israel accountable for their aggression against Iran would undermine international law and put every country’s security at risk.

In an article published by Kyodo News, Araghchi reiterated that the US-Israeli attacks against Iran “constitute a clear violation of the prohibition on the use of force and an infringement of Iran’s sovereignty”.

“The US military attack on Iran had no authorization from the Security Council, nor can allegations of possible future threats, in themselves, provide a sufficient legal basis for invoking self-defense,” he added.

The minister warned that implications of such a violation of international law extend “far beyond Iran’s security or the balance of power in the Middle East”.

“What is ultimately at stake is the credibility of an international legal order designed to prevent states from resorting to force at will,” Araghchi said.

“If power is permitted to prevail over law, Iran will not be the only casualty. The foundations of the international legal order, and the authority of the UN Charter itself, will also be at risk.”

Iran’s top diplomat warned that if aggressor states are not held accountable, “no country’s security can be taken for granted”.

He stressed that the prohibition on the use of force is “a binding obligation that applies equally to all states” and not a concession that powerful states make to weaker ones.

Araghchi also emphasized that the US must end its aggression against Iran, respect Iran’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and provide reparation for the damage caused by the unlawful, unjustified strikes.

They are “matters of legal obligation, not political goodwill”, he stated.

Referring to attacks on schools, sports stadiums, civilian infrastructure, and nuclear facilities subject to International Atomic Energy Agency safeguards in Iran, Araghchi said these attacks must also be examined in light of the rules of international humanitarian law.

“Parties to an armed conflict are required to distinguish between military targets and civilians, refrain from disproportionate attacks, and take all feasible precautions to minimize harm to civilians and civilian infrastructure.”

He also stressed that Iran “retains the right of self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter in response to an armed attack”.

The US and Israel launched another round of aggression against Iran on February 28, some eight months after carrying out unprovoked attacks on the country.

Iran swiftly retaliated by launching barrages of missiles and drones at the Israeli-occupied territories, as well as US bases and interests across the region.

November 14, 2026 Posted by | Militarism, War Crimes | , , | Comments Off on Araghchi: Failure to punish aggressors against Iran endangers all nations

Iran tells UN Security Council to stop reversing roles of ‘aggressor and victim’

Press TV · November 13, 2026

Iran’s ambassador to the United Nations has slammed Western members of the Security Council for their “hypocrisy and double standards,” demanding that the United States immediately end its war of aggression and lift its illegal naval blockade if it is genuinely committed to diplomacy.

Addressing a Security Council meeting on Friday regarding rising tensions in the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz, Gholamhossein Darzi stressed that the root causes of the current situation are the unprovoked wars of aggression launched by the US and the Israeli regime on June 13, 2025, and February 28, 2026.

“The US is the aggressor, not the victim,” Darzi declared, condemning the assassination of Iran’s Leader Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei, senior officials, and nuclear scientists.

He emphasized that the Council must direct its demands at the aggressor, not the victim, and called on the US to cease all illegal threats and comply fully with the UN Charter.

Detailing the devastating civilian toll of the US-Israeli bombing campaigns, the Iranian envoy noted that over 5,000 innocent Iranians have been killed, including 254 children and 251 women.

He specifically highlighted egregious war crimes committed by US forces, including a Tomahawk missile strike on a school in Minab that martyred 168 children, and an attack on a stadium in Lamerd that killed at least 21 civilians.

Darzi also condemned US Secretary of War Pete Hegseth for declaring “no quarter, no mercy”—a blatant violation of international humanitarian law—and cited President Donald Trump’s repeated threats to destroy Iran’s civilian bridges and power plants.

The ambassador emphasized that the insecurity surrounding the Strait of Hormuz is a direct consequence of these American crimes.

“The US cannot bomb Iran, violate its sovereignty, target civilian infrastructure, impose a military and naval blockade, and deploy illegal coercive schemes like ‘Operation Economic Outcast’ and ‘Task Force Iron Gate’ to collectively punish 90 million people, and then expect the Strait of Hormuz to return to normal as if nothing happened,” he stated.

Warning to aggressors

While affirming that Iran has never closed the door to diplomacy and has entered negotiations in good faith over the past two years, Darzi noted that Washington has consistently chosen aggression over dialogue, creating deep mistrust.

“If Washington is truly committed to a diplomatic solution, it must immediately and unconditionally end its aggression, provide credible guarantees of non-repetition, respect Iran’s sovereign rights, lift the naval blockade and all other unlawful unilateral coercive measures, and demonstrate its real commitment to diplomacy in practice,” he said.

Issuing a warning to the Council, Darzi added: “Let me be explicit and clear: Any renewal of the aggressive war by the US and the Israeli regime will be met with an immediate, decisive, and unwavering response; a response that will target the source of the aggression, wherever it may be.”

Darzi also firmly rejected UNSC Resolution 2817 (2026), calling it a politically motivated abuse of the Council’s authority that legitimizes aggression and denies Iran’s inherent right to self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter.

Furthermore, he sharply criticized remarks by the representatives of Bahrain and the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), accusing certain regional states of complicity in war crimes.

By providing their territory, airspace, and military bases to the US and Israel, these states have facilitated the aggression and bear international responsibility, he argued, adding that they are legally obligated to fully compensate Iran for all material and moral damages inflicted upon the country.

China, Russia demand end to war

The UNSC meeting also saw strong backing for Iran’s position from China and Russia, both of whom emphasized that the war of aggression against Iran must end immediately and that there is no alternative to negotiations.

China’s Ambassador Fu Cong stated that the conflict must be decisively ended, noting that “there are no winners in war and conflict.”

He stressed that the precondition for resolving regional issues is an immediate ceasefire, the cessation of the illegal use of force, and a halt to unilateral military actions.

Fu urged all parties to act with a sense of responsibility toward their people and history, and to reach a comprehensive ceasefire as soon as possible rather than returning to armed confrontation.

He also praised the mediation efforts of Qatar and Pakistan, encouraging the US and Iran to firmly choose peace and resume dialogue to reach a comprehensive agreement.

Russia’s Deputy Ambassador Anna Evstigneeva was even more direct in identifying the root cause of the crisis.

“The root cause of these developments is clear. In late February, the US and Israel launched an aggression against Iran,” she declared.

She highlighted the targeting of Iranian civilians, specifically mentioning the shock the world felt over the killing of more than 150 children in a missile strike on a school in Minab.

She also condemned the assassination of Iran’s Leader and senior officials, as well as the targeting of civilian nuclear infrastructure, which created a direct risk of a nuclear catastrophe.

Evstigneeva stressed that only fair and honest negotiations can resolve the crisis, expressing Russia’s readiness to provide all necessary assistance to achieve tangible results.

In contrast to the calls for an end to aggression, representatives from the US, France, and the UK repeated their familiar anti-Iran rhetoric, completely ignoring the US-Israeli wars of aggression that triggered the current crisis.

Jennifer Lockett, the US Deputy Representative to the UN, blamed Iran for the regional instability without mentioning a single word about Washington’s and Tel Aviv’s attacks on Iran.

She claimed that Iran’s missiles, drones, and naval mines in the Strait of Hormuz threaten global energy and food security, urging the Council to hold Iran accountable for its actions.

The French and UK ambassadors similarly aligned with Washington, accusing Iran of destabilizing activities while failing to condemn the initial acts of aggression against Iranian sovereignty.

November 14, 2026 Posted by | Progressive Hypocrite, Wars for Israel | , , , , , | Comments Off on Iran tells UN Security Council to stop reversing roles of ‘aggressor and victim’

Disgraced neocons Feith & Libby: stop whining about ‘endless war’

For some reason the Washington Post thinks we care about what these Iraq War architects have to say about anything

By Jim Lobe | Responsible Statecraft | November 12, 2026

Apparently, it takes the prospect of ending the war on Iran to get the blood running hot in aging and otherwise reclusive neoconservatives — particularly those whose tenures as key architects of the 2003 Iraq invasion and subsequent occupation were both short-lived and disastrous.

Douglas Feith, who served as undersecretary of defense for policy (2001-2005), and Lewis “Scooter” Libby, Vice President Dick Cheney’s powerful national security adviser and chief of staff (2001-2005), co-authored an op-ed published Monday by the Washington Post entitled “’Endless wars’ is a catchy phrase, not a reason to shift policy.”

Evoking the wartime steadfastness demonstrated by Abraham Lincoln in the Civil War; Winston Churchill – naturally, these are neoconservatives, after all — against the Nazis, Dwight Eisenhower in Korea; and Ronald Reagan in concluding the Cold War, the duo urged America to steel itself for more war.

“None of these leaders wanted endless sacrifice and risks, but none buckled for fear of them,” they wrote, suggesting a parallel with the current war on Iran. “Each understood that an enemy’s willingness to endure a long struggle does not make one’s own ‘endless’ resistance foolish.”

In assessing the wisdom behind their words, some context may be in order.

First, the authors, both proteges of the “Prince of Darkness,” Richard Perle, who served as chairman of the Defense Policy Board in the run-up to the 2003 Iraq invasion, are dyed-in-the-wool, hard-core neoconservatives in that they believe as much, or perhaps more, in Israel’s exceptionalism as they do in America’s. Their Middle East policy preferences have long paralleled those of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his right-wing Likud Party.

Their institutional associations since their departures from government in 2005 tend to confirm their Israel-centrism. Feith has been a senior fellow at the neoconservative Hudson Institute, while Libby, who was also based at Hudson for many years, is currently serving as a distinguished fellow at the Foundation of Defense of Democracies (FDD).

A survey by RS of four commonly used AI programs in April found that both organizations were among the five think tanks that were “the most prominent in promoting military action” against Iran across mainstream and social media in the six months leading up to the current war that was launched by massive air strikes against key targets across Iran on February 28. FDD, whose original submission to the IRS when it was founded in 2001 described its mission as “enhance(ing) Israel’s image in North America…,” ranked number one in promoting military action in all four programs.

Second, both Feith and Libby may be best known for their roles in shaping, manipulating, distorting, leaking, and promoting fabricated intelligence – often in close cooperation with Iraqi expatriate Ahmad Chalabi and his Iraqi National Congress — that would justify the invasion and occupation of Iraq and rally public opinion behind that enterprise. Feith created offices in the Pentagon whose missions were to collect and disseminate any information that suggested a cooperative relationship between Saddam Hussein’s regime and al-Qaida and major advances in Iraq’s alleged (but non-existent) nuclear-weapons program.

Third, both authors left their government service under a cloud, if not in disgrace. Libby’s was the most spectacular fall. In October 2005, he was indicted by a federal grand jury resulting from an investigation into the leak of the covert identity of a CIA operative, Valerie Plame, as part of an apparent effort by Libby and his boss to discredit her husband, a former U.S. ambassador who had publicly exposed the falsity of a key administration claim regarding Saddam’s alleged nuclear-weapons program. Libby resigned his positions immediately following his indictment, was subsequently convicted by a jury of making false statements and sentenced to 30 months in prison, which President George W. Bush later commuted. He received a full pardon from President Donald Trump in 2018.

Feith — who, besides his collaboration with Chalabi, had overseen a number of other fiascoes during his tenure, including the disastrous de-Baathification program in Iraq — resigned in August 2005, by which time it had become clear that the occupation faced a serious insurgency. He may be best known, however, for the characterization applied to him by then-U.S. Central Command chief Gen. Tommy Franks, who led the invasions of both Afghanistan and Iraq, as “the f*cking stupidest guy on the planet.”

Given that context, it’s no wonder that both men appear to have preferred the relative tranquility and obscurity of those Washington “think tanks” where their colleagues share the same or very similar world views, and “groupthink” rules the roost, much as it did during the heyday of neoconservative power during Bush’s first term. Perhaps somewhat chastened by their failures, they have seemingly been reluctant to engage in the public square in recent years.

Indeed, over the past decade, Libby had published only one op-ed in any of the country’s three most influential national newspapers, and that was back in 2021 on the evils of China’s “Covid wrongdoing,” as the Wall Street Journal’s editorial page editors called it. As for Feith, he hadn’t published a single op-ed in the Journal, the Washington Post, or the New York Times since 2015.

Until Trump launched the war against Iran on February 28, that is. That apparently got the old juices going, with Jeff Bezos’ recalibrated editorial pages of the Washington Post serving as willing host. On March 9, Feith broke his silence with the giddy title, “Trump is trying something new in Iran. Hold on tight.” Then, after Trump signed a dreaded ceasefire agreement, he evidently felt compelled to warn that “The Iran deal comes with a familiar false promise.” On September 10, he extolled his glory days in “The 9/11 response got the most important thing right.”

Libby was not as prolific. But on September 18, he co-authored an op-ed in the Post calling, among other things, for the destruction of “Iran’s major oil production and export facilities, as the Allies did to Germany and Japan in World War II” and for “ground troops” to seize Iran’s “coastline or the regime’s enriched uranium stockpiles…”

And now, on the very eve of Veterans/Armistice Day, these two strategic geniuses have taken once again to the Post’s op-ed page to earnestly warn us against listening to those who have grown weary of “endless wars.”

It’s time to thank them for their service.


Jim Lobe is a Contributing Editor of Responsible Statecraft. He formerly served as chief of the Washington bureau of Inter Press Service from 1980 to 1985 and again from 1989 to 2015.

November 14, 2026 Posted by | Mainstream Media, Warmongering, Militarism, Sinophobia, Wars for Israel | , , , | Comments Off on Disgraced neocons Feith & Libby: stop whining about ‘endless war’

CENTCOM rejects Israeli claims of preparations for new Iran attacks

Al Mayadeen | November 14, 2026

The US military dismissed an Israeli broadcaster’s account of preparations for renewed attacks on Iran, describing the report as “pure speculation”, Anadolu reported

The dispute centers on claims by Israeli public broadcaster KAN that Washington alerted regional partners to the possibility of another round of operations while deploying additional military assets.

Among the reported deployments were approximately 200 aerial refueling aircraft stationed across Europe and the Middle East. KAN also said the aircraft carriers USS George Washington and USS George H.W. Bush were already in the region, with a third vessel, identified as the USS Roosevelt, expected in the Arabian Sea soon.

Asked by Anadolu about the report, a US Central Command (CENTCOM) official said there were no updates to the positioning of American forces in the Middle East.

KAN alleges warnings delivered through military channels

Beyond its deployment claims, KAN cited an unnamed US official as saying that CENTCOM advised “Israel” to prepare for the possibility of military operations against Iran restarting soon.

According to the broadcaster, Israeli military representatives based in the United States received the message. It further alleged that Washington contacted Gulf countries through security channels with similar warnings.

Those reported communications and deployment figures formed part of KAN’s account, which CENTCOM subsequently rejected in its response to Anadolu.

November 14, 2026 Posted by | Mainstream Media, Warmongering, Wars for Israel | , , | Comments Off on CENTCOM rejects Israeli claims of preparations for new Iran attacks

Your Shopping Bag Runs Through Hormuz

By Larry C. Johnson | SONAR21 | November 14, 2026 

Every morning the cable networks put up the price of Brent and a graphic of a tanker, and every evening the experts reassure us that the oil is still flowing, more or less. Crude is the scoreboard everyone watches. It is also the wrong scoreboard.

Iran has hit roughly fifty ships in and around the Strait of Hormuz since September 1, most of them tankers. Against a world fleet of more than 8,000 tankers, that is a rounding error. Washington’s reassurance machine will tell you exactly that. What it won’t tell you is that a good share of what moves through the strait isn’t crude at all. It’s the stuff the modern economy is actually made of: the feedstocks for plastics, the methanol for chemicals, the urea and ammonia for fertilizer. And those markets are far less forgiving than oil.

If you want to know what Iran’s tanker campaign really costs, stop looking at the gas pump. Look in your kitchen.

What actually comes out of the Gulf

Start with plastic. The Middle East is the world’s largest exporter of polyethylene, the most widely used plastic on the planet. In 2025 the region shipped 18.7 million tons out of global exports of 43.8 million tons, more than 40 percent of the world total. According to ICIS, about 84 percent of the region’s polyethylene capacity depends on the Strait of Hormuz to reach the sea. Polypropylene and ethylene glycol, the raw material for polyester and PET bottles, follow the same route.

Then the feedstocks. Before the war, nearly 1.2 million barrels a day of naphtha moved through Hormuz, meeting 60 to 70 percent of Asia’s import needs, according to S&P Global. Asia’s steam crackers turn that naphtha into ethylene and propylene, the building blocks of nearly every plastic you own. The Gulf also supplies most of the propane and butane that feed Asia’s other plastics plants.

Then the chemicals. The Middle East exported more than 17 million tons of methanol in 2025. Iran alone shipped well over 9 million tons, and roughly 70 percent of China’s methanol imports came from the region. And fertilizer: by CRU’s count, nearly a third of global urea exports, 44 percent of sulfur exports and almost a fifth of ammonia exports pass through or originate west of the strait.

That’s the cargo Iran is shooting at. Not just oil, but the raw material for packaging, textiles, car parts, medical supplies and the fertilizer that grows the world’s food.

Why plastic bleeds faster than oil

Crude has escape hatches. Saudi Arabia can push oil across the peninsula to Yanbu, and the UAE can pipe it to Fujairah. Governments keep strategic petroleum reserves for exactly this kind of emergency. Petrochemicals have none of that. There is no strategic polyethylene reserve. Nobody stockpiles methanol for national security. And the giant plants at Jubail, Ras Laffan and Ruwais sit on the Gulf coast, built to load ships, not pipelines. As one analyst put it to Argaam, most petrochemical products cannot be rerouted the way crude can.

The ships are also more fragile, financially speaking. A VLCC hauling two million barrels at today’s freight rates can swallow a war-risk premium of several million dollars and still make money. The smaller product tankers, chemical tankers and gas carriers that move naphtha, methanol and LPG earn far less per voyage. Brokers noticed back in June that clean tankers were being scared off by insurance costs that crude carriers shrugged off. Every Iranian strike pushes those premiums up again, and the smallest, least profitable ships are the first to stop coming.

The buyers can’t easily switch, either. Asia’s crackers were built around Gulf naphtha. Some can burn more LPG instead, but that flexibility is limited, and the LPG comes through the same strait. When the naphtha stops, the crackers cut rates or declare force majeure. S&P put it bluntly: naphtha has moved beyond economics, and availability is now the core concern.

The numbers show it. UN data comparing April 2026 with a year earlier show Middle East methanol exports down 80 percent, urea down 83 percent and ammonia down 75 percent. Even polypropylene, the least affected of the twelve commodities the UN tracked, fell 24 percent.

The September head fake

Washington had a good September, or thought it did. With the US Navy escorting traffic down a southern route along the Omani coast, Gulf oil flows through Hormuz recovered to more than 81 percent of prewar levels, according to Kpler. The victory laps were drafted.

Iran read the same numbers and responded the way it said it would. The International Maritime Organization counted 34 confirmed attacks on ships between September 28 and October 27. On a single Sunday in October, six commercial vessels were hit, the most in one day since the war began. By mid-October, just seven tankers crossed the strait in a day, fewer than half the weekly average. The IRGC now announces, with some relish, that tankers using routes it hasn’t approved keep “striking mines.”

Here’s the part that matters for petrochemicals. Iran doesn’t need to sink a single chemical tanker to choke the chemical trade. It only needs to make each transit risky enough that the owners of small, low-margin ships stay home. The crude may limp through under Navy escort. The naphtha, methanol and polymers ride on the ships least able to bear the risk.

Who gets the bill

Asia first. Japan, South Korea and India depend on imported Gulf feedstocks, and their crackers have spent the year cutting rates or declaring force majeure. China’s polyethylene output in April fell 8.2 percent from a year earlier because its naphtha-fed crackers couldn’t get enough feedstock. S&P Global Market Intelligence estimates the disruption has taken nearly 20 percent of global ethylene capacity and as much as 40 percent of Asian naphtha supply off the market. Europe, whose crackers also run on naphtha, is not far behind.

Then everyone else. Polyethylene prices nearly doubled between the end of February and April. Dow and Celanese raised prices. Plastic is in the packaging for your groceries, the dashboard of your car, the syringes at your hospital and the polyester in your shirt. When the price of the resin doubles, it doesn’t stay in the chemical industry. It works its way onto store shelves, quietly, a few cents at a time.

And then there is food. Urea, ammonia and sulfur are not plastics, but they ride the same strait and suffer the same insurance math. Farmers who pay more for fertilizer either pass it on or plant less. Either way, you pay.

In fairness, there is one winner. American petrochemical producers, sitting on cheap shale gas along the Gulf Coast, have enjoyed a windfall as buyers scramble for resin that doesn’t pass through Hormuz. So if you were wondering who benefits from this war, check the quarterly earnings in Houston.

Two years, if everything goes right

Don’t take my word for how long the hangover lasts. Take the word of the man who runs the world’s biggest oil company. Speaking in London on October 5, Aramco chief executive Amin Nasser said the world entered this crisis with almost 10 billion barrels of oil in storage and has since lost nearly 3 billion barrels of supply, roughly half of what would normally have moved through Hormuz. Less than 6 billion barrels of commercial inventory remain, he said, and most of that is not practically available. His verdict: “Until Hormuz fully re-opens and confidence returns, the crude reality is that pressure at both ends of the barrel will intensify. Even then, replenishing inventories while meeting demand could take up to two years.” He repeated the warning in Riyadh a week later.

Note the conditions. Two years starts only after the strait fully reopens, and only if confidence returns. Every Iranian strike since then has pushed that starting gun further back.

And Nasser was talking about crude, the commodity with all the advantages. Crude has strategic reserves to draw on, a 7-million-barrel-a-day East-West pipeline to Yanbu and a Saudi upstream that Nasser says remains fully intact. Petrochemicals have none of those cushions. There is no strategic reserve of naphtha or methanol to refill. The plants that make them sit on the Gulf coast with no pipeline around the strait. If the best-protected product in the Gulf needs two years to get back to normal after the shooting stops, you can do the math on polyethylene yourself.

Except that the escape hatch is now under fire too. The East-West pipeline is carrying about 4 million barrels a day of Saudi crude to Yanbu, roughly 4 percent of global supply, and it is the main reason Saudi Arabia has avoided the fate of its neighbors. The Houthis know it. On Thursday they claimed strikes on a pumping station along the pipeline, the oil facility at Yanbu and an Aramco building in Riyadh. On Friday they claimed another pumping station, along with Riyadh’s King Khalid International Airport. My sources tell me pumping station 11 was destroyed. Riyadh, as usual, has confirmed nothing.

This is not the first time. In September, attacks on the pipeline set fires at three pumping stations, and Saudi Arabia shut down the entire line as a precaution before rigging bypasses. The pipeline has 13 pumping stations, and every one taken out cuts how much crude reaches the Red Sea. So the one alternative route Nasser was counting on, the one he said kept Brent from hitting $200, is being taken apart one station at a time. Two years was the optimistic case. It assumed the bypass would hold.

The math Washington skipped

The planners who started this war modeled oil. They had the SPR, the escort plan and the pipeline workarounds. What they apparently didn’t model was that the Persian Gulf is also one of the world’s great chemical plants, and that its output has no pipeline, no reserve and no Navy escort sized to protect a fleet of small, uninsurable ships.

Iran figured that out. Its tanker campaign doesn’t have to win at sea. It only has to keep the strait dangerous enough, long enough, for the world to run short of the things that are made from what passes through it. Each strike resets the insurance clock and keeps the small ships away for another month.

So the next time someone in Washington tells you the oil is still flowing, ask them about the naphtha, the methanol and the polyethylene. Then go look at the price of a pack of diapers. That’s where this war is being lost.

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November 14, 2026 Posted by | Economics, Wars for Israel | , , | Comments Off on Your Shopping Bag Runs Through Hormuz

How British foreign policy is frozen in the ruins of empire

By ADAM RAMSAY – Declassified UK – November 5, 2026

There has been much debate in Britain in recent years about symbols of empire – pulling down statues, or returning museum artefacts.

But we rarely talk about the fact that British foreign policy is still run by the same institutions which ran the empire.

The Secretary of State for Business and Trade is still called ‘President of the Board of Trade’, referring to an institution involved in the triangular slave trade.

Perhaps the most obvious remnant of the empire is Britain’s outsized military bootprint. Most countries with foreign bases largely have them in neighbouring territories; only Britain, the US and France have genuinely global militaries.

With at least 145 bases in forty-two countries, Britain likely has the second-biggest military footprint on earth. Many of these bases are in former or remaining colonies (i.e. British overseas territories).

Many of the most important ones are in small authoritarian monarchies, with royal families we’ve helped prop up for decades, a direct relic of the empire.

These bases are important outposts of the British state. And yet, there is almost no democratic scrutiny of how they are used. Indeed, many of them are officially secret, and remained so until the journalistic website Declassified revealed their existence. There may well be more.

Look at how they are used, and we begin to see that this large swathe of British state power, left over from empire, is used – often violently – to prop up a global system not of British dominance, but of US hegemony and the corporate control which comes with it.

Projecting US power

Bases on British overseas territories – namely, Gibraltar; Ascension Island; Akrotiri and Dhekelia in Cyprus; and Diego Garcia – play particularly important roles in projecting US power.

These bases are all vital nodes in the Pentagon’s global surveillance system. For example, there are four main ‘ground antennae’ in the Global Positioning System (GPS). Two of these are on US territory, in Florida and Hawaii, and two are on British territory, on Ascension Island and Diego Garcia, providing circumglobal spread.

Akrotiri and Dhekelia are a significant hub for UK/US surveillance efforts across the Middle East and North Africa, allowing GCHQ and the NSA to intercept phone calls, text messages and internet communications across the region. The US Air Force’s main intelligence squadron also has a base there, and throughout Israel’s genocide of Gaza, Britain sent surveillance flights over Gaza from these bases, likely spying for Israel.

Similarly, the bases have more direct military use. During the genocide, Cypriots reported a surge in flights from Akrotiri, and the government admitted many were heading to Israel. There was also a significant increase in the supply of arms coming into the bases. The US was almost certainly rearming Israel using British sovereign territory.

Likewise, Diego Garcia is the major US military base from which its attacks on the Middle East and South Asia are conducted – including, for example, the initial bombing raids on Baghdad in 2003.

Beyond accountability

While the US has military bases on foreign soil across the planet, it needs to negotiate the domestic politics of most other states when it wishes to use them, and so becomes slightly accountable to global public opinion.

British territories, on the other hand, offer a space beyond accountability. Cypriots might protest against the US seemingly using Britain’s military bases to re-arm Israel, but they can’t vote out the regime allowing it.

Unlike the other overseas territories, the Cyprus military bases are run through the Ministry of Defence rather than the Foreign Office, and have no democratic structures. An administrator, officially appointed by the British monarch on the recommendation of the MoD, is in practice always the head of UK armed forces there, governing over Akrotiri and Dhekelia.

The 11,000 Cypriots who live on British sovereign land are subject to the old legal system imposed when Cyprus was a British colony, and effectively live under military dictatorship. Cyprus has repeatedly asked Britain to leave; Britain refuses.

For British voters, this is out of sight in some constitutional quirk. And when MPs do take an interest, the government can simply ignore them: in 2025, one frustrated MP told me, the government issued a block on MPs asking questions about the use of RAF flights to conduct surveillance in Israel and Gaza. It can do so, as my book Abolish Westminster explores in further detail, because it is operating under royal prerogative, not parliamentary authority.

Surveillance and shipping

Particularly significant is the role these territories play in signals intelligence, and the surveillance processes used by the US to project its global power and undermine self-determination and, sometimes, democracy around the world.

In the 1950s, British intelligence services developed a vast network of interception stations across the globe, tapping phone lines of anti-imperialist leaders and the like. As colonies started to win freedom, there was a panicked reaction about how to maintain this surveillance infrastructure. GCHQ solved this problem by maintaining control over overseas territories and footholds in informally dependent regimes in strategically important places.

Nowadays, because the internet relies on fibre-optic cables across the planet, this network has become more important than ever, providing the UK and US with the capacity to tap phone and internet communications across a large portion of the planet – and particularly in former colonies.

Similarly, these toeholds provide stopping points on many of the world’s most important shipping routes – such as Singapore and Bahrain – providing bases for the Royal Navy from which it can protect Britain’s oil industry, which is partly why Britain still hosts two of the world’s four biggest publicly listed oil companies.

This network is then justified by turning some of these territories – particularly the Falklands and Gibraltar with their whiter populations – into trinkets for Britons to remember their past power, and so demand an oversized military.

It’s often forgotten that the supposed justification for the onslaught on Iraq launched from one British overseas territory – and the disastrous war that followed – included a claimed threat to another British overseas territory: ‘the forty-five-minute claim’ screeched by The Sun, the Evening Standard and other establishment outriders was that, according to (they claimed) an intelligence dossier, Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction capable of deployment against British targets within forty-five minutes of an order to do so.

What many might not have realised from the headlines is that the British targets of these (as it transpired) invented weapons weren’t London. They were, at least according to some of the lie’s iterations, Akrotiri and Dhekelia.

Voters in the dark

The impact on the people who live under the dictators Britain props up to maintain this power is immense, while British voters have almost no say in what’s going on, and rarely even know about it: the British foreign policy machine largely continues its work, unfettered by democracy.

Oman and Bahrain, Singapore and Brunei – these aren’t formally British colonies, but their regimes are propped up by the British state, in ways that aren’t properly accountable either to the people of those countries, or those of the UK.

While the MoD refuses to disclose figures, the cost of maintaining this bootprint is one of the reasons Britain has the world’s fifth-highest total military expenditure. Only Russia, China, India and the US spend more. Apart from the US, virtually the only democracies that spend more of their GDP on the military are those fighting wars within or on their borders. Britain spends more of its wealth on its military than any other Western European country.

This level of expenditure is partly accepted because of the impact of memories of empire on our national identity – a plurality of British people think we should ‘punch above our weight’. And it is partly self-perpetuating, in that it creates interests which then lobby for themselves.

Imagine a defence secretary suggesting at a departmental meeting that Britain cut military spending to the same level as Japan – from 2.3% to 1.6% of GDP – including axing military bases outside sovereign territory.

Would this be taken calmly? Or would there be leaks, denunciations from unnamed generals in the press, screams that our national security was at risk and rapid ministerial backpedalling?

The spending’s primary purpose, though, is to protect a mix of US global dominance, and the interests of a handful of vast corporations which are – only sort of – British.

November 13, 2026 Posted by | Book Review, Militarism, Timeless or most popular | , , , | Comments Off on How British foreign policy is frozen in the ruins of empire

Trita Parsi: Trump’s Swiss Cheese Iran Plan & U.S. Break with Israel?

Glenn Diesen | November 12, 2026

Trita Parsi is the co-founder and Executive Vice President of the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft. Follow his excellent Substack: https://tritaparsi.substack.com/

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 Books by Prof. Glenn Diesen

00:00 The Current State of the Iran War
02:55 Escalation Risks and Political Dynamics
06:11 The Swiss Cheese Scenario
08:54 Iran’s Response and Regional Implications
11:51 The Dilemma of U.S. Sanctions
15:06 The Future of U.S.-Iran Relations
18:08 The Multipolar World and Sanctions Efficacy
20:56 Israel’s Position and Regional Stability
23:49 The Saudi-Yemen Conflict and U.S. Involvement
26:58 The Shift in U.S. Foreign Policy
29:50 Conclusion and Future Outlook

November 12, 2026 Posted by | Video, Wars for Israel | , , , , | Comments Off on Trita Parsi: Trump’s Swiss Cheese Iran Plan & U.S. Break with Israel?

Iran’s NPT exit debate: How repeated attacks exposed the failures of global nuclear safeguards

Press TV | November 12, 2026

The growing debate in Iran over withdrawing from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) reflects a fundamental question: What purpose does membership serve if the treaty offers no meaningful protection for a country’s peaceful nuclear facilities, even as it obliges that country to uphold its commitments?

The issue goes beyond Iran’s legitimate security concerns, striking at the credibility of the international nuclear order itself.

When an NPT signatory’s nuclear infrastructure can be subjected to unprovoked and illegal military aggression without any accountability for those responsible, the treaty’s underlying premise of reciprocal obligations and protections is called into question.

The Assembly of Experts’ latest call for a review of Iran’s defence doctrine, including consideration of withdrawal from the NPT, signals a significant shift in the country’s strategic debate that has been gaining momentum since the 40-day imposed war.

What was once largely confined to discussions among lawmakers and security officials is now increasingly being articulated as a broader national security concern, especially in the wake of continued sabre rattling by the enemy.

While Iran is expected to uphold its international obligations as an NPT signatory, its adversaries face absolutely no accountability for openly violating the most fundamental principles of international law.

The repeated attacks on Iranian nuclear installations, assassinations of nuclear scientists and failure of international institutions to respond decisively have intensified questions about the effectiveness, fairness and credibility of the existing non-proliferation framework.

This is no longer a debate about the future of Iran’s nuclear program, which is entirely peaceful. It has evolved into a much broader question of national sovereignty, strategic deterrence, the credibility of international law and, ultimately, a state’s inherent right to defend itself against external aggression.

From nuclear safeguards to strategic vulnerability

Iran’s grievances did not emerge overnight. For years, its peaceful, energy-focused nuclear programme has been subjected to sabotage, cyberattacks, assassinations of scientists and, ultimately, direct military strikes against facilities under international monitoring.

This pattern long predates the two recent wars of aggression against Iran. In 2010, nuclear scientist Masoud Ali Mohammadi was assassinated in Tehran. Later that year, Majid Shahriari was killed in a bombing, while Fereydoun Abbasi survived an assassination attempt. Abbasi was subsequently martyred on the first day of the 12-day war in June 2025.

Dariush Rezainejad was assassinated in 2011, followed by Mostafa Ahmadi Roshan in January 2012. In November 2020, prominent nuclear scientist Mohsen Fakhrizadeh was assassinated on the outskirts of Tehran. Israeli spying agency Mossad was involved in these attacks, with the stamp of approval from CIA.

During the 12-day war of aggression in June 2025, Israel assassinated several more of Iran’s leading nuclear scientists, yet the UN nuclear watchdog refrained from condemning these targeted killings. In fact, it was the politically motivated resolution by the IAEA Board of Governors shortly before the war that was instrumental in paving the way for the aggression at a time when Iran and the US were engaged in indirect nuclear negotiations.

The attacks have not been confined to individuals. Iran’s nuclear infrastructure has on numerous occasions been targeted through sophisticated sabotage operations, most notably the Stuxnet cyberattack against the Natanz enrichment facility in 2010.

The escalation reached an entirely different level in June 2025, when Israel, backed by the United States, launched an unprovoked and illegal military aggression against Iran, targeting nuclear installations alongside military and civilian infrastructure. Washington subsequently joined the war directly, bombing the three key nuclear facilities at Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan on June 22.

These were neither clandestine installations nor facilities operating outside the international nuclear framework. Iran’s nuclear program has for years been subject to International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards and verification arrangements.

The attacks thus raised a fundamental and logical question: if nuclear facilities under international monitoring can be bombed with sheer impunity, what practical protection does the safeguards system offer countries that remain committed to the NPT?

The IAEA itself confirmed the damage. Director General Rafael Grossi, who is now vying for the top UN post, reported that the above-ground section of Natanz’s pilot enrichment plant had been destroyed in the initial Israeli strikes. Following the US attacks, the agency confirmed that Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan had been hit, with extensive additional damage reported at the Isfahan complex.

The repercussions extended well beyond physical destruction. The IAEA subsequently suspended its field verification activities, while inspectors were withdrawn from Iran for safety reasons. In effect, military attacks on safeguarded nuclear installations undermined the very monitoring arrangements that the international community repeatedly demands Iran uphold.

This glaring contradiction lies at the heart of intensifying calls in Iran to withdraw from NPT. Iran is expected to honour its nuclear commitments even as the international framework designed to safeguard them offers no protection against external military aggression.

The IAEA’s credibility crisis

Iran’s criticism of the IAEA stems from a glaring double standard in its approach to nuclear security, compliance and accountability.

The agency has repeatedly demanded access and cooperation from Tehran, while its response to military attacks against Iranian nuclear installations has largely remained confined to tokenistic statements expressing concern and warnings about nuclear safety.

Grossi did state that nuclear facilities must never be attacked, regardless of the circumstances. He also warned that such attacks could have serious consequences for nuclear safety, security and international peace. However, the agency he heads did not produce a meaningful accountability mechanism capable of deterring or penalising those responsible for the unprovoked attacks.

The distinction between expressing concern and ensuring accountability is particularly important. The IAEA applies extensive mechanisms for inspecting nuclear facilities, verifying declared nuclear material and reporting safeguards violations. Yet it lacks the mechanism to hold rogue states accountable for attacks against nuclear facilities.

This exposes a structural weakness in the international nuclear order: compliance is rigorously monitored, but the security of compliant states is not equally guaranteed.

The timing of the June 2025 aggression made this contradiction even more glaring. Just a day before Israel launched its attacks, the IAEA Board of Governors adopted a resolution claiming Iran was in “non-compliance” with its safeguards obligations.

The move was politically motivated and reflected Israeli pressure on the agency and Grossi’s attempt to appease Washington with an eye on top UN position. The fact that the attacks followed almost immediately proved that diplomatic and monitoring mechanisms had become instruments of pressure on Iran rather than impartial safeguards.

There is also an important distinction here: the IAEA’s June 2025 finding concerned Iran’s safeguards obligations, not a finding that Iran had decided to build nuclear weapons. Nevertheless, the episode reinforced the fact that Iran’s rights and obligations under the treaty were being interpreted selectively.

The credibility problem is further complicated by the nuclear status of the Israeli regime, which is not a signatory to the NPT and which possesses nuclear weapons, while maintaining a policy of nuclear ambiguity. Israel’s nuclear arsenal remains outside the treaty’s safeguards framework, while Iran, a non-nuclear-weapon state party, faces extensive inspections and international scrutiny for no reason.

Withdrawal from NPT becomes serious policy debate

Against this backdrop, calls for the Iranian leadership to reconsider the country’s NPT membership have gained momentum. Recent countywide polls, including those conducted by the state broadcaster IRIB, show an overwhelming majority of people in favor of the country’s exit from the treaty.

The statement by the Assembly of Experts, an 88-member constitutional body tasked with electing and supervising the Leader of the Islamic Revolution, is particularly significant because it elevates the issue beyond individual parliamentary interventions.

The body has called for a decisive review of Iran’s defence doctrine, consideration of withdrawal from the NPT and the establishment of the necessary deterrence capabilities. It has described these measures as an unavoidable necessity and an emerging national demand.

The statement also warned that any renewed aggression against the country would trigger an immediate and effective Iranian response without geographical limitations, echoing the position articulated by Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyyed Mojtaba Khamenei in his meeting with top military commanders recently.

The message is twofold: Iran is reconsidering the assumptions underpinning its existing security arrangements, and it intends to ensure that any future attack carries consequences beyond the immediate battlefield.

The Assembly of Experts’ intervention follows similar remarks from senior officials and lawmakers. Major General Mohsen Rezaee, secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, also addressed the growing debate over the country’s nuclear doctrine recently.

On November 1, he acknowledged that public and political demands to reconsider the doctrine have emerged following attacks on Iranian nuclear facilities despite extensive IAEA inspections and monitoring. He clarified, however, that no official decision has so far been taken by the Supreme National Security Council to change the doctrine.

Earlier, on September 20, Iranian lawmaker Hossein Ali Hajideligani announced that a three-urgency parliamentary motion calling for withdrawal from the NPT had been submitted to the parliament’s presiding board. He said the proposal was awaiting permission to be introduced in an open parliamentary session.

He maintained that after repeated attacks against the country, including the nuclear sites, continued membership of the treaty was delivering more disadvantages than benefits.

These developments suggest that withdrawal is no longer merely an occasional political threat deployed during diplomatic confrontations. It has become a subject of institutional debate involving lawmakers, senior security officials and now the Assembly of Experts.

What does withdrawal from NPT actually mean

The NPT, which entered into force in 1970, is built around three central pillars: preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons, promoting peaceful nuclear cooperation and advancing nuclear disarmament.

Under Article IV, member states retain the right to develop nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, provided they comply with their treaty obligations. Article III establishes the safeguards framework through which the IAEA verifies that nuclear material is not diverted towards weapons programmes.

Article X, meanwhile, explicitly recognises a member state’s sovereign right to withdraw. It states that a party may withdraw if it decides that extraordinary events related to the treaty’s subject matter have jeopardised its national interests. The withdrawing state must provide three months’ notice to all other parties and the UN Security Council, explaining the extraordinary events behind its decision.

This provision is particularly relevant to Iran’s current position. It could contend that repeated military attacks against its safeguarded nuclear facilities, the assassination of its scientists and the failure of international mechanisms to provide effective protection have fundamentally undermined the security rationale for continued membership.

In such circumstances, withdrawal becomes an exercise of national sovereignty under a provision explicitly written into the treaty.

Why Iran is reconsidering its defence doctrine

The debate over NPT membership is closely connected to a wider reassessment of Iran’s defence doctrine. For decades, it has maintained and demonstrated that its nuclear program is peaceful and that nuclear weapons have no place in the country’s defence strategy. Iranian officials have repeatedly invoked a decree by the martyred Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei against acquiring such weapons.

Iran reiterated this position in its submission to the 2026 NPT review process, describing the renunciation of nuclear weapons and the placement of peaceful nuclear facilities under IAEA safeguards as central elements of its commitment to the treaty.

However, the strategic environment has changed dramatically. The February 28, 2026, US-Israeli aggression against Iran, following the earlier attacks in June 2025, has reinforced the argument that the country’s existing deterrence arrangements need fundamental reassessment, especially amid continued threats from the US-Israeli war machine.

The central concern is that conventional military capabilities and international diplomatic commitments have not been sufficient to prevent repeated attacks against Iranian territory and strategic infrastructure. Hence, deterrence must be credible enough to convince adversaries that another military adventure would carry unacceptable costs.

This is the context in which Ayatollah Seyyed Mojtaba Khamenei’s warning about an immediate response without geographical limitations should be understood. It communicates that Iran would not necessarily confine its response to the location of an attack or accept geographical restrictions imposed by its adversaries in the event of new aggression.

The Assembly of Experts has effectively connected this deterrence argument with the NPT debate. Its position suggests that Iran cannot continue relying on an international framework that has failed to protect its security while limiting its strategic options.

The question is not simply whether Iran should acquire additional military capabilities. It is whether the country’s defence doctrine should be adjusted to reflect the realities of a regional and international order in which military force has increasingly been used against it despite the existence of diplomatic agreements and international safeguards.

Wider implications for international nuclear order

Iran’s potential withdrawal would have consequences extending well beyond West Asia. The NPT is often described as the cornerstone of the global nuclear non-proliferation regime. Its credibility depends not only on preventing the spread of nuclear weapons but also on maintaining confidence that member states can exercise their peaceful nuclear rights without becoming targets of military aggression.

If a state that has remained within the treaty concludes that membership offers inadequate protection against attacks on its safeguarded facilities, other countries may question the practical value of the existing arrangements. This would create a dangerous precedent.

The international community cannot consistently demand that countries accept intrusive inspections and comply with non-proliferation obligations while treating attacks against their peaceful nuclear infrastructure as an issue that can be addressed through tokenistic expressions of concern alone.

There is also a broader contradiction involving nuclear-armed states and those outside the treaty. Israel’s continued refusal to join the NPT, combined with its widely acknowledged nuclear arsenal, highlights the uneven application of international nuclear rules.

Meanwhile, the five states recognised as nuclear-weapon states under the NPT have not fulfilled the disarmament expectations embedded in Article VI to the satisfaction of many non-nuclear-weapon states.

This imbalance has long undermined confidence in the treaty’s underlying bargain: non-nuclear states agree not to acquire nuclear weapons, while nuclear-weapon states commit to pursuing disarmament and all parties retain the right to peaceful nuclear technology.

Iran’s current debate brings these unresolved contradictions into sharper focus. A withdrawal would not necessarily mean that Iran would immediately pursue nuclear weapons. Nor should such an outcome be presented as inevitable. But it would represent a serious setback for a non-proliferation framework already facing considerable challenges.

It would also complicate the work of the IAEA, reduce transparency and potentially create new uncertainties about nuclear material, verification and regional security.

For the United States and its European allies, as well as the Zionist regime, the prospect of Iranian withdrawal from the NPT should therefore be a warning about the consequences of relying excessively on sanctions, military threats and coercive diplomacy.

A test for international institutions

Ultimately, Iran’s NPT debate is about more than nuclear policy. It is a test of whether international institutions can uphold the principles they were established to defend.

The NPT cannot remain credible if its obligations are enforced selectively, peaceful nuclear facilities are exposed to dastardly military attacks and the perpetrators face no meaningful consequences.

Nor can the IAEA maintain its standing as an impartial international watchdog if its ability to monitor nuclear activities is accompanied by an inability to meaningfully address threats to the safety and security of safeguarded facilities.

Washington and its European allies must recognise that military aggression against a member state’s safeguarded nuclear facilities fundamentally undermines the very non-proliferation system they claim to defend.

The IAEA, too, must demonstrate that its mandate extends beyond demanding compliance from non-nuclear states to consistently defending nuclear safety and the inviolability of peaceful nuclear installations.

Iran’s growing reconsideration of NPT membership is, in this sense, a consequence of a much deeper crisis of confidence. The international community now faces a fundamental question: Can the global nuclear order survive when compliance offers no credible protection against aggression, and when the institutions responsible for safeguarding it can’t ensure accountability?

If that question remains unanswered, Iran’s debate may prove to be part of a much wider challenge to the foundations of the international non-proliferation regime.

November 12, 2026 Posted by | Timeless or most popular | , , , , | Comments Off on Iran’s NPT exit debate: How repeated attacks exposed the failures of global nuclear safeguards

Why a New European Security Architecture Will Be Born Through War

By Prof. Glenn Diesen | November 12, 2026

As the world has shifted from unipolarity to multipolarity, the security architecture must also change to ensure peace. From Europe to the Middle East and East Asia, existing security architectures are collapsing, and new arrangements are needed to prevent great-power wars that could destroy humanity. The problem is that new security architectures have historically been established only after major wars that have shattered the previous status quo.

War as the Catalyst for Change

After the Napoleonic Wars, the Concert of Europe was established and organised relations from 1815 to 1914. After the First World War, a new security architecture was developed with the League of Nations, yet it collapsed in 1939 with the outbreak of the Second World War. After the Second World War, the United Nations was established to manage relations and develop shared international law. Yet, throughout the Cold War, we had a dual system, as the international system was organised under the UN, while the bipolar international distribution of power organised competing alliance systems under NATO and the Warsaw Pact.

When the Cold War came to an end, the dual system continued to exist. The West initially signed agreements for a new, inclusive pan-European security architecture based on indivisible security and without dividing lines, as outlined in the Charter of Paris for a New Europe in 1990 and the establishment of the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) in 1995 – both based on the Helsinki Accords of 1975. Yet, these agreements were hollowed out by expanding NATO as an instrument of hegemonic peace, creating a new Europe without Russia as the largest country in Europe. The redivision of Europe and the undermining of the principle of indivisible security have been at the heart of the conflict between NATO and Russia for the past three decades, and this was the trigger for the Ukraine War.

New security architectures are historically born through war, as the former status quo disappears and there is a recognition of the need to establish a system to avoid war and build peace. Institutions are usually effective and problem-solving in their early phases, as their objectives are clear. In the later stages, they become decadent and institutionalised, consumed by bureaucracy and institutional self-preservation, while resisting adaptation to new realities. NATO’s transformation is an interesting example of an effort at institutional adaptation and self-preservation, as open debates focused on finding a new purpose for the military bloc that had lost its Soviet adversary – with the slogan for embracing internationalism and expansionism being “out of area or out of business”.

Europe Searching for a Role in the Multipolar World

All the major actors are finding new roles in the multipolar world. China and Russia are taking the lead in establishing a new geoeconomic architecture and political institutions such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation to facilitate a greater role for rising powers in the multipolar world. The US seeks to preserve or revive its former hegemonic position, yet is reluctantly adjusting to new realities by shifting its focus to the Western Hemisphere and East Asia.

The Europeans are the most reluctant to adjust to new realities, as their former role as the principal partner of the US in an international system defined by collective hegemony ensured Europe’s unity and relevance. There is also a lack of options in terms of what Europe can transition towards, as the US provided Europe with an economic model, security model, and political model, and was indeed the pacifier that ensured unity on the continent over the past decades. The Europeans can throw their full weight behind the US and face vassalage, although the failure to diversify their ties will only weaken Europe further, while a retreating US will see Europe as increasingly less relevant in the new world. Alternatively, Europe must adjust to a new international distribution of power and find unity through a geoeconomic logic of collective bargaining power and the pursuit of collective technological sovereignty. Yet, a geoeconomic Europe must adjust to realities and seek connectivity with the other centres of power – which includes Russia.

This will not happen. The institutions of the former status quo, such as NATO, are still present, which keeps alive the hope of returning to the unipolar order. On 6 November 2026, the EU foreign policy chief, Kaja Kallas, made this argument explicitly as she dismissed Russia’s call for reforming the European security architecture, stating: “We already have European security architecture in place. NATO and the European Union both have their respective roles. We must make sure Ukraine is integrated into this architecture.” The massive war in Europe, which could quickly spiral into nuclear war, did not seem to affect her assessment of the stability of the former status quo.

War is Coming

As history has demonstrated, former security architectures remain in place long after they have outlived their function and decadence has set in. In an act of desperation and self-delusion, the Europeans embrace absurd narratives of being confronted with another Hitler to reinvent a purpose for the outdated and decadent security architecture that no longer provides security. Unwilling to accept new realities and discuss a new European security architecture, the Europeans will choose war as their Ukrainian proxy army collapses on the battlefield. Any pathway to peace that entails recognising the security concerns of Russia has been rejected as it will undermine the former hegemonic security architecture. As in the past, a new security architecture will be built after the coming war between Europe and Russia – if we survive it.

November 12, 2026 Posted by | Militarism | , , , , | Comments Off on Why a New European Security Architecture Will Be Born Through War