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Israeli FOIA Data Reveals Massive Heart Injury Spike in Children Immediately After mRNA Shot Rollout

By Nicolas Hulscher, MPH | Focal Points | February 20, 2026

For years, the public was told that COVID-19 mRNA injection–induced cardiac injury in children was rare. That reassurance formed the backbone of adolescent vaccination campaigns across the world. But what if the underlying safety data were never fully processed or disclosed?

What if hundreds of adverse event reports submitted by frontline clinicians were simply left unanalyzed during the very period when policymakers were declaring the injections safe for teens?

According to Israel’s State Comptroller, approximately 279,300 adverse event reports submitted during the vaccination campaign by Clalit Health Services — Israel’s largest health provider — were never processed by the Ministry of Health.

These reports were not publicly examined during mid-2021, when vaccine eligibility was expanded to adolescents. They were not incorporated into real-time risk–benefit assessments. They were not disclosed to parents deciding whether to vaccinate their children.

Only years later, following repeated Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests, the raw dataset — containing 294,877 adverse event reports — was released.

We analyzed that dataset using a deliberately conservative methodology. Our findings have now been peer-reviewed and published in the International Journal of Cardiovascular Research & Innovation, in a study titled, Cardiovascular safety signals in Israeli adolescents following COVID-19 Vaccination: Evidence from an unprocessed FOIA dataset, authored by Yaakov Ophir, Yaffa Shir-Raz, David Shuldman, Nicolas Hulscher (myself), and Peter A. McCullough.

The results reveal a concentrated surge of cardiovascular injury among teenagers that occurred immediately after vaccine authorization was expanded to ages 12–16.

Using strict de-duplication criteria to avoid overcounting, we identified 277 unique cardiovascular injury cases among individuals under 18 years old in 2021. Of those, 98% occurred in teens aged 12–16. Nearly every one of these cases was reported within a narrow six-week window between June 28 and August 8, 2021.

The timing is critical. On June 21, 2021, Israel’s Ministry of Health expanded mRNA vaccine eligibility to adolescents under 16. Within days, cardiovascular injury reports began to pile up. The clustering is unmistakable.

The types of events recorded were not trivial. Within the COVID-specific follow-up category, 646 reports were coded as “Acute Cardiovascular Injury.” Notably, the original Hebrew term used in the reporting system translates literally to “Acute Myocardial Infarction.” That is the scientific name for a heart attack. Additional reports included myocarditis, pericarditis, stroke, and thromboembolic events.

To contextualize the scale, we applied conservative population assumptions. Clalit covers approximately 51.6% of Israel’s population. Based on national vaccination dashboard data, about 63.5% of adolescents aged 12–15 received at least one dose during the study period. This yields an estimated vaccinated adolescent population of approximately 254,347 individuals within the dataset’s coverage.

Even under highly conservative assumptions — assuming all vaccinated adolescents received their doses within the same six-week window and that reporting capture was complete — the observed clustering corresponds to a minimum estimated risk of roughly 1 cardiovascular event per 939 vaccinated adolescents.

That figure stands in stark contrast to known background rates of acute myocardial infarction in adolescents, which are measured in single digits per million person-years in U.S. data. Even without annualizing the rate, the difference is substantial.

Equally important is how these findings diverge from the narrative that dominated the early literature. In 2021, published studies largely characterized vaccine-associated myocarditis as a rare complication, predominantly affecting adolescent males, typically after the second dose, and occurring within a narrow post-vaccination window of several days.

The FOIA dataset tells a different story. In our analysis, cardiovascular events were nearly evenly distributed between girls (145 cases) and boys (132 cases). Events occurred after the first dose, within 21 days of the second dose, and more than 21 days following the second dose. The risk pattern appears broader, more heterogeneous, and less confined than initially portrayed.

Following identification of this clustering, we contacted Clalit Health Services to verify whether the number of adolescents reported with “acute myocardial infarction” differed from our findings or whether reporting errors had been identified.

The response we received was stark: “The data do not exist.”

Yet the reports clearly existed. They were submitted by healthcare professionals, entered into the national reporting system, and archived — but not processed during the critical period when adolescent vaccination policy was being determined.

In conclusion, the newly disclosed FOIA data from Israel — now published in peer-reviewed form — document a major cardiovascular injury surge in teenagers that was neither processed nor publicly communicated at the time it occurred.

SUMMARY:

  • In Israel, approximately 279,300 adverse event reports were never processed during the COVID-19 vaccine rollout.
  • Newly released Israeli FOIA data revealed 277 unique cardiovascular injury cases in minors using conservative de-duplication methods.
  • 98% of cases occurred in Israeli adolescents aged 12–16 within a narrow six-week window following eligibility expansion in June 2021.
  • Hundreds of entries were coded in Israel’s national reporting system as “Acute Cardiovascular Injury,” a category that in the original Hebrew terminology corresponds to acute myocardial infarction. When we contacted Clalit Health Services to clarify these adolescent entries, we were told that “the data do not exist.”
  • Cardiovascular events in Israeli teens were distributed across both sexes and across doses — not limited to the narrow “rare male, second-dose” profile emphasized in the literature and by public health agencies.
  • The reports existed within Israel’s national surveillance system — but were not processed or publicly analyzed during the critical 2021 policy window.

Nicolas Hulscher, MPH

Epidemiologist and Foundation Administrator, McCullough Foundation

Support our mission: mcculloughfnd.org

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February 22, 2026 Posted by | Deception | , | Comments Off on Israeli FOIA Data Reveals Massive Heart Injury Spike in Children Immediately After mRNA Shot Rollout

What is Zionism? And what is anti-Zionism?

By David Miller | Tracking Power | January 25, 2026

I am asked to give definitional answers to this question quite often. So, here, for the record are the key extracts from my witness statement written in August 2023 (some weeks before the launch of Al Aqsa Flood by the Palestinian Resistance ion 7 October of that year.

Glancing over the statement at this distance I am struck by how long and detailed it is – 97 pages – and how, even then I was naive about malevolence of Zionism. If you look below you will see that I refer to Zionism as being inherently genocidal. This was not a popular view then, but it has certainly been more than amply borne out by the events since.

I should note that it was on the basis of my statement and my testimony under cross examination that the Tribunal determined that my anti-Zionist views were worthy of respect in a democratic society which is the legal test for philosophical beliefs to be protected under the Equality Act 2010. The definition of Zionism I have used is thus of greater import than just my own views and beliefs it has been accepted by the court as satisfying the five key elements of the so-called ‘Grainger’ test of which being worthy of respect is the fifth.

For a belief to be protected under Section 10 of the Equality Act, it must:

  1. Be genuinely held: It cannot be a fictitious or insincere claim.
  2. Be a belief, not an opinion: It must be more than a viewpoint based on the “present state of information available”.
  3. Relate to a weighty and substantial aspect of human life and behavior: It must concern significant matters rather than trivial or minor ones.
  4. Attain a certain level of cogency, seriousness, cohesion, and importance: The belief must be intelligible and internally consistent.
  5. Be worthy of respect in a democratic society: This has three components

    a. The belief must not be akin to Nazism or totalitarianism. It does not have to be a popular or mainstream belief; even beliefs that are shocking or offensive to others may still be worthy of respect. The belief must be consistent with the principles of a pluralist society.

    b. Not incompatible with human dignity: It must not dehumanize or degrade others.

    c. Not in conflict with the fundamental rights of others: The belief must not seek to destroy the basic freedoms and rights of other individuals.

Here are some key excerpts from my statement including, first of all, a declaration of my anti-racism and then a very short and neutral definition of Zionism, and why I oppose it, which I have italicised. (The statement was in the form of numbered paragraphs which I reproduce here)

_________________________________________________________________

PHILOSOPHICAL BELIEFS

7. I believe it self-evident that racism, imperialism and colonialism are offensive to human dignity and that each of those interconnected phenomena should be opposed. Human beings are all equal and are of equal value. The arrogance and supremacism of racism and racist systems and practices – which assert that it is acceptable for one group of people to dominate others on racial or ethnic lines – can in my view never be tolerated.

8. I believe that Zionism, an ideology that asserts that a state for Jewish people ought to be established and maintained in the territory that formerly comprised the British Mandate of Palestine, is inherently racist, imperialist, and colonial. I consider Zionism to be offensive to human dignity on that basis, and I therefore oppose it.

9. These beliefs, and the work (academic and political) which I have done in consequence of them, are at the heart of the case before the Tribunal. It is because I believe the things I do about Zionism, and because I have been prepared to say them out loud and without apology, that I have lost my job. It is therefore important that I explain in some detail why I believe the things that I do about Zionism, and to be more precise as to what Zionism is, and what I believe about it.

…

24. By the late 1990s, my beliefs in relation to Zionism were fully formed. I have at all times since that date believed Zionism to be a settler-colonial and ethno-nationalist movement that seeks to assert Jewish hegemony and political control over the land of historic Palestine.

…

31. I believe Zionism to be a form of racism because it necessarily calls for the displacement and disenfranchisement of non-Jews in favour of Jews, and it is therefore ideologically bound to lead to the practices of apartheid, ethnic cleansing, and genocide in pursuit of territorial control and expansion. This is not just a matter of historic observation: my belief concerns the nature of Zionism itself. Nor is it of only historic interest. Zionism remains, today, a colonial project which necessitates the oppression of the Palestinian population that remain within the territory that formerly comprised the mandate of Palestine (that is, modern-day Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories in the West Bank and Gaza Strip).

32. Crucially, Zionism requires not only the oppression of Palestinians, but also coercion of non-Palestinians who oppose the racist practices of the State of Israel. Zionism has implications that go beyond the territory of Palestine. A central facet of my research has been the identification of a transnational Zionist movement as a key supporting element of the continued ethnic cleansing in Palestine. This movement, and its allied constellation of organisations, seeks to pressure, censor and suppress critics of Israel, which is evident in my case and many others.

33. For example, Israel’s Law of Return, which was passed by the Knesset in 1950, allows Jews from outside of Israel, who have no material or ancestral ties to historic Palestine, to migrate to the State of Israel, at the expense of indigenous Palestinians who were expelled from their homes in the war of 1948 (or since) who are not permitted to return (and whose return was, in fact, prohibited by law in 1952). All of this flows directly from the logic of Zionism.

…

36. Anti-Zionism stands as the antithesis of the racist Zionist movement, calling for an end to the practises of apartheid, ethnic cleansing, and genocide against the Palestinian people, and calling for the liberation and decolonisation of Palestine. As someone who is fervently opposed to racism and colonialism, it is only natural for me to believe in anti-Zionism. Indeed, it is my strong belief in the repudiation of the racist values that Zionism exists to promote that make anti-Zionism an irrevocable part of my personal worldview, identity, and belief system.

…

39. … Zionism is, as I have described, a belief that a Jewish ethno-state should be established in historic Palestine: a land that has at all times since Zionism’s inception had a very substantial non-Jewish population (indeed, when Israel was created in 1948, the non-Jewish population of Palestine was the overwhelming majority of historic Palestine). Zionism is inherently and necessarily racist for that reason, and it is inherently and necessarily settler-colonial in its nature. The racist and colonial logic that sits at the very heart of Zionism necessitates the racist practices that have had, and continue to have, severe consequences for indigenous Palestinians, beginning with the forced expulsion of the majority of the Palestinian population from their homeland in 1948.

40. The idea of a non-racist Zionism is, however, hypothetical: it is outside the realm of actual history and at odds with existing Zionist ideology. Herzl said openly in The Jewish State that the state he wished to conceive was for European colonists and must be created somewhere that is comfortable for their sensibilities rather than a wild expanse of land. He suggested that were a patch of suitable land to be found, for example, “natives” might be put to work draining swamps and killing snakes on behalf of these European colonists with promises of future employment in a land to which they would later be deported.

41. What is at the heart of my anti-Zionist beliefs is an objection to – at least since the coming into prominence of Theodor Herzl’s views – Zionism as an inherently racist movement because of its ideological and practical commitment to settler-colonialism. This necessitates racist practices that have had, and continue to have, severe consequences for indigenous Palestinians.

…

47. There is nothing racist or “anti-Semitic” about anti-Zionism, and the Israeli-state-directed efforts to vilify anti-Zionism as a form of anti-Jewish hatred should be rejected. It is precisely because Zionism – on its own terms, as expressed through its chief ideologues and leaders – is a racist and settler-colonial movement, that so much effort is invested in defending Zionism and even rebranding it as so-called “Jewish self-determination”.

48. To be an anti-Zionist is, in my view, a moral and political duty as an anti-racist, and it has no relation to the “denial” of anyone’s “rights” or “self-determination”. On the other hand, it is Zionism that denies indigenous Palestinians their right to self-determination, among many other of their human rights.

___________________________________________________________________

I await the judgement in the appeal to my victory at the Employment Tribunal. The University of Bristol appealed to the Employment Appeal Tribunal (EAT) and there was a hearing in mid-November last year.

Here is the statement on it from my law firm Rahman Lowe. The judgement is supposed to appear within three months. However, the Judge, Lord Fairley, who is the President of the EAT, said that while he hoped to have the judgement ready within three months, he could not guarantee it. So, we wait.

February 22, 2026 Posted by | Civil Liberties, Ethnic Cleansing, Racism, Zionism, Full Spectrum Dominance | , , | Comments Off on What is Zionism? And what is anti-Zionism?

Hungary’s Blocking of EU Loan to Ukraine May Jeopardize IMF Funding – Reports

Sputnik – 22.02.2026

Hungary’s blocking of a 90 billion euro ($106 billion) EU loan to Kiev could impact a loan to Ukraine worth over $8 billion from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) that has not yet been approved, the Financial Times newspaper reported on Sunday.

On Friday, Hungarian Foreign Minister Peter Szijjarto said that Budapest would block the EU’s loan as Kiev failed to restore oil transit via the Druzhba pipeline. On Saturday, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban said that Budapest, following Bratislava, was weighing cuts to electricity supplies to Ukraine.

According to the report, the IMF loan depends on plugging Ukraine’s anticipated budget shortfall, which was slated for closure by April using EU funds.

“Without that [EU and IMF] support, Ukraine’s economy would most likely collapse,” Maksym Samoiliuk, an economist at the Kiev-based Centre for Economic Strategy, was quoted as saying by Financial Times.

On December 19, 2025, a summit in Brussels concluded with the EU temporarily abandoning plans to seize Russian state assets and instead agreeing to extend a 90 billion euro loan to Ukraine from the EU budget. Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic refused to take on responsibility for the loan.

On November 26, 2025, the IMF said it had reached a preliminary expert-level agreement on a new Extended Fund Facility arrangement for Ukraine worth approximately $8.2 billion.

February 22, 2026 Posted by | Economics | , , | Comments Off on Hungary’s Blocking of EU Loan to Ukraine May Jeopardize IMF Funding – Reports