Tens of thousands of Palestinians return to north Gaza after one year of displacement
(Photo credit: MEE/Ahmed Aziz)
The Cradle | January 27, 2025
Tens of thousands of Palestinians began returning to the northern Gaza Strip via the Netzarim corridor on 27 January after over a year of displacement and a genocidal Israeli war.
Video footage documented the first moments that the displaced civilians flooded through the Netzarim corridor to return to their homes in the north.
“Vehicles continue to enter via the Netzarim corridor through Salah al-Din Street after undergoing electronic inspection [in accordance with the ceasefire agreement],” Al Jazeera’s correspondent reported on 27 January.
Hundreds of thousands of Palestinians are expected to return for the first time since being displaced at the start of the war in October 2023 and in the months that followed.
“The scenes of the return of the masses of our people to the areas from which they were forced to flee, despite their destroyed homes, confirm the greatness of our people and their steadfastness in their land, despite the depth of the pain and tragedy,” Hamas said in a statement.
Member of the Hamas political bureau Ezzat al-Rishq said the return of Palestinians to their homes “shatters all the dreams and illusions of the occupation in displacing [the Palestinian] people.”
Israel had been blocking the return of the displaced after the second round of prisoner exchanges took place on Saturday – demanding the return of a female Israeli soldier Arbel Yehud as part of the swap and accusing the resistance movement of obstructing the deal. Yehud is being held by the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) movement.
It was agreed over the weekend that she would be released on Thursday in exchange for Israel allowing the return of the displaced to northern Gaza, which, along with other areas in the enclave, was destroyed and ethnically cleansed throughout the war.
Israeli authorities released 200 Palestinians from Israeli prisons on 25 January as part of the ceasefire agreement with Hamas. The resistance movement released four female Israeli soldiers as part of the deal earlier that day.
One hundred fourteen Palestinian prisoners were transferred from Ofer Prison in the occupied West Bank for release in Ramallah, 16 were returned to Gaza, and 70 were exiled outside Palestine, WAFA news agency reported. Egypt will host them for 48 hours before they are sent to Tunisia, Algeria, and Turkiye – which all agreed to receive them.
In Lebanon, civilians amass to secure liberation
By Khalil Harb | The Cradle | January 27, 2025
Ignoring a foreign-imposed ceasefire ‘extension,’ southern Lebanese residents are reclaiming their villages from Israeli occupation, exposing the failures of both the invasion and US mediation – and it’s happening in both Gaza and Lebanon at the same time.
The image that Israel sought to project – both to its settlers and to the wider Arab world – of a resistance subdued, a nation defeated, and a broken will crumbled at dawn on 26 January as the 60-day deadline for the implementation of the ceasefire with Hezbollah approached.
The shattering moment came as the Lebanese people triumphantly returned to their recently occupied villages with unrelenting resolve, putting an end to two months of perceived acquiescence and Israeli ambitions to extend its occupation of the country beyond the truce.
Scrambling to attach legitimacy to Israel’s continuing violations beyond the ceasefire deadline, the White House issued a very brief statement on Sunday evening, announcing that the agreement would remain in effect until 18 February.
Within hours, the Lebanese presidency’s X account posted: “There is no truth to the news about Israel informing Lebanon that it will remain at five border points for 15 days.”
Israel’s miscalculated strategy
The occupation state, once again miscalculating the realities on the ground, appeared to have banked on its extensive aggression in southern Lebanon, coupled with a brutal two-month rampage through southern villages under the guise of implementing UN Security Council Resolution 1701, to craft a facade of victory.
During this time, villages south of the Litani River – spared military occupation during the war thanks to the fierce resistance – were ravaged through relentless bombing and destruction right up until the deadline. Tel Aviv seemed confident this violence, shielded by the ceasefire agreement, would entrench its control and bolster its narrative of dominance – a narrative it had deceived itself into believing.
The arrogance of Israel’s leadership, from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to his far-right political allies and opposition leaders, underestimated the resilience of the Lebanese. The illusion that the war and its aftermath had crushed the will of the southern villagers or forced new terms upon Hezbollah was put to an unanticipated test.
During Lebanon’s observance of the ceasefire – marked by the deployment of its army south of the Litani and Hezbollah’s adherence to truce terms – Israel misread this restraint as weakness. Toward the end of the truce period, Israeli leaders openly discussed prolonged occupation of southern Lebanon, citing security concerns for northern settlers who had yet to return home.
What Israel did not foresee was the convergence of two historical moments: the Lebanese reclaiming their villages and Palestinians in Gaza defying displacement by returning northward from the strip. This dual movement after two ceasefire agreements, powered by an unyielding indigenous attachment to the land despite a genocidal campaign against its natives, exposed the failure of Israeli calculations and those of its allies in the west and West Asia.
A ceasefire undermined by violations
The recklessness of the US-led armistice committee, chaired by US General Jasper Jeffers, compounded the situation. By treating Israel’s numerous violations of the ceasefire lightly, the committee allowed Tel Aviv to interpret the agreement as it pleased.
Under this pretext, Israeli forces executed airstrikes, demolished entire residential neighborhoods, and bulldozed agricultural and forest areas, electrical network lines, water wells, and numerous roads. The occupation army uprooted infrastructure and disrupted civilian life in southern Lebanon at a scale rivaling the destruction during the 15-month war itself.
According to estimates by Lebanese authorities, there were over 800 violations during the ceasefire, yet the armistice committee offered no meaningful condemnation. Civilians attempting to return home were targeted indiscriminately; as of Sunday night, the Lebanese Ministry of Health recorded 24 more martyrs and over 134 wounded across 21 southern villages, many of them women and children, in addition to the nearly 100 lives lost since the ceasefire began.
Complicit silence of ‘mediators’
Israel’s actions, enabled by international complicity, emboldened it to extend its occupation and deepen the suffering of the Lebanese. Meanwhile, General Jeffers, tasked with overseeing the ceasefire and implementing Resolution 1701, remained a bystander to these crimes.
His silence showed, yet again, Washington’s inherent bias, which – far from being a neutral mediator – has historically aligned with Tel Aviv’s interests. This raises a pertinent question: can the US genuinely claim impartiality in Lebanon’s political and security affairs?
A political source close to the resistance in Lebanon, speaking to The Cradle, says this bias risks destabilizing the country and rendering the truce meaningless.
The resistance, represented by Hezbollah, set things straight with its statement last Thursday, which warned against “a continued violation of Lebanese sovereignty.”
Hezbollah insisted that these violations must be dealt with “by the state using all means and methods guaranteed by international conventions … to reclaim the land.”
“While we will follow the developments of the situation, which are supposed to culminate in a complete withdrawal in the coming days, we will not accept any violation of the agreement and commitments, and any attempt to evade them under flimsy pretexts.”
Hezbollah’s warnings realized
Sunday’s events confirmed Hezbollah’s warnings. As civilians re-entered their villages en masse, the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) followed, deploying in areas where Israeli troops were reluctant to surrender. This mass mobilization dismantled Israel’s scorched-earth strategy, which sought to make the region uninhabitable and reconstruction efforts near impossible.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government, desperate to balance internal political pressures and its failed Gaza offensive, miscalculated again. Instead of breaking the Lebanese spirit, it was met with a formidable display of unity and defiance.
In exchange for the Lebanese commitment to implement the requirements of the ceasefire, Hezbollah parliamentary representative Ali Fayyad says that this was met with “Israeli treachery, international complicity, and indifference.”
A source close to the resistance also tells The Cradle that the presence of Israeli occupation forces on even a single inch of Lebanese territory serves as a justification for continued resistance.
The source elaborates that the Netanyahu government, by attempting to circumvent the truce deadline, is pursuing several interconnected objectives. Chief among them is the strategy to intensify pressure on Beirut, both politically and militarily, with the aim of forcing it into submission to Israeli demands.
Additionally, Israel seeks to establish a so-called “burned zone” along the border, creating a buffer area that would further entrench its occupation. This maneuvering, the source adds, also serves Netanyahu’s domestic agenda.
By maintaining a foothold in southern Lebanon, he aims to deflect criticism from opposition figures within Israel who are pressuring him to avoid a full withdrawal. Moreover, Netanyahu is using the situation to attempt a rehabilitation of his government’s tattered image.
After the Gaza ceasefire exposed severe cracks in Israel’s political and military apparatus – especially as Palestinian resistance fighters emerged with renewed confidence and resilience – the embattled Israeli prime minister is desperate to project strength, particularly in the Lebanese context, as a way to recover from these reputational blows.
Unified resistance
This synchronized resistance across Lebanon and Palestine serves as a reminder of the region’s enduring struggle against occupation. As Israeli commentators acknowledge divisions within US policy circles – some supporting Israel’s attempts to prolong its occupation while others insist on adherence to withdrawal terms – Netanyahu’s agenda remains in disarray.
Reports of him lobbying President Donald Trump to permit the retention of five military sites in southern Lebanon show his desperation, but the people of Lebanon have already rendered this strategy futile.
The Lebanese resistance, bolstered by the actions of its citizens, has proven yet again that the occupation can and will be challenged.
Civilians liberated roughly 30 towns on Sunday, paving the way for the Lebanese army’s advance and signaling an unyielding determination to reclaim their sovereignty. While Israel may seek to manipulate international dynamics, the people of Lebanon have drawn a clear line: their land, their will, their victory.
Hamas: Israel will release over 1,700 Palestinians during truce
MEMO | January 24, 2025
Over 1,700 Palestinians will be released under the terms of the ceasefire deal signed between Hamas and Israel, the head of the Palestinian movement in the West Bank, Zahir Jabarin, said yesterday.
He emphasised that “the agreement is progressing despite some violations by the Zionist occupation. However, thanks to the determination of the resistance, the will of our people, and the leverage the resistance possesses, we are moving in the right direction.”
Jabarin added: “Our prisoners will be released, and it will mark a new beginning for all the Palestinian people. The resistance has succeeded in achieving a significant national deal, ensuring the release of over 1,700 Palestinian prisoners representing all Palestinian factions.”
“Once the prisoners are released on the seventh day, our people will be allowed to move freely from the north to the south [Gaza] and vice versa. Maps and phased plans will initially guide this process until all obstacles on the Netzarim Axis are removed.”
Details of the operations of the Rafah Crossing will be announced in the coming days, he added.
With regards to the occupied West Bank where Israeli occupation forces have intensified their military attacks, Jabarin said: “Our people in the West Bank are unarmed and only have simple tools to resist the occupation, yet they portray our people as heavily armed and attacking these occupiers and criminals, who have been equipped with over 200,000 weapons by the Israeli security minister Itamar Ben-Gvir.”
Hamas: Displaced Palestinians’ return to north Gaza defies Israel’s displacement plans
MEMO | January 24, 2025
The anticipated return to northern Gaza of Palestinians who were forced from their homes demonstrates the failure of one of the war’s key objectives, which was to displace the Palestinian people from their land, Hamas spokesperson Hazem Qassem said.
In a brief statement yesterday, Qassem said that the steadfast resilience of the Palestinian people in Gaza and the bravery of the resistance thwarted the latest attempt by the Zionist project to displace Palestinians from their homeland.
He reiterated that the demands of the Palestinian people are clear and just, primarily their right to establish an independent state on their liberated land.
He concluded by stating that no force will ever succeed in ending the Palestinian people’s pursuit of freedom and independence.
Hamas releases video of killing Israeli forces responsible for Yahya Sinwar’s assassination
Press TV – January 24, 2025
A newly-released footage by the military wing of Hamas resistance movement, the Al-Qassam Brigade, shows the moment when resistance fighters kill two senior Israeli military officials that were behind the assassination of former Hamas chief Yahya Sinwar.
The video, dubbed the “death ambush series”, is reportedly the first part of such footage set to be released by the group.
A section of the video, dated January 6, shows the moment a senior Israeli commander, his deputy and several Israeli occupation soldiers were killed by a planted bomb in the northern city of Beit Hanoun.
The targeted forces were Major Dvir Zion Revah and his deputy Eitan Israel Shiknazi, who, according to the group, were responsible for the assassination of Sinwar.
The footage relates to days before the ceasefire in Gaza took effect on January 19.
Raveh had also led at least one of the regime’s massacres in Beit Hanoun, according to the Brigade.
Both the assassination and the massacre took place during the regime’s 15-month-long war of genocide against the Palestinian territory that claimed the lives of at least 47,000 Palestinians, mostly women and children, since its onset in October 2023.
Tel Aviv finally approved a ceasefire deal earlier this month, succumbing to incessant and successful Palestinian and regional resistance operations.
According to the video, the strike in Beit Hanoun resulted in the injury of several other Israeli forces.
Hamas also referred to a similar operation against an Israeli infantry force advancing in Beit Hanoun’s al-Zaytoun area, causing casualties.
“The enemy acknowledged the death of the deputy commander of the [Israeli military’s] Nahal Brigade and four soldiers, with nine others seriously injured.”
Hamas and its fellow domestic and regional resistance movements have vowed to step up their operations should the regime resume its brutal military onslaught.
Hamas sends letter to Israeli captives’ families
Palestinian Information Center – January 24, 2025
GAZA – The Hamas Movement-affiliated Office of Martyrs, Prisoners and Wounded sent a letter in Arabic and Hebrew to the families of Israeli captives in the Gaza Strip.
“As preparations are underway for the release of a second batch of Israeli captives held in the Gaza Strip, we have followed with great astonishment the statements made by several Israeli leaders, who have threatened to resume war in the Gaza Strip,” the letter reads.
“Hamas and the Palestinian resistance have demonstrated a strong commitment to preserving the lives of the Israeli captives and ensuring their basic needs are met, despite the genocide, starvation, and targeting endured by our people.”
“Upon reaching the ceasefire agreement and releasing the first group of female captives, we were deeply committed to ensuring their delivery in a civilized and humane manner, unlike the treatment Palestinian detainees experienced during their release.”
“Today, we address this message to you (Israeli captives’ families) in a time of great complexity and pain for all. We feel a great danger in the recent statements made by Israeli political leaders. These remarks signal an imminent threat to everyone, including your loved ones who are still in Gaza,” the statement concluded.
Flurry of resignations by Gaza war commanders further jolts Israel
Press TV – January 23, 2025
Israel’s largest newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth has listed the most high-profile Israeli military figuers who have resigned over failures in the run-up to the Gaza war and after that.
It named chief of the general staff Herzi Halevi, commander of the southern region Yaron Finkelman, commander of the Gaza division Avi Rosenfeld, head of the military intelligence division Aharon Haliva, commander of intelligence unit 8200 Yossi Sariel, and commander of the northern brigade in the Gaza Strip Haim Cohen.
Halevi, according to the paper, took over as chief of staff of the Israeli army at a chaotic time, and was appointed by a transitional administration.
He assumed office at a time when the chief of staff was clashing with the political echelon and in the midst of the judicial overhaul controversy that shook Israel and created serious divisions, it said.
The Israeli military failed miserably in confronting a surprise attack by Hamas on October 7, 2023, which dealt a serious blow to the regime’s myth of invincibility.
Reserve Israeli army general: We are on brink of civil war
Meanwhile, reserve general in the Israeli army Isaac Barak warned of an imminent civil war in the settler society.
He said while Gaza-based Hamas and Islamic Jihad resistance movements have returned to their pre-war status, the Israeli army has fallen apart and that any action to return to war would be disastrous.
“Hamas and Islamic Jihad were able to recuperate. The Israeli society is on the brink of a civil war. The reality is that if the war had continued, the Israeli army would not have been able to defeat Hamas,” Barak said.
The Israeli army, he said, is unable to remain in the places it occupied in the Gaza Strip, and cannot destroy hundreds of kilometers of Hamas tunnels.
If the Gaza war had continued, hundreds more people [a category to which Palestinians semmingly do not belong] would have been killed by the Israeli army; all our prisoners would have died; and Israel would have suffered a terrible disaster, the Israeli general stated.
“The Israeli army failed in its objective of weakening Hamas. Hamas continues to dominate the underground cities in the Gaza Strip with the upper hand, and with thousands of young people joining the ranks of the movement, the losses that Hamas suffered during the war have been offset,” Barak said.
He emphasized that the Israeli army is tired and worn out.
“Any attempt to return to war in the Gaza Strip has already failed, and will result in the deaths of hundreds of more Israeli troops and the injury of thousands more.”
Hamas’s strategic survival drives Israel crazy
The Cradle | January 23, 2025
The release of three Israeli female prisoners in Gaza by Hamas’s military wing, the Qassam Brigades, in exchange for 90 Palestinian detainees, triggered a media frenzy in the occupation state.
The dramatic “scene” – fighters emerging amidst the ruins of war, surrounded by a jubilant crowd – undermined official Israeli narratives about the war, its goals, and the treatment of Israeli captives. It raised a sobering question for Israelis: What were we doing in Gaza for 15 months?
The Qassam Brigades orchestrated every detail of the event to maximize impact. From the branded gift bags to the polished uniforms of the fighters, the display exuded calculated precision. A military procession was even held in Saraya Square – an area heavily besieged by Israeli occupation forces. The site’s selection was deliberate, showcasing continued resilience in a location meant to symbolize Tel Aviv’s defeat in its longest military campaign ever.
Sources in Hamas inform The Cradle that the selection of Gaza City – positioned north of the Gaza Valley and the Netzarim axis, a divide created by the Israeli army to split the strip into two sections, soon expected to be dismantled – was a deliberate and symbolic decision, chosen over other alternatives for its strategic and political implications.
Of course, Hamas had the option to release the female prisoners in “safer” locations, such as central or southern Gaza, but it intentionally chose the square.
Strength through strategy
The delay in handing over the three Israeli prisoners for several hours caused confusion among Israelis, leading to multiple violations of the ceasefire agreement. The Qassam Brigades then surprised the Israeli public by announcing the prisoners’ names before the Israeli government, military, or Hebrew media could do so. Minor logistical issues also briefly delayed the release of the 90 male and female Palestinian prisoners but were quickly resolved.
The three Israeli captives were handed release certificates in both Hebrew and Arabic – mirroring Israeli practices with Palestinian prisoners – and were given souvenirs from Gaza, including a detailed map of the entire strip. According to the sources, these “deliberate and carefully planned steps” were intended to send a clear message to Israel: Hamas is neither defeated nor on the brink of elimination.
Israel’s Channel 12 called the ceasefire agreement a “bag of sarcastic surprises,” but the prisoner exchange’s strength lay elsewhere. For months, Israeli negotiators had tried through Qatari and Egyptian mediation – and failed – to extract a list of the Palestinian prisoners to be freed.
Hamas refused, citing security risks, and forced Israel to pay a far higher price than in earlier deals. The initial truce on 24 November 2023 saw three Palestinians exchanged per Israeli. Now, after 15 grueling months of war, Israel had to release 10 times that ratio, a clear indication of Tel Aviv’s lost leverage.
That first, brief six-day truce gave Palestinian resistance factions a chance to regroup. Sources reveal that several battalions, battered by relentless Israeli bombings, managed to regain their operational footing during the break. While Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had pushed for continuous pressure without any pause in Israel’s brutal military campaign, the short truce showed Hamas was resilient enough to spring back into form quickly.
Did Hamas achieve victory in Gaza?
All of this raises the central question: Did Hamas achieve victory in Gaza, and if so, how and why? To answer fully, one must first analyze the foundational and evolving sources of the resistance movement’s strength, examine the mechanisms behind its adaptability and renewal, and finally consider who currently leads the organization, particularly within the Gaza Strip.
Hamas today remains deeply present not only in the Palestinian street but also across the broader Arab and Islamic worlds. Despite the devastation of war, Operation Al-Aqsa Flood, which was launched on 7 October 2023, continues to resonate strongly, shaping public and personal sentiment across the globe. Moreover, sources tell The Cradle that these events have fueled significant recruitment, with thousands of young Palestinians joining Hamas’s ranks.
Even Hebrew media, despite its often propagandistic tone, has acknowledged this phenomenon. While much of Israel’s narrative aims to justify prolonged conflict or the potential resumption of war, occasional admissions reveal the growing appeal of resistance among Palestinians.
Hamas sources argue that Israel has created “a vendetta for generations,” describing the war as not merely a battle against the resistance movement, but a war on all citizens of Gaza. The widespread massacres and destruction have unified the Palestinian street, blurring distinctions between Hamas supporters and others.
“Those who are not part of Hamas inevitably become part of the resistance,” one source explains, emphasizing that even if Hamas were to cease, a new and perhaps stronger movement would emerge in its stead.
A European security official reportedly shared similar concerns with a Hamas representative in Lebanon. The official warned that Gaza’s estimated 18,000 orphans, created by this war alone, could form a new “liberation army” within a decade, one even fiercer than its predecessors.
Adaptability and strategic learning
Hamas has leveraged this dire situation for reconstruction and renewal, refining its strategies and operations. By the sixth month of the war, it was evident that its focus extended beyond ammunition and weaponry to the cultivation of leadership and cadres.
The Qassam Brigades has prioritized the safety of fighters and the efficiency of operations, ensuring that resources are not squandered and that retreat paths remain secure. Israel’s starvation policy, particularly in northern Gaza, aimed to weaken resistance fighters by restricting vital nutritional elements like animal proteins. Despite these tactics, Hamas adapted swiftly, mitigating the impact through preemptive measures.
Another critical factor in Hamas’s resilience is its systematic approach to leadership development. Before the war, its military arms, particularly the Qassam Brigades, operated training programs and maintained a semi-official military academy.
This structure allowed the group to maintain high-caliber leadership despite the assassination of many of the movement’s commanders. Expertise in manufacturing weapons and missiles was rapidly transferred, ensuring continuity in operations.
Intel warfare
Hamas’s intelligence apparatus also played a pivotal role, in which “secrecy” was maintained over key information. Sources tell The Cradle that the movement’s security infrastructure, including the intelligence arm of the Qassam Brigades, General Security, and Internal Security, was critical in preserving the organization’s structure and integrity throughout the war.
“As long as the security apparatus is strong, the movement will endure,” one source notes. Even as Israeli forces targeted intelligence members, Hamas adapted, employing thousands, securing prisoners, and transferring money – within its existing security frameworks and new methods developed during the war.
The resistance movement also demonstrated remarkable counterintelligence capabilities. Israeli forces, dissatisfied with their aerial and technical surveillance, resorted to storming locations not just for military gains but to install surveillance equipment to try to fill their intel gaps. Meanwhile, Hamas prioritized operational secrecy, closely monitoring journalists and photographers among displaced communities to prevent leaks that could endanger fighters or their families. The source explains it thus:
“As long as the security apparatus is present and strong, the movement will remain fine … It does not matter how weak it is militarily, politically, or even financially; what is important is that security remains fine. After months of military combat, the battle turned into an intelligence war, specifically between the Qassam Intelligence and the Shin Bet.”
Leadership in Gaza: Who leads Hamas?
Following the martyrdom of Yahya Sinwar – the powerful and intelligent Hamas leader and ‘architect’ of Operation Al-Aqsa Flood – the resistance movement refrained from announcing a new political bureau chief, leaving questions about its leadership unanswered. The Cradle sources confirm, however, that the movement is currently governed by a five-member committee representing Gaza, the West Bank, and the diaspora, with Musa Abu Marzouk playing a key role in international relations.
Israeli media has frequently speculated about the role of Mohammad Sinwar, Yahya’s brother, portraying him as a central, uncompromising figure in Hamas’s decision-making. The younger Sinwar’s life is no less mysterious than that of the Qassam Brigades Military Commander Mohammed Deif, and he has also been subjected to six assassination attempts during the last 30 years.
While Mohammad Sinwar lacks a political or security background, his expertise as a brigade and operations commander has made him a formidable figure in Gaza’s resistance. Reports suggest that during negotiations, Israel even proposed deporting the younger Sinwar to resolve the conflict – an offer Hamas dismissed.
Although Israeli reports often personalize and exaggerate leadership roles – often right before an assassination attempt – insiders stress that Hamas operates as an institution, not as a personality-driven movement. This institutional framework has been key to its resilience, enabling it to withstand external pressure and internal challenges.
Despite the devastation wrought by the war, Hamas has succeeded in fortifying its institutional framework and maintaining cohesion – a rare feat among Palestinian factions. While Yahya Sinwar’s leadership during pivotal operations, such as Operation Al-Aqsa Flood, demonstrates the movement’s strategic acumen, the true source of Hamas’s strength lies in its collective and institutional structure. This framework has enabled it to endure even the most extreme challenges.
Without this institutional resilience, Hamas’s gains would likely have disintegrated early in the conflict, handing the occupation state the decisive political victory it sought – a victory that remains unattained.
Hamas commander’s reappearance on video belies Israeli claim of killing him
Press TV – January 23, 2025
The reappearance of a high-ranking commander of the Palestinian resistance movement Hamas in a video clip has belied the Israeli military’s claim of killing him in the northern Gaza Strip last May.
The Palestinian media outlet Arab48 released footage of Hussein Fayyad at a funeral in northern Gaza on Wednesday as he was speaking among a group of people amid the ruins of a bombed-out building.
The video, which was widely shared on social media, showed Fayyad praising Gaza’s resistance against the Israeli regime’s months-long aggression and dismissing the onslaught as futile.
“When the strong do not achieve their goals, they are defeated, but the weak, which prevented the strong from achieving their goals, are the victors,” the Hamas commander said. “Gaza has emerged unbreakable. We all saw yesterday how Gaza stood victorious with its head held high.”
The Israeli occupation army claimed in May last year that Fayyad, the commander of the Beit Hanoun Brigade of the al-Qassam Brigades, the military wing of Hamas, had been “eliminated” in an underground operation in Jabaliya tunnel, north of Gaza City.
Following the release of the footage on Wednesday, the Israeli military was forced to admit that its claim of killing the Hamas commander was based on flawed intelligence.
Fayyad’s reappearance once again raised questions about Israel’s battlefield claims in Gaza as the regime has in the past erroneously claimed the killing of key Palestinian figures.
The Israeli regime was forced to agree to a ceasefire agreement with Hamas on Sunday, which put an end to more than 15 months of merciless aggression on the blockaded Gaza Strip.
Israel’s brutal onslaught on the besieged territory, which started on October 7, 2023, killed more than 47,000 Palestinians and wounded nearly 112,000 others.
The toll continues to climb as families return to the ruins of their former homes following the ceasefire, searching for the bodies of loved ones left in the aftermath. The Palestinian Ministry of Health has reported that around 10,000 bodies are still unaccounted for beneath the rubble.
Gaza’s unbreakable resistance: A historical perspective on the war and its aftermath
By Ramzy Baroud | MEMO | January 22, 2025
Israel lost the war in Gaza from every perspective
Regardless of the success of the ceasefire, the Israeli side is the defeated one.
By Lucas Leiroz | Strategic Culture Foundation | January 18, 2025
After more than a year of bloody fighting in the Gaza Strip, both sides reached a ceasefire agreement. Hamas and Israel reportedly agreed to halt hostilities from January on, implementing a multiple step “pacification” plan to end the war. The agreement came after several bilateral talks mediated by Qatar. The final terms of the deal were highly unfavorable to Israel, which led to harsh criticism from the Zionist press and internal opposition, who described it as a “surrender.”
As a result of local political pressure, on January 16, Benjamin Netanyahu announced his interest in delaying the signing of the agreement due to unfounded accusations of “violations” allegedly on the part of Hamas. Additionally, new Israeli airstrikes occurred in Gaza on the same day, killing dozens of people. However, only a few hours later, reports emerged that the agreement had been signed in Doha.
It is still too early to say what the final outcome of this agreement will be. The fact that both sides agreed to temporarily stop hostilities does not mean the end of the conflict. For the Palestinians, the true war will only end when Israel withdraws from Palestine. For Zionists, the end depends on the success of the ethnic cleansing plan in Gaza and the West Bank. However, the halting of bombings and killings is a significant political victory for Palestinian Resistance, especially considering the favorable terms for Hamas.
The agreement, as outlined in its final terms, establishes a prisoner exchange system at a ratio of one Israeli for fifty Palestinians. Tel Aviv is required to completely withdraw from Gaza and stop attacks, while Hamas maintains its legitimate political authority in Gaza. In other words, the agreement includes substantial concessions from Israel, clearly showing that the winning side — i.e., the side in a position to demand its terms — was Hamas.
It is possible that the agreement will fail early. Even with both sides signing, Israel could withdraw at any time, given that Netanyahu is under constant pressure to disguise his political defeat. However, even if hostilities continue, Tel Aviv will still be viewed by all analysts as the defeated side in this war.
It is important to emphasize that war is a political phenomenon, not a military one. Military operations are merely some of the means through which a war occurs, but they are not the central point of a conflict. In fact, war is an extreme political mechanism, where two or more political entities confront each other using violence as a legitimate weapon.
Being a political event, the winner in a war is the side that achieves its political objectives, regardless of the military situation. In this sense, it is possible to lose all military battles but still win politically in the end. Something similar happened, for example, in Vietnam and Afghanistan. In both cases, the U.S. devastated the enemy countries, massacring the local populations through inhumane acts of violence. However, both in Vietnam, in 1973, and in Afghanistan, in 2021, Washington was defeated at the end of the war, leaving the battlefield without achieving its political objectives.
In Gaza, Israel devastated the civilian population and destroyed the infrastructure, but failed to achieve the political goals of its counterattack: eliminating Hamas, occupying Gaza, and freeing prisoners. No Israeli objective was achieved, so Tel Aviv lost. Meanwhile, Hamas achieved its political objectives of weakening the Zionist enemy and preventing the destruction of the Al Aqsa Mosque, clearly demonstrating that the Resistance won the war.
The situation is far from over. Only the end of the State of Israel — or its complete demilitarization and territorial reconfiguration — would represent a final victory for Hamas. But regardless of this, the current victory is important for the Resistance. If the ceasefire holds, Hamas will have relief and enough time to regroup and strengthen for the next battle. If the agreement fails, the war will continue in its status quo, where Hamas already has the advantage on the battlefield, efficiently preventing enemy territorial advances despite constant civilian casualties.
In the end, Israel is defeated from every perspective. Netanyahu criticizes the agreement because he knows he is committing political suicide by signing a disguised surrender pact. However, if he does not respect the ceasefire, Netanyahu will further harm his government and will have to accept the consequences of a permanent war.
Palestinian victory is the only certainty for now.
What legitimacy is the PA talking about?
By Ramona Wadi | MEMO | January 16, 2025
“While we are waiting for the ceasefire, it is important to stress that it won’t be acceptable for any other entity to govern the Gaza Strip but the legitimate Palestinian leadership and the government of the state of Palestine,” the Palestinian Authority’s Prime Minister, Mohammad Mustafa, stated during a meeting of the Global Alliance for the Implementation of the Two-State Solution.
The PA is not a legitimate leadership. In 2006, Hamas won the Palestinian legislative elections, disturbing the Western world’s preferred outcome. Democracy, according to the West, can only conform with Western expectations; therefore Palestinians got a taste of what the US does when democracy crashes imperialist expectations. Instead of respecting the electoral result, the US and Fatah embarked upon a series of destabilisation and coercion tactics, aimed at marginalising Hamas further and ultimately destroying the legitimate representation of Palestinians according to the 2006 electoral result.
While Hamas was shunned and its diplomatic efforts rebuffed, even though it combined resistance and political pragmatism, the PA intensified its efforts at forcing Hamas to relinquish power, enforcing sanctions on an enclave repeatedly bombarded by Israel. When Palestinians in the Occupied West Bank protested against such authoritarianism and cruelty, the PA unleashed its security services on civilians, and continues to do so. As the US and the EU continued funnelling funds to enhance the PA’s brutality under the guise of state-building, the PA continued harming Palestinians in the name of security, to the point of detaining, torturing and, at times, killing their critics.
All this was orchestrated because the international community sided with an illegitimate political representation under the auspices of democracy. Are we to assume that legitimacy and democracy change meaning according to colonial and imperialist interests? What of the importance of language, which is of equal importance in the anti-colonial struggle against Israel and the PA?
Back to the present. Since Israel started its genocide in Gaza, the PA has consistently sought to navigate the corridors of power by presenting itself as an alternative to Hamas. Yet, in doing so, it completely neglected the fact that its silence on the genocide is tantamount to tacit support. The PA merely reiterated the importance of the two-state paradigm as it has for decades, with no acknowledgement of the fact that not even the hypothesis can sustain itself, let alone implementation. Meanwhile, to garner favour with Israel and the international community, and possibly prove how relevant it is to post-genocide Gaza governance, the PA started its own attack against the Palestinian Resistance.
The question is, since legitimacy does not hold the same meaning for the PA and its accomplices, what does legitimacy mean in the context of its Prime Minister citing legitimacy as the reason why the PA should return to Gaza? There is no other acceptable entity, according to the PA – based on what parameters? Just as genocide became synonymous with human rights in the Israeli and international narrative, is the PA’s illegitimate rule becoming synonymous with democracy? Why hasn’t the PA suggested elections and why has the international community not voiced any concern over Ramallah wanting to extend its power to Gaza?
The PA’s attempts to prove itself purportedly worthy of governing Gaza are precisely the reason why it should not. The PA’s only foundations are foreign funding and Israeli colonialism. Having sold itself to the two highest bidders (not forgetting the tangible illegitimacy since 2006), what Palestinian leadership and legitimacy is the PA really talking about?
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From the Archives
The US: The Century of Lost Wars
By James Petras | Global Research | September 12, 2018
Introduction
Despite having the biggest military budget in the world, five times larger than the next six countries, the largest number of military bases – over 180 – in the world and the most expensive military industrial complex, the US has failed to win a single war in the 21st century.
In this paper we will enumerate the wars and proceed to analyze why, despite the powerful material basis for wars, it has led to failures. … continue
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