UN vote on Hormuz force delayed as Iran issues warning
Al Mayadeen | April 3, 2026
The United Nations Security Council on Friday postponed a vote on a draft resolution authorizing force in the Strait of Hormuz, as divisions deepen among major powers amid the ongoing war on Iran.
Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi warned ahead of the session that any move within the Council could escalate tensions further. “Any provocative action by the aggressors and their supporters, including in the UN Security Council regarding the situation in the Strait of Hormuz, will only complicate the situation,” he said.
The vote, initially scheduled for today, concerned a Bahrain-led proposal that would allow the use of “defensive” force to protect commercial shipping in the strategic waterway. The measure is backed by the United States and several Gulf states, which have been heavily impacted by the disruption of maritime traffic.
However, the session was delayed with no new date announced. Russia, China, and France have raised objections to earlier drafts, particularly over language that could authorize military action, warning that such steps risk widening the war.
Diplomatic wrangling has already forced Bahrain to revise the proposal multiple times. Earlier versions reportedly included language permitting “all necessary means,” a formulation commonly interpreted as allowing military force, before being scaled back under pressure from opposing members.
The evolving text has been repeatedly watered down in an effort to avoid a veto, shifting from explicit authorization of force toward more limited “defensive” measures, with additional conditions on how any action would be carried out.
Despite backing the broader push led by Bahrain and the United States, France has played a more complex role in negotiations. Paris has participated in drafting efforts while also resisting stronger provisions, joining Russia and China in blocking earlier versions of the resolution during the so-called “silence procedure”, effectively preventing its automatic adoption.
At the same time, France has pushed for de-escalation and a delayed or limited mandate instead of immediate authorization of force, amid concerns that military action would further destabilize the situation.
The dispute unfolds against the backdrop of a severe crisis in the Strait of Hormuz, driven by Iranian restrictions imposed in retaliation for US-Israeli aggression. The resulting disruption to tanker traffic has triggered a major shock to global energy markets.
Despite the military buildup, Iran has maintained a controlled approach to maritime transit, allowing selective passage for non-hostile states while restricting vessels linked to the United States, “Israel,” and their allies.
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From the Archives
How the occupied mentality syndrome works
Saudi Arabia on the American chessboard – Part 3
By B. J. Sabri | American Herald Tribune | June 27, 2016
Read part 2: “The occupied mentality Syndrome“
Previously I argued whether Saudi Arabia’s repeated involvements in U.S. interventions and wars stem from free national will or in response to a specific condition. For starters, in Saudi Arabia there is no national will. In Saudi Arabia, the national will is the will of the Al Saud clan. Still, when a major Arab state allies itself with a superpower that committed unspeakable crimes against humanity in almost every Arab country, then something is wrong. This fact alone should compel us to examine the U.S.-Saudi relation for one exceptional reason. As a result of the U.S.-Saudi wars, hundreds of thousands of people in Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, Libya, Syria, Yemen, and Somalia have lost their lives. Millions became displaced in their own homelands. And millions more rendered refugees.
Attributing the Saudi policies to the bonds of “partnership” with the U.S. is frivolous. There are no bonds between these two thugs except those of business, military deals, secret plots, and wars. Proving this point, bonds such as these have no space for the American and Saudi peoples to share significant cultural or societal exchanges. If partnership is not the reason for the Saudi contribution to the U.S. strategy of empire and imperialism, then another reason must exist.
This leads to three possibilities. … continue
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