AfD in historic first pulls dead even with CDU/CSU in latest INSA poll

eugyppius – April 5, 2025
It has finally happened: Alternative für Deutschland are no longer the second-strongest party in Germany; for the first time ever, they have pulled dead-even with CDU/CSU in a representative poll. Both claim 24% support in the latest INSA survey, conducted for BILD between 31 March and 4 April. It is the strongest poll result the AfD have ever received.
The results are partly symbolic and well within the margin of error (2.9 percentage points), but the trend is clear, and nobody seriously doubts that in the coming weeks AfD will assume the lead and become the strongest-polling party across the Federal Republic.
The running average of all major polls – which lags a week or two but yields the clearest view possible of the trend – looks like this:

The Union parties have been experiencing a slow but steady collapse in support as their voters abandon them in ever greater numbers for their hated blue rival. The erosion began after Friedrich Merz struck a deal with the disgraced Social Democrats (SPD) to overhaul the debt brake with the outgoing Bundestag, contrary to one of his primary campaign promises. Everything we’ve heard about the disastrous coalition negotiations with the SPD in the weeks since have confirmed the image of a careless, inexperienced yet ambitious CDU chancellor candidate, desperate to ascend to the highest political office, whatever the cost. Back in 2018, Merz pledged he would cut support for the AfD in half and drive his party back to 40% supporter or higher. He has achieved very nearly the opposite, plunging his future government to the depths of unpopularity before it is even formed and ceding first place to precisely the people he promised to cut down to size. It is a farce beyond anything I could’ve imagined.
There is no plan or strategy here; Merz has no idea what he is even doing. He and CDU/CSU leadership did have a brief flash of insight back in January, when they reached across the firewall to vote with the AfD on legislation to restrict migration. Back then at least, they knew they had to show the left parties they had other options, or they would be destroyed in coalition negotiations with any potential “democratic” partner. Leftist activists took to the streets and Merz rapidly retreated, returning to his standard denunciations of the AfD and pledging never to vote with them again. In return for a measure of mercy from Antifa, Merz voluntarily led his party into a trap, ceding all possible leverage over a radicalised SPD, who will force the Union parties to swallow one poison pill after the other. It is a win-win for them. They get what they want and they get to grind the CDU and the CSU to dust at the same time.
The election might be over, but make no mistake – these poll results matter. First, collapsing support deprives the CDU of options in the present. They can’t walk away from the negotiating table and seek new elections, because they know they’d come out of them vastly worse. Their terrible numbers further strengthen the negotiating position of the SPD, who will force the CDU to accept still more damaging compromises, driving CDU support even lower. Then we must remember that federal elections are not the only game in town. The rank-and-file of the CDU have to contend in an array of district elections in the coming months, and five state elections are approaching in 2026, including two in East Germany (Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and Sachsen-Anhalt) that may well end in the collapse of the firewall at the state level. Dissatisfaction with Merz inside the CDU is widespread and growing.
All of this will make it more tempting for the Union parties to support banning AfD. It is hard to discern exactly how this would happen. The CDU could join the left parties of the Bundestag in applying for a ban. The’ve said they might do this if and when the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV) upgrades their assessment of the AfD to “confirmed right-wing extreme.” Alternatively, Merz’s government could apply for a ban directly with the Federal Constitutional Court in Karlsruhe. What happens depends a lot on the strength of the evidence that the BfV have assembled against the AfD; if (as I suspect) this evidence is weak, they’ll want to avoid this measure because of the risk. Any failure would merely confirm the legitimacy of the AfD as a democratic party.
If the CDU can’t remove the AfD from the board – and probably even if they can – their future looks very dismal. If present numbers hold, the only conceivable government in 2029 would be the dreaded Kenya coalition, consisting of CDU/CSU, SPD and Greens all together. The compromises and failures the Union would be forced to swallow in that scenario would be even worse than the compromises and failures they’re swallowing now. Their punishment would be accordingly harsher. The CDU established the firewall as a defensive mechanism, to discourage their own voters from defecting to the AfD. Now the firewall has become a great cudgel against the Union, and a major source of the AfD’s strength.
Schrödinger’s novichok: 12 points from the Dawn Sturgess inquiry, part 1
By Tim Norman | Propaganda In Focus | February 18, 2025
What happens when evidence of a nerve agent poisoning exists in impossible dual states? Part one of a three-part report on the Dawn Sturgess inquiry examines elements simultaneously lethal yet harmless, present yet absent, sealed yet used.
A note on sources: Links presented in bold go to precise points in the YouTube feed from the Dawn Sturgess inquiry. Links that are not in bold are to supporting sources: articles and videos from mainstream news providers.
Point 1. The perfume spray that wasn’t a perfume spray
The multi-million pound inquiry into the death of the UK citizen Dawn Sturgess concluded public hearings on 2 December 2024, although further sessions — with only a select few participants — will be held in secret (sessions the Sturgess family’s lawyers will not be allowed to participate in).
A final report from the chair of the inquiry, retired Supreme Court judge Lord Anthony Hughes, is expected to be delivered at some point in 2025.
The inquiry, which was set up to investigate the circumstances leading to Dawn’s death in July 2018 — a death allegedly caused by a “military grade” nerve agent called novichok — would not have been held at all had Dawn’s daughter not mounted a legal challenge against the coroner’s decision to limit the scope of his inquest into the death of her mother.
The coroner ruled that he would not consider Russian state culpability for Dawn’s death, which was seemingly collateral damage caused by two Russian secret agents who had allegedly used novichok in an attempt to assassinate the retired Russian double agent Sergei Skripal four months previously, on 4 March 2018, in the English city of Salisbury.
After Dawn’s daughter won her challenge against the coroner’s decision to limit the scope of his inquest, the UK government converted the inquest into a so-called public inquiry so that evidence could be heard in secret.
The home secretary at the time then acted to ensure that evidence would be hidden from the Sturgess family and from the inquiry itself — without consulting Lord Hughes, the chair of the inquiry, before doing so.
Despite this unprecedented censorship, several weeks of public hearings were eventually held, with the proceedings streamed on YouTube (subject to a 10 minute delay so that any sensitive material could be redacted) during which a number of important facts were revealed about the alleged attack on Sergei Skripal, and the circumstances surrounding Dawn’s death.
There have been a couple of articles in the mainstream media summarising “what we have learnt” from the inquiry since the public hearings ended but, for whatever reason, journalists overlooked many of the important facts that emerged — or failed to give them sufficient attention.
However, at least one fact was clear before the inquiry began: a perfume spray that wasn’t a perfume spray lies at the heart of Dawn Sturgess case.
This is because the Russian secret agents allegedly used a small container disguised as a perfume bottle to apply novichok to the front door handle of Skripal’s home at around 12pm on 4 March 2018, shortly thereafter discarding the bottle in a public bin somewhere in Salisbury. There it was apparently found by Dawn’s boyfriend, Charlie Rowley, who later gave it to her in the morning of 30 June at his flat in the nearby town of Amesbury.
Exactly where and when Rowley found the bottle — if indeed he did find it — is unclear, as he seems to have no memory of doing so. He initially told police he had probably picked it up about four days before giving it to Dawn (Day 22, p117), but a senior police officer told the inquiry he thought Rowley had in fact picked the bottle up shortly after it was discarded, and had then held onto it for nearly four months — including when he moved from Salisbury to Amesbury in May (Day 22, p165) — before giving it to her.
Despite the fact he could not remember where he found the bottle, Rowley had a clear memory of the condition it was in. He said it was boxed and sealed in plastic packaging, as if new. He also said the liquid in the bottle was oily and odourless — something he discovered when he spilled some of the substance on himself after opening the box.
He said he gave the bottle containing the remainder of the liquid to Dawn as a gift believing it was perfume, even though it did not have a fragrance.
The bottle’s long-nosed pump nozzle was apparently designed to squirt its contents directly onto a surface rather than atomise the liquid into an aerosol mist, as would be expected with a genuine perfume spray. The nozzle bears a striking resemblance to the nozzle used on a throat spray called Teva Jox, but it was in fact supposedly highly engineered to protect the Russian secret agents as they applied novichok to Skripal’s door.
Rowley said the pump nozzle was packaged separately from the bottle inside the box, and it was in the act of attaching the pump nozzle to the bottle that he spilled some of the liquid on his hands.
The first point to be made about the events leading to Dawn’s death, and the inquiry into its circumstances, concerns this nozzle and how it worked.
It has become an important part of the narrative of Dawn’s death that she sprayed the liquid in the bottle onto her skin, and this is what killed her. This simple action can be easily envisaged and understood by anyone who has seen or used a spray perfume bottle in their everyday lives.
But this is pure suggestion — at best, a very sloppy shorthand to describe what she apparently did; at worst a deceptive use of language that evokes an easily understood behaviour to disguise problems with the narrative of Dawn’s poisoning that begin at the moment she allegedly poisoned herself.
The reality is an aerosolised mist of “military grade” nerve agent would present an extreme risk of injury or death to anyone attempting to use such a neurotoxin to contaminate any kind of surface, unless they were wearing full protective equipment of the kind that the UK authorities were later seen wearing while investigating the Salisbury and Amesbury events.
For this reason it was reported that the novichok was, in fact, smeared onto Skripal’s front door handle, rather than sprayed onto it. But appealing to the popular understanding of how real perfume bottles work, it was also widely reported that Dawn sprayed the liquid onto her wrists believing it was perfume as it superficially appeared to be, even if it did not smell.
The sloppy and inaccurate — if not deceptive — suggestion that the bottle of nerve agent functioned and was used like a perfume spray was accepted and used by the inquiry, and it was described as such throughout the proceedings, including by Adam Straw KC (a barrister representing the Sturgess family) and Lisa Giovannetti KC (representing the police).
For example, the suggestion that the bottle was a spray was made by Straw in his opening remarks to the inquiry on Day 1 (p87): “Dawn sprayed the substance on herself”, and the same suggestion was repeatedly made by Giovannetti in her closing remarks on Day 24 (p109): “The… applicator … was designed [to] provide some protection to a user spraying the bottle’s contents away from themselves — but sadly of course not to Ms Sturgess who unwittingly used it to spray poison directly onto her skin.”
The inquiry further reinforced the popular understanding that the bottle functioned as a spray by introducing the detail that Dawn had probably also sniffed or breathed in the military grade nerve agent that killed her at the same time as spraying herself with it, meaning that she suffered what an anonymous government toxicologist referred to as ‘FT49’ said would have been “multi-route exposure” (Day 9, p122).
This apparent multi-route exposure was used to explain why she was affected so quickly.
The testimony of ‘FT49’ on this point was supported by other expert witnesses who appeared before the inquiry.
On Day 11 (p62) of the proceedings Professor Guy Rutty, “the UK’s leading academic forensic pathologist” — told Lord Hughes that Dawn had experienced symptoms very rapidly because she had “probably” inhaled aerosolised particles of novichok, as well as applying it to her skin.
“There would also potentially be just some atmospheric liberation of it,” Rutty said. “I think it’s probably highly likely that it was also in essence breathed in nasally or orally.”
This spray that was not a spray is the first example of the theme of this article: the strange contradictions that run through the narrative of the circumstances leading to Dawn’s death, and the oddly indeterminate properties of the “military grade” nerve agent novichok in particular.
The novichok narrative presents a nerve agent that defies its own nature: a substance lethal in microscopic amounts yet casually wiped on jeans; a toxin requiring full protective equipment that restaurant staff encountered without harm; a poison capable of killing thousands that left a cat unharmed for days in a contaminated house.
The quantum state of novichok — simultaneously lethal and yet harmless — sets the pattern for every aspect of this case, including Dawn’s death.
Dawn apparently began to experience symptoms within 15 minutes of spraying novichok on her skin. She was taken to hospital that morning but had suffered catastrophic brain damage. She died nine days later when the decision was made to turn off her life support.
Rowley also sniffed the liquid in the bottle, which is how he knew that it did not have much of an odour, and accidentally poured a significant quantity on his hands. But unlike Dawn he was not affected for hours — a point we will examine in more detail in a moment — and he recovered.
Dawn’s death was the only fatality allegedly caused by the novichok supposedly used by the two Russian secret agents in their apparent attempt to kill Sergei Skripal in Salisbury on 4 March 2018.
Sergei and his daughter Yulia, who was visiting him from Moscow at the time, both allegedly touched the poison that the secret agents had supposedly applied to his front door — and both Sergei and Yulia seemingly received a dose large enough to incapacitate them together on a bench in Salisbury city centre, a few hours after their alleged exposure.
Although they were initially believed by paramedics and doctors to have taken an opiate — initially thought to be the powerful synthetic opiate fentanyl — and treated accordingly, both Sergei and Yulia survived — as did Charlie Rowley when, months later, he “tipped” novichok onto his hands while attaching the pump dispenser to the supposed assassination weapon.
A police officer, Nick Bailey, also apparently became ill after having somehow being exposed to the nerve agent while investigating Skripal’s house in the early hours of Monday morning. He too survived exposure to what was said to be a lethal poison.
To the reader: what follows are 11 more significant points from the Dawn Sturgess inquiry that outlets such as the BBC did not go into in their coverage, still less analyse in context.
As you read through them, observe how the supposed extreme toxicity of the nerve agent becomes flexible or adaptable to the over-arching narrative of a deadly Russian chemical weapon attack on UK soil.
At several points, you will see novichok presented as a toxin of terrifying lethality: a weapon of mass destruction. But at other — often simultaneous — points you will see how it was evidently not lethal to victims, bystanders, first responders or even animals.
The extreme duality or cognitive dissonance around the narrative considered in this article, satirically entitled “Schrödinger’s novichok”, should become clear throughout.
Let us move on to the fate of Skripal’s cat.
Point 2. The poisoned cat that wasn’t poisoned
Sergei Skripal had a pet cat called Nash van Drake as well as two guinea pigs, and after Sergei was taken to hospital following his alleged exposure to novichok a Salisbury veterinarian, who had cared for the animals for years, apparently contacted police with concerns about their welfare.
But it seems this vet’s concerns were not acted on by the police as they examined Sergei’s house, despite claims to the contrary at the inquiry.
“Every time we [the police] were in the premises we were trying to care for the animals but the cat was particularly stressed by our presence,” Commander Dominic Murphy, head of the Metropolitan Police Counter-Terrorism Command, told the inquiry on Day 15 (p39) of proceedings.
The police had apparently not initially been aware that the front door was the source of the alleged novichok contamination.
“It is clear that Sergei Skripal’s house was not regarded as crucial to the investigation, or a potential health risk, until several days after the incident,” the BBC reported on 28 March 2018, and a local BBC Wiltshire reporter recalled police “with no or minimal protective clothing going in and out of that front door” two days after it was allegedly contaminated.
Once the police were aware that the door handle was the alleged source of the neurotoxin, however, they became concerned that the house and the cat inside had been contaminated: possibly by their own movements.
The cat had somehow survived inside the house up until this point, although it had reportedly become severely malnourished. The police seemingly, therefore, decided that the cat had to be destroyed for its own good.
“Subsequently we knew the house was contaminated,” Cmdr Murphy told the inquiry (Day 15, p39). “So for wellbeing reasons associated to the cat and its condition and the fact that it was likely to have been contaminated, the cat had to be euthanised for its welfare.”
“Was there in truth any prospect of removing the animals from the house?” Cmdr Murphy is asked by Andrew O’Connor KC, counsel to the inquiry.
“I do not believe there was any prospect of them ever coming out of the house, no,” Murphy replies.
Murphy then says that the guinea pigs “died of natural causes in the house”, although it was reported at the time that they had died of thirst.
The bodies of the animals were incinerated at nearby Porton Down, the UK’s chemical weapons research facility also known as the Defence Science and Technology Laboratory (DSTL). This was done immediately “over fears they may have been contaminated with the deadly novichok nerve agent”.
But just how deadly was it? What would happen, for example, if you wiped some of this substance on your jeans after spilling it on your hands?
Point 3. The toxic trousers that took their time
Like spraying perfume on your wrists and rubbing them together, wiping your hands on your trousers after you have spilled liquid on them is a natural action people can easily envisage, and this is what Charlie Rowley apparently did.
But as we know, what he casually wiped on his jeans was not an ordinary liquid.
The background leading to the point where Charlie Rowley apparently wiped novichok on his jeans needs to be explained for its significance to become clear. This background information about Rowley’s health, lifestyle and witness statements as they were delivered to the Dawn Sturgess inquiry will also give context to some of the other points we will come to.
As we have seen, Rowley was unable to recall where he found the bottle of novichok that allegedly killed Dawn and it is purely a suggestion that he found it in a bin because he was in the habit of “bin diving” — that is, scavenging through public rubbish containers looking for items to sell.
Part of the reason Rowley’s memory is so poor may be the long-term effects of his exposure to novichok. But the inquiry heard that he was also a self-confessed alcoholic and heroin addict who took large amounts of drugs and consumed very large quantities of alcohol almost daily, including on the day before he gave Dawn the bottle that allegedly killed her.
As well as being unsure where he supposedly found the bottle, Rowley was also unable to recall when he found the bottle, again apparently because of his frequently intoxicated state.
Possibly for these reasons, Rowley did not give testimony to the inquiry in person and was not required to answer questions from the lawyers involved — despite the fact that he is the key witness upon whose evidence the investigation into the circumstances of Dawn’s death depends.
His crucial account was presented only through transcripts of police interviews, which were partially read out during the proceedings. The unclear and often conflicting nature of his testimony then became the subject of speculation on the part of the inquiry’s lawyers and participants such as Cmdr Murphy.
On Day 3 (p55) of the inquiry, lead counsel O’Connor drew attention to a passage in an interview transcript where the interviewing officer asks Rowley: “How often would you take heroin?
“Mr Rowley says, ‘regularly’.”
O’Connor continues: “[Rowley] is asked a question on what he means by that, and he says daily.”
On Day 10 (p46), police officer Eirin Martin testified to the inquiry that Rowley was not only a heroin user but also “a well-known drug dealer” in the Salisbury area.
On Day 22 (p70), part of a transcript of a police interview where Rowley was asked about his alcohol consumption was read out by O’Connor.
“The officer says: ‘Do you recall what you had had to drink before you found the box?’,” O’Connor says.
“Mr Rowley says, ‘Probably quite a lot.’
“Then he is asked: ‘Okay. Charlie, what’s quite a lot in your opinion?’
“He says: ‘Probably like three bottles of wine, about four bottles of beer.’
“Mr Rowley explains nine per cent beer.
“And the officer says: ‘Okay. And you believe that [is] the reason for you not remembering.’
“Mr Rowley says: ‘“Well, not saying that’s why I don’t remember, because that’s a poor excuse, I’m just saying I was probably drunk.’”
Rowley was so drunk the day before Dawn collapsed at his flat that he could not remember them making the bus journey from Salisbury, where they had spent the day, to Amesbury that evening. Asked by the police: “How do you know that you definitely got home on that… night?” Rowley simply replied: “Because we woke up in Amesbury the next day.” (Day 3, p54)
Later on Day 22 (p157) of the proceedings, Cmdr Murphy told the inquiry: “[I]t’s really important [to understand] … that I don’t think we’re ever actually going to know where Charlie found the novichok.”
There is in fact no evidence that Rowley found the package containing the bottle at all. Once again, this is purely a suggestion. All we know is the bottle apparently turned up in his flat in Amesbury on 11 July, three days after Dawn died.
A written statement — undated and unsigned — from now-retired Detective Chief Inspector (DCI) Philip Murphy, who was in charge of the investigation into the alleged poisonings of Charlie Rowley and Dawn Sturgess but did not give evidence to the inquiry in person (and was, somewhat confusingly, represented at the inquiry by Cmdr Dominic Murphy of Counter Terrorism Command) says that when Rowley was shown pictures of the box and its packaging he initially “did not recognise it and did not think that was the box with the bottle in it” (p25, paragraph 111).
The bottle was seemingly found on a kitchen work surface after police had been searching the property for at least five days.
Many people had been at Rowley’s flat in the days before Dawn collapsed there, and there is a suggestion it had been “cuckooed” — that is, taken over by local drug dealers and addicts who lived a similar lifestyle to Rowley’s.
It is just as plausible that one of the people who frequented the flat left the bottle in the kitchen, as it is that Rowley had picked up the bottle in Salisbury on or around 4 March 2018 and unknowingly brought it with him when he moved from Salisbury to Amesbury on 18 May 2018.
There is no evidence for either of these possibilities — they are both purely suggestions — but it makes the point: Rowley’s account of finding the bottle is unreliable. In a legal context it could be said to lack probative value.
It bears repeating that the inquiry depends almost entirely on Rowley’s testimony for a critical aspect of the case it is investigating: how Dawn Sturgess came to “spray” herself with novichok — allegedly discarded by Russian secret agents in Salisbury — and how her death was a consequence of their alleged attempt to kill Sergei Skripal.
It also bears repeating that Rowley never appeared before the inquiry.
“[W]e had planned for Mr Rowley to give evidence … and, of course, had he done so he would have been able to cover those matters in sequence,” O’Connor told Lord Hughes early in the proceedings (Day 3, p50). “For various reasons, he isn’t now giving evidence and is timetabled to appear… towards the end of the hearings in November.”
But this “timetabled” appearance didn’t happen. For whatever unspecified reasons, Rowley did not give personal evidence to the inquiry at any point.
Despite Rowley’s inability to recall important details about the bottle, such as where and when he found it, there are some details about the bottle and what he did with it that Rowley was apparently able to remember very clearly at the time. He gave an account of these details to ITV News — and because of his account to ITV they became details that the inquiry had to address.
These are the details already mentioned: Rowley’s statements that the bottle was boxed and sealed in plastic, with the nozzle packaged separately from the bottle, and that he “tipped” some of the liquid in the bottle onto his hands while attaching the nozzle to the bottle before giving it to Dawn.
As we know, Dawn seemingly experienced symptoms within 15 minutes, was horribly injured, and died — but it was several hours before Rowley was affected by the same poison that apparently killed her, and he survived.
Rowley’s survival has been explained because he said he quickly rinsed the liquid off his hands under the tap (Day 3, p80). However, a Counter Terrorism Police document presented to the inquiry states that before washing his hands Rowley initially wiped them on his jeans.
“His first instinct,” the document says, “is to wipe his hands on his jeans, front and back (‘my hands were covered with the stuff’).”
The document provides a diagram of Rowley’s jeans with readings of the supposed levels of novichok contamination found on them (see page 9 of the PDF document here: ‘Rowley spills nerve agent on his hands and wipes them on his jeans’).
This detail is significant to the question of the toxicity of novichok because the contents of the bottle were supposed to be so deadly that they were capable of killing thousands of people — an assertion made many times in the UK media over the years, and repeated by MPs in the UK Parliament.
This assertion that the contents of the bottle could potentially have killed thousands of people was also made to the inquiry by the anonymous expert ‘MK26’ — “the lead DSTL scientific advisor to the police investigations into the Salisbury and Amesbury poisonings” — who said in written testimony that “the quantity of liquid remaining in the bottle is estimated to be sufficient to provide thousands of lethal doses in humans”.
During the inquiry, novichok was compared to the British-developed nerve agent VX, believed to be the most deadly nerve agent known to man at the time — 170 times more deadly than sarin.
Novichok is supposed to be five to eight times more lethal even than VX.
On Day 9 (p94) of the inquiry the anonymous expert ‘FT49’ — “a specialist in the fields of toxicology and pharmacology” who works at “DSTL Porton Down within the chemical, biological and radiological division” — said: “The calculated human lethal dose of VX is in the order of 10 milligrams on skin, which is equivalent to eight or so grains of sand.”
O’Connor goes on to ask ‘FT49’: “Noting the sort of public claims that Novichok is even more lethal than VX, it follows if that were right then an even smaller amount could be fatal; is that fair?”
‘FT49’ replies: “Yes, indeed, yes. That’s fair.”
Ten milligrams is 0.01 of gram, so if novichok was twice as deadly as VX a lethal dose would be 0.005 of a gram. But novichok has been reported to be more deadly even than ‘FT49’ told the inquiry. ‘MK26’ said a fatal dose on the skin would be equivalent to “a third to a sixth of a grain of salt” (Day 16, p34), and in July 2018 the British professor of environmental toxicology Alistair Hay told US-based broadcaster NPR that a lethal dose would be “maybe 50 to 100 micrograms” — that is, 0.00005 of a gram or a tiny fraction of a grain of sand.
We shall hear from Prof Hay again later, but to recap: Rowley supposedly spilled some of this extremely toxic substance on his hands and wiped them on his trousers before washing his hands under the tap. He then gave the bottle containing what remained of the liquid to his partner, who he said became seriously ill very rapidly after she was allegedly exposed to the nerve agent.
But when Dawn was rushed to hospital in Salisbury that morning, Rowley remained in Amesbury. He was apparently unaffected by the poison. He picked up his Methadone prescription at a chemist, and then went to a free hog roast event hosted by a nearby Baptist church.
The novichok he was exposed to and had wiped on his trousers apparently took significant effect on him only after he went back to his flat with his friend Sam Hobson later that afternoon. So far as we know, no-one he came into contact with over the course of that day was injured or became ill.
This includes Hobson, who Rowley was initially convinced had poisoned him while they were in his flat. Hobson was apparently ruled out as a suspect on the basis of his movements, as recorded by his mobile phone data — and Lord Hughes suggested that Rowley was simply confused.
DCI Murphy’s written statement says (p14, paragraph 64): “[Rowley] kept referencing Sam Hobson particularly [during police interviews on 9 and 10 July 2018]. Sam Hobson had been nominated as a significant witness and we already had an account from him and I also asked officers to obtain a warrant to access his phone data to corroborate his movements.
“Ultimately, there was no intelligence or evidence to suggest his involvement in the poisoning.”
“Sam Hobson was the person that Charlie was with when he fell ill in Muggleton Road, so, sir, he was particularly focused on Sam Hobson being responsible,” Cmdr Murphy told the inquiry on Day 22 (p15).
“Yes, no doubt the explanation is confusion, but he was thinking in his head that he had been poisoned by Sam,” Lord Hughes replies.
“But it appears that … there was no evidence or intelligence to support that suggestion,” O’Connor says.
“Yes and that’s subsequently shown to be the case as well,” Murphy replies.
And that’s as much curiosity as the inquiry showed about Sam Hobson.
The inquiry also showed a marked lack of curiosity about important details contained in Professor Guy Rutty’s pathology report on the drugs that were found in Dawn’s system after she collapsed.
Point 4. The drugs detected in undetectable amounts
As with the point about Rowley wiping novichok on his jeans, the fact that Dawn Sturgess was found by the pathologist Prof Rutty to have taken recreational drugs before she died may not seem to be significant at first, but once again we need to look at the context.
An important aspect of the inquiry from the point of view of the Sturgess family was to clearly establish that, unlike Rowley, Dawn was not a drug addict and was not known to the police as a convicted drug user or dealer.
There is no question that Dawn was an alcoholic and “suffered from a long-term dependence on alcohol, which limited her ability to work and affected her personal life”, as the inquiry heard (Day 3, p24) but, insofar as alcohol is distinguished from illegal drugs, she was not an addict.
This was important to the Sturgess family because Dawn had previously been described as a drug addict in Wiltshire police documents, and at the start of the inquiry’s proceedings the police issued an apology for doing so.
“There [were] reasons to suspect that [Dawn] may have become unwell due to her association with drugs,” Deputy Chief Constable (DCC) Paul Mills, representing Wiltshire Police, told the inquiry (Day 2, p47). “But notwithstanding that, there was no police intelligence that she was a drug user and in relation to that I would like to, on behalf of the Chief Constable and Wiltshire Police, apologise for that internal error to the family. I can only try and understand the impact of that further to their loss.”
Nevertheless, as DCC Mills indicated in his apology — and as was the case with Sergei and Yulia Skripal — a provisional diagnosis of the paramedics who went to Rowley’s flat on the morning of 30 June 2018 to respond to Dawn after she collapsed was that she could have taken a drugs overdose. In the context of her relationship with Rowley, this does not seem unreasonable.
One of the paramedics, Fred Thompson, testified to the inquiry that he gave Dawn the drug Narcan [nalaxone, an antidote to opiates] “because [her] eyes were initially pinpoint [and this was] to rule out any form of opiate overdose” (Day 5, p18). This treatment, he said, had no effect.
However, the paramedics were principally concerned with the fact that when they arrived at the Amesbury flat Dawn was in cardiac arrest, and their primary focus was on her life support and resuscitation.
At one point, while his colleagues attended to Dawn, Thompson took the opportunity to ask Rowley about Dawn’s medical history.
“I took myself away from the clinical side of the resuscitation and made a point to go and speak to Charlie to get a more detailed, in-depth history and past medical history of Dawn,” Thompson told the inquiry. “[This] would enable us to build the bigger picture of our treatment options and likely causes of the cardiac arrest that we were dealing with at the time.”
“What did Charlie tell you about Dawn’s medical history?” Émilie Pottle KC — another counsel for the Dawn Sturgess inquiry — asks Thompson.
“He couldn’t recall much of the past medical history from any conditions or diseases, sort of things like asthma, diabetes, he couldn’t remember much of that,” Thompson replies. “But he did say from a recreational point of view that Dawn was not an illicit drug user and she was alcoholic and never touched drugs.”
Rowley was either lying about this or ignorant of what kind of drugs Dawn had been taking, because Prof Rutty’s report showed there was evidence from Dawn’s urine sample — taken on 30 June at 11pm, the evening of the day she was admitted to hospital — that she had taken cocaine. The sample showed traces of cocaine and benzoylecgonine — a signal chemical created by the body as it processes cocaine in the liver, known as a metabolite.
Benzoylecgonine is not a metabolite that remains in the body for very long. It is generally detectable in urine samples up to four days after someone has taken cocaine, or 10 days in heavy users.
It seems unlikely that Rowley did not know Dawn had taken cocaine, and quite possible that he had been her supplier. The inquiry heard that “Dawn Sturgess and Charlie Rowley were in a happy and committed relationship for approximately 16 months prior to her death” (Day 3, p24); the inquiry also heard that Rowley was known to the police not only as a dealer of heroin, but also of crack cocaine (Day 4, p91), and that he had “supplied drugs from [Dawn’s] address in Salisbury” (statement of DCC Paul Mills, p15, paragraph 40).
It is worth mentioning that this was not the first time Rowley had been involved in circumstances leading to the death of a girlfriend. A police document presented to the inquiry showed that almost exactly two years earlier Rowley’s girlfriend at the time, Natasha Davis — a convicted drug dealer herself — had died of an overdose while he was present.
“Rowley did not call for medical assistance for Natasha when she overdosed,” the document states. “Rowley was aware she had taken too much but put her to bed where she died.”
The fact that Prof Rutty found benzoylecgonine in Dawn’s system is significant, but not because it showed she had taken cocaine. The significance lies in the fact he was given the levels of benzoylecgonine in her system by the laboratory in Birmingham that analysed her urine samples. Because these levels were low, Rutty was able to determine that Dawn had taken cocaine some days previously, not immediately before she collapsed.
Remarkably, this was almost the only drug or metabolite identified in Dawn’s samples that Prof Rutty was given quantitative information about.
The Birmingham laboratory analysis showed that Dawn had a large number of other drugs in her system — for example, nicotine and its metabolite cotinine — but in every other case Prof Rutty was not given the levels at which they were found to be present. He was merely told that they were there. The exceptions were benzoylecgonine and, to a limited extent, the anti-depressant mirtazapine and the sedative zopiclone, which Dawn had been prescribed not long before and were found to be present at high levels.
Prof Rutty went into more detail about this during his appearance before the inquiry (Day 11, p43).
“The test that came back from Birmingham did not provide detail about the amount of drugs found, simply identifying presence?” O’Connor asks Rutty.
“That’s correct, sir,” Rutty replies.
“But there is a little more to say, is there not, which you have recorded in the next part of your report?” O’Connor says. “First of all, the report that came back from Birmingham referred to the fact that the benzo — sorry, you’re going to have to help me with that word.”
“It’s the metabolite of cocaine,” Rutty says.
“How do you pronounce it?” Lord Hughes asks.
“I can’t pronounce it myself, to be honest with you,” Rutty replies, as the inquiry’s lawyers and barristers are seen to laugh on the YouTube stream.
“No, I’m not surprised,” Hughes says, smiling. “Anyway, it’s the metabolite of cocaine?
“Yes,” Rutty replies.
“Exceptionally, the report does indicate a level for that drug and… the opinion expressed [by] Birmingham [was] that that level did not suggest recent use, yes?” O’Connor asks Rutty.
“That’s correct, sir,” Rutty replies.
“That’s one exception to the quantification point,” O’Connor says. “Then, secondly, you have recorded that the report from Birmingham also stated that the mirtazapine … and zopiclone show large peaks suggesting recent use or high dose … to that extent there’s a start of quantifying them, but there is no scientific quantification provided there either.”
“Yes, it’s just making an observation of what they’re seeing … they’re just noting that … there’s a high peak there, but unfortunately it doesn’t provide any further information,” Rutty replies.
The Birmingham laboratory that analysed Dawn’s samples was named by Rutty as the “Sandwell and West Birmingham Hospital NHS Trust laboratory”. This was almost certainly City Assays, a specialised toxicology laboratory that is part of the Sandwell and West Birmingham Hospital NHS Trust and that provides screening services to NHS hospitals around the UK that need to identify drugs of abuse.
To do this, laboratories like City Assays use a process called liquid chromatography-tandem mass spectrometry, an extremely sensitive technique that can find tiny traces of drugs and their metabolites both qualitatively and quantitatively in urine samples — which is to say, Prof Rutty should have been informed about the levels of all the drugs found in Dawn’s system.
Furthermore, if Dawn’s samples were properly stored, Rutty could have been provided this missing information through a new set of tests months or even years later. Why he was not given this information is unclear given its significance, his role as a pathologist, and his seniority. He cautiously reserved his right to change his view if the data was made available to him.
“I would advise that a further statement considering the quantification … of any drug identified … is sought from the toxicology laboratory where the tests were undertaken,” Rutty said in a signed statement for the inquiry that he prepared in July 2024 (p13, line 407). “In the event that such a statement is prepared and the quantification results are released … then I would request sight of these documents.”
The extreme sensitivity of the kind of devices that were used to identify the drugs in Dawn’s system is something we shall return to when we look at the claim that the two Russian secret agents left behind traces of novichok in the London hotel room where they stayed.
Clearly hampered by the lack of quantitative information about the drugs that Dawn had taken — but seeking to understand if any of these substances could have contributed to her collapse and cardiac arrest — Rutty told the inquiry that he ruled out the drugs found in her system that he believed had been given to her by the paramedics who responded to the flat in Amesbury, or by doctors after she was taken to hospital in Salisbury.
“I have revisited the hospital notes and have identified … the drugs [that were] given to Dawn Sturgess at therapeutic dosages, post collapse and cardiac arrest, as part of her treatment,” Rutty’s statement reads (p11, line 354). “This would account for their presence within this test.”
Having eliminated the drugs that he believed had been given to Dawn as part of her treatment, Rutty was left with only two drugs to consider as potentially causing or contributing to her collapse: the anti-depressants zopiclone and mirtazapine.
“Based on the information that has been made available to me the only two drugs which need to be considered as to whether they could have caused the collapse of the deceased are the zopiclone and the mirtazapine,” Rutty’s statement reads.
Rutty goes on to state that he does not believe an overdose of zopiclone would cause a sudden cardiac arrest even in combination with alcohol, and he notes that mirtazapine “in excess can… cause central nervous system depression”. However, he is careful to point out that without the quantification results — which he implies should be available — he is unable to draw firm conclusions about whether or not these two drugs contributed to Dawn’s collapse.
“I can make no further comment with regards to these two drugs as I do not have the quantification results,” Rutty’s statement continues. “I do not know whether despite the high peak the level of drugs were within the quoted therapeutic ranges, all be it [sic] at the upper end, or whether they were within quoted toxic ranges.”
Apart from these two drugs, there was another drug identified in Dawn’s test results that could have contributed to or caused her collapse — but Rutty eliminated it from his analysis because he knew it had been given to her as part of her treatment: fentanyl. The inquiry heard that Dawn was given fentanyl when she arrived at hospital (Day 10, p167).
Fentanyl is an anaesthetic used in a medical context but, as we know, it is also a drug of abuse: the same drug that paramedics and doctors initially believed the Skripals could have taken recreationally, leading to their collapse. Police Inspector Marcus Beresford-Smith told the inquiry he also initially believed that fentanyl could have been the cause of Rowley’s collapse when he attended the Amesbury flat on the evening of 30 June, possibly because it was from a “bad batch” (Day 5, p181).
The inquiry failed to clarify this critical point. Dawn could have taken fentanyl before collapsing, but without knowing the levels at which it was found in her system there was no way for Rutty to find out. In the absence of quantification results Rutty decided fentanyl could only have been given to Dawn as part of her treatment after her collapse, but he had no real evidence to support that decision.
Questioning the cause of Dawn’s cardiac arrest and death was not part of the inquiry’s remit. The determination had already been made that she was killed by novichok disguised as perfume in a boxed and sealed presentation pack. How and why it came to be sealed, however, was a problem.
Point 5. The portable heat sealer without a purpose
As we know, Rowley told ITV News that the bottle he gave to Dawn had been boxed and sealed in plastic, and that he had opened the package and attached the pump dispenser to the bottle before presenting it to her.
The fact that the bottle had reportedly been boxed and sealed in plastic gave rise to speculation in the media that the bottle that was found at Rowley’s Amesbury flat was not in fact the bottle that had been used to contaminate Skripal’s front door, and was instead some kind of back-up weapon that was not required by the Russian secret agents and abandoned.
This possibility was considered by the inquiry, although Cmdr Murphy said he had a “strong assessment” that the bottle that was found in Amesbury was the actual weapon used to contaminate Skripal’s door (Day 19, p167).
Accompanying the media speculation that the bottle found in Amesbury was unused was the suggestion that the bottle that had actually been used on Skripal’s door was still undiscovered somewhere. This suggestion maintains the over-arching narrative whereby a bottle of novichok was used by Russian secret agents, which they then discarded.
However, if the bottle that was found in Rowley’s flat was not in fact the bottle that had been used to contaminate Skripal’s door, there is no reason to suppose that a fake perfume bottle of any kind was used and discarded, still less any evidence to that effect. The poison could have been applied using a syringe disguised as a pen, for argument’s sake, or the tip of a specially-adapted umbrella — or any other imaginary means that might emanate from spy fiction.
An even more improbable alternative explanation for Rowley saying that the bottle was boxed and sealed might be that the Russian secret agents in Salisbury had brought with them some kind of portable, battery-powered heat sealing device, which they used to seal the bottle in plastic after using it.
Given that the Russian secret agents would have had to take apart their assassination weapon first — exposing themselves to immense danger in the process of doing so, if the bottle genuinely contained an incredibly deadly neurotoxin — this suggestion was roundly mocked at the time by independent journalists and bloggers who were following the case.
In 2020 Rob Slane, a resident of Salisbury who wrote extensively about the case at his website The Blogmire (now no longer online, but available through the Internet Archive) listed the idea that the two Russian secret agents had “brought a cellophane wrapping machine to Salisbury to wrap the used box up in, before discarding it” as one of 40 “absurd, implausible and sometimes downright impossible things that one has to believe” to accept the official account of events.
Similarly, the blogger and journalist Iain Davis referred to a portable “cellophane sealing machine” in his wonderfully sardonic 30 minute video report ‘Skripal Salisbury Chemical Weapons Attack’ from 2019. “For some inexplicable reason,” Davis says, “in an incredibly dangerous and totally unnecessary manoeuvre, the pair decided to remove the spray nozzle from the lethal bottle of novichok before somehow managing to seal it up again inside a cellophane-wrapped perfume gift box”.
But the inquiry took no account of such sceptical voices in the alternative media — and almost no questions have been asked by journalists working in the mainstream media over the years since the Salisbury events.
And so the inquiry heard that the two Russian secret agents probably did bring a portable heat sealer with them to Salisbury with which to seal up their assassination weapon in plastic before then dumping it in a bin.
Not only did the inquiry hear testimony to this effect, but it was taken at face value by the lawyers involved and Lord Hughes — with the theory developed by lead counsel O’Connor and supported by statements from counter-terrorism chief Cmdr Murphy. No questions were asked about the rationale. The inquiry even spent an afternoon interviewing a forensic expert in the kind of marks that heat sealers make on plastic wrapping.
The idea that two Russian secret agents in Salisbury had a portable heat sealer with them was first suggested on Day 16, during testimony by the anonymous expert ‘MK26’, “the lead DSTL scientific advisor to the police investigations into the Salisbury and Amesbury poisonings”.
‘MK26’ was granted total anonymity by the inquiry: their testimony was not streamed on YouTube and is only available to read in transcript.
Adam Straw KC, representing the Sturgess family, asked ‘MK26’ about a written submission that had been provided to the inquiry before proceedings began, part of which was put on screen for participants to read. The submission is a partial transcript of ‘MK26’ being asked questions by counter-terrorism police, and Straw’s main concern is how long the heat sealing process might have taken.
“Question 19 there, you are asked: ‘How were the wrappings sealed?’”, Straw says (Day 16, p196). “I think [your] response is: ‘Small portable heat sealers are widely available.’ Can you explain any more of that, please?”
“This is clearly outside of my area of expertise,” ‘MK26’ replies. “However, you can go onto Google or to Amazon and find small portable heat sealers for plastic bags for kitchen use predominantly. They are the size of a small stapler, so quite small, and are able to firmly seal plastic and so it is possible that that is — that that type of device could have been used.”
“The question [then] is: how long does it take to put the plastic encased items into the box?” Straw asks. “I think [the police] are asking here about plastic wrappers around — if that was the state that they were in, how long would it take those to put into the Nina Ricci box. The answer is 10 seconds, but then it’s also added there: ‘To heat seal, an approximation of two minutes was given.’ Is that your answer first?”
“Yes, but we were guessing and I think you will hear from a packaging expert who may be better placed to comment than I am,” ‘MK26’ replies.
The suggestion that a portable heat sealer was used by the Russian secret agents was made more emphatically by Keith Asman, head of forensics and digital investigations for the police’s south-east region counter-terrorism unit, in his testimony to the inquiry on the following day, Day 17 (p152).
“The reality is I believe that they used it [the bottle of novichok disguised as perfume], I believe they dismantled it, I believe they placed it into the plastic packaging and then, using a portable heat sealer, sealed some of the component parts of the device into plastic packaging, which then went into the box,” Asman said, as the YouTube feed showed lawyers in the background grinning and hiding smiles behind their hands.
“You might be right, Mr Asman, but … it’s not really based on a forensic analysis,” Lord Hughes says.
“There’s no forensic evidence whatsoever, sir, to support that — other than it slightly corroborates Mr Rowley’s account — although there were numerous accounts from him as to where [the bottle] may have come from and when,” Asman concedes.
On Day 19 (p165), O’Connor developed the portable heat sealer hypothesis with testimony from Cmdr Murphy as they considered the two Russian secret agents’ movements around Salisbury using a map of the city that notes the position of various CCTV cameras (p7 of the PDF here).
The secret agents were seen at various points on CCTV but there was apparently a 33-minute period — between 12.17pm and 12.50pm — when their movements were unaccounted for, and O’Connor presented a detailed theory about what they might have conspired to do during this time.
“As one factual possibility,” O’Connor asks Murphy, “would it have been possible after [the two Russian secret agents] disappeared from the camera … [for them] to walk down into Queen Elizabeth Gardens, go to those public toilets … pause in there to deal with the bottle, the components of the bottle, unpack it, put it into some plastic packaging, heat seal it, put it back into the box, then walk from there … to the Brown Street carpark, get rid of the box in the Brown Street car park bin and then find their way back to the High Street and walk up and reappear on those cameras that we can see within that period of time?”
“It’s entirely possible,” Murphy replies. “I think it would be quite challenging but entirely possible they could do that in 33 minutes, yes.”
“All I can do is ask you whether it’s possible,” O’Connor says.
Why the two secret agents might have decided to take apart and then seal up their bottle before dumping it is not a question O’Connor asks Murphy; nor did O’Connor explain what he meant by a “factual possibility” in describing his theory about their potential movements.
Straw, representing the Sturgess family, returned to this exchange while questioning Murphy the following day, Day 20 (p158). Straw’s main concern was then the question of how far the two Russian secret agents could have walked in Salisbury in the 33-minute window of time that is unaccounted for by the CCTV, given that they would have had to have spent some of that time in a public toilet using their portable heat sealer to seal up their assassination weapon in plastic.
Straw is clearly asking this because he wants to establish the distance the two secret agents could potentially have travelled through Salisbury before disposing of the novichok bottle in a bin. Like O’Connor, he was not remotely curious as to why the secret agents might have taken apart their assassination weapon and used a portable heat sealer to seal it into a presentation box before doing so, although this seems an obvious question.
“One question you were asked by Mr O’Connor yesterday was, is there time in that 33-minute period for them to go to Queen Elizabeth Gardens, disassemble the bottle and applicator, heat seal, package it and then get to Brown Street, and I think your answer was: ‘Quite challenging but possible’; is that right?” Straw asks Murphy.
“Yes, I think that would be challenging but it’s entirely possible,” Murphy replies.
“When you say ‘challenging’, do you mean in the time available?” Straw asks.
“Yes, in the time available, in the 33 minutes,” Murphy replies.
“Again on that hypothesis — Mr O’Connor’s hypothesis of going somewhere, dissembling it, packaging it and so and then disposing it somewhere — does your answer gives us a radius of how far they could have got in that period?” Straw asks.
“During the investigation I did actually produce some maps that do this,” Murphy replies. “They’re not immediately available unfortunately, but those maps show… where they could get in 33 minutes.”
“Assuming that they’re first going to go somewhere, disassemble it heat seal it, package it, that would give us a smaller area, wouldn’t it?” Straw asks.
“Yes, potentially, yes, albeit it’s very difficult for me to assess how long that would have taken, but yes,” Murphy replies.
And that’s where Straw’s questioning of Murphy on the subject of portable heat sealers ended.
On the afternoon of Day 21 the inquiry heard from Adam Wilson, a forensic scientist employed by a company called Cellmark Forensic Services who has expertise in marks, including the “examination of heat seals”.
Questioned by Francesca Whitelaw KC, another counsel to the inquiry, Wilson first testified that he had only been able to examine photographs of the plastic packaging apparently found by police at Rowley’s Amesbury flat provided to him on a DVD by the police, and not the packaging itself.
“Well, there may have been good reason for that,” says Lord Hughes, referring to the fact that the packaging had apparently been contaminated by the military grade nerve agent Rowley said he spilled on his hands.
Wilson testified that there were two distinct heat seals on the plastic packaging (Day 21, p179) and that both of them were “post manufacture”, with the second seal “for the purpose of holding the contents within a particular position” (p183).
Why the contents of the package would need to be sealed in such a way as to hold them in a particular position is a question that went unasked.
The closest the inquiry came to asking or answering the question of why the Russian secret agents would have taken the incredibly dangerous and unnecessary step of taking apart their weapon and then sealing it up in a presentation box before dumping it came in the closing statements on Day 24 from Lisa Giovannetti KC, the barrister representing the police (p109).
The secret agents’ use of a heat sealing device while they were in Salisbury was “consistent with steps being taken after the attack on the Skripals to repackage the container in a way which would keep safe somebody who had to handle it”, Giovannetti said.
This statement clearly raises more questions than it answers.
Who were the Russian secret agents trying to keep safe, to Giovannetti’s mind? They certainly did not disassemble the bottle for their own safety, as they would have exposed themselves to great danger while doing so, and could have simply sealed the bottle in a plastic bag without taking it apart.
Is Giovannetti suggesting that the secret agents had concern for the citizens of Salisbury, and ran the risk of accidentally killing themselves in a public toilet to protect the public? This seems even more unlikely, and she almost immediately went on to speak about the “the utter recklessness and callous disregard for public safety shown by those who were responsible for deploying and then discarding a military grade nerve agent on the streets of an English city” — a “recklessness” and “grotesque disregard for human life” the inquiry had heard about at length.
Directly before her remarks about the heat sealer and its unknown purpose, Giovannetti claimed that the amount of “empty space” in the bottle found in Rowley’s flat was “consistent, specifically” with the amount of liquid that would have been applied to Skripal’s door, and presented this to Lord Hughes as evidence that the bottle had been used.
Giovannetti here simply ignored the testimony that the inquiry had heard about Rowley spilling a substantial amount of the liquid on his hands, suggesting she was taking a very superficial view of the evidence.
Based on Giovannetti’s willingness to overlook this inconvenient testimony, the rationale of taking apart and sealing up the bottle of novichok in order to “keep safe somebody who had to handle it” — and the question of who that might be — are not problems she was likely to address or be troubled by.
What happened to this hypothetical portable heat sealer after Russian secret agents used it? Did they discard it as well, perhaps in the same bin that the bottle was supposedly dumped in?
The inquiry did not seek to ask or answer such questions either.
Point 6. The antidote given by accident
While the two Russian secret agents were apparently spending time in Salisbury dealing with their assassination weapon after they had used it — taking it apart, boxing it up, sealing it in plastic with their portable heat sealer and then apparently walking around looking for a bin to dump it in, their target — unknowingly contaminated — also travelled into Salisbury.
Sergei Skripal and his daughter Yulia both seemingly touched the novichok that the two secret agents had earlier squirted or sprayed onto his front door handle as they left his house at around 1.30pm but, as with Rowley, it appears it took a few hours before they experienced significant effects (slightly more than two hours in the case of the Skripals, and apparently more than six hours in the case of Rowley).
Sergei apparently received a considerably higher dose of novichok than Yulia (possibly getting as much as 0.0000025 of gram into his system, if Professor Hay’s estimate about the lethality of the poison is correct — any more would have killed him).
The inquiry heard that Sergei left the house first and sat in his car while he waited for Yulia to get ready. She supposedly received a smaller dose, as a significant amount of the military grade nerve agent had seemingly been removed from the door handle by her father before she touched it herself.
“It’s my understanding that Sergei was the first to touch the door handle and likely remove the largest amount of gross contamination,” ‘FT49’ told the inquiry on Day 9 (p129). “Therefore … he had a considerably higher exposure dose … [and when] Yulia made contact with the door handle, most of that gross contamination had been removed.”
The inquiry heard that Sergei drove them to central Salisbury, where they parked in a supermarket car park. They then briefly fed ducks on the River Avon before going to a pub called The Mill at 1.45pm.
While they were feeding ducks some local boys joined them, and the inquiry was shown CCTV images of Sergei handing one of the boys some bread. Sergei’s hands had supposedly been contaminated with novichok shortly before, and the inquiry heard that one of the boys reportedly fell ill “for a day or two” afterwards. However, “no traces of the chemical weapon” were found in his system when he was “eventually tested”.
The director of public health at Wiltshire council at the time, Tracy Daszkiewicz, said “no wildlife were impacted and no children were exposed to [novichok] or became ill as a result of either [the Salisbury or the Amesbury] incident” when asked to comment in 2019 on the suggestion that boys had been contaminated — and ducks killed — by the novichok that had supposedly been on the Skripals’ hands.
The inquiry was shown CCTV of the Skripals in The Mill pub, with Yulia paying for their drinks with cash and later taking their empty glasses back to the bar. Although the glasses would have certainly been contaminated with novichok, there was no report that staff at The Mill pub became ill.
After leaving The Mill pub at around 2.15pm, the Skripals went to Zizzi’s restaurant, leaving at around 3.35pm. The inquiry was told (Day 15, p41) that there was no CCTV of them at the restaurant. There were no reports of kitchen or waiting staff becoming ill after touching the plates and cutlery the Skripals would have contaminated while they were there.
The lack of CCTV in Zizzi’s will become more significant in Part 2, where we will look at Yulia Skripal’s testimony about what happened there.
Just two minutes after they left Zizzi’s, at 3.37pm, CCTV showed Sergei and Yulia sitting on a bench near the restaurant in the central shopping area of Salisbury called The Maltings, where they apparently remained for about 30 minutes before members of the public realised they were in distress.
It is significant that neither Sergei or Yulia were able to appeal for help to the people passing by as they succumbed together to the effects of the military grade nerve agent that they had supposedly touched a couple of hours before.
The effects of novichok apparently came on almost simultaneously in them both, despite their very different physical characteristics and the separate, uncontrolled doses that they must have received when touching the front door of Sergei’s house.
Helen Ord, a medical doctor who happened to be passing by and became one of the first responders to Sergei and Yulia at the bench, told the inquiry that this was “very unusual” during her testimony.
“It’s very unusual for two people to be unwell at exactly the same moment, which was clearly what was happening,” Dr Ord said (Day 7, p26). “Why would two people in a public place be ill at exactly the same moment?”
The inquiry heard testimony from two paramedics who were subsequently called to the scene — Ian Parsons and Lisa Wood (Day 8) — but perhaps the most significant testimony came from a paramedic who treated Sergei Skripal in the ambulance that took him to Salisbury hospital.
This testimony, from a paramedic called Karl Bulpitt, was not given to the inquiry in person but came in the form of a written statement that was entered into evidence at the end of Day 8 — along with statements from several other paramedics — without examination.
In his statement Bulpitt describes attending the scene in a double-crewed ambulance driven by Zoey Thomas, an emergency care assistant, arriving at The Maltings at 4.44pm. Yulia is at this point being attended to by three paramedics including Parsons, and Bulpitt and Thomas begin to treat Sergei, who Bulpitt describes as “vomiting heavily and sweating profusely with a lot of mucus secreting from his nose”.
Joined by Lisa Wood, Bulpitt and Thomas manage to get Sergei, who had become “hypertonic” [his body had become rigid] into the back of their ambulance, where he continued to vomit. They were there joined by another paramedic, Richard Miller, a highly experienced critical care specialist from the air ambulance support team, and Bulpitt handed over to him as the senior medic now present.
“I left Zoe, Richard and Lisa to treat [Sergei] whilst I went to prepare … drugs,” Bulpitt writes in his statement. “I took hold of two vials of naloxone [a drug used to treat people who have taken an overdose of opiates such as heroin or fentanyl] and a syringe but the male began to be sick again so I jumped to the head end [of the stretcher Sergei was on] to clear his airway. In doing so I knocked over the drugs bag which went over the ambulance.”
“Once I had cleared his airway I picked up the two vials which I thought were naloxene,” Bulpitt’s statement continues. “I drew them up and administered them … [i]t was [then] decided that we could not do any more for him at the scene so we left to go to the hospital at around 1706 hrs… Zoey drove and Richard, Lisa and I remained treating [Sergei] in the back.
“Once the male was in the full care of the A&E medical team we left the hospital … Back at the station Zoe and another colleague Robyn cleaned out the ambulance whilst I went to replenish the drugs bag. Whilst I was doing this, I realised that I was not missing any naloxone which I expected to be as I had used two vials on the male [Sergei].
“I searched the bag for what was missing and noticed that two vials containing Atropine were missing. I then realised that I must have administered Atropine instead of naloxone as a result of knocking over the drugs bag … I reported this on the Datix Service [an incident reporting system] and returned the drugs bag to the rack. We carry Atropine to treat the symptoms of systemic bradycardia — slow heart rate.”
Bulpitt’s supposed mistake under pressure was, by any measure, an extraordinarily fortunate one from Sergei Skripal’s point of view. Atropine is not only a treatment for bradycardia, but as it happens is also one of the two main treatments for nerve agent poisoning — specifically, organophosphate nerve agent poisoning, the class of neurotoxins to which VX and novichok belong that were originally derived from pesticides.
Often loosely described as a nerve agent antidote and apparently ascribed extraordinary therapeutic power in the case of Sergei Skripal, atropine is more accurately described as a symptomatic or supportive treatment for organophosphate poisoning because it does not reverse the underlying cause of the poisoning — it merely mitigates some of the effects.
This distinction between an antidote and supportive treatment is critical, especially given the claims about novichok’s extreme lethality and the suggestion that Bulpitt’s accidental administration of atropine had somehow saved Skripal’s life.
Atropine needs to be used in combination with another drug, pralidoxime or 2-PAM, to effectively counter nerve agent toxicity — and both need to be administered as rapidly as possible after exposure for the victim to stand a chance of avoiding death or permanent and severe injury.
It is worth looking at how Steven Morris of The Guardian reported on the extraordinary revelation that Sergei had received treatment for nerve agent poisoning by accident. In an article headlined ‘Paramedic gave Sergei Skripal novichok antidote by chance, inquiry hears’, Morris writes:
“A paramedic has described the extraordinary moment he knocked over a drugs bag as he treated the former Russian spy Sergei Skripal and then by chance gave him a nerve agent antidote that may have saved his life.”
“Karl Bulpitt told the inquiry into the Wiltshire poisonings that he meant to administer naloxone, a drug that counters the effects of an opioid overdose, to Skripal as he was taken by ambulance to hospital.”
“But as he tried to keep Skripal breathing, he knocked over his drugs bag and then picked up vials of the nerve agent antidote atropine by mistake. It was only when Bulpitt returned to base that he realised.”
What is remarkable about Morris’s reporting here is not only that he describes atropine as an antidote, giving the reader the impression that the effects of incredibly deadly organophosphate nerve agents such as VX can be effectively reversed by a relatively common generic drug derived from the Belladonna plant, but also that he gives the reader the strong impression Bulpitt delivered his testimony to the inquiry in person, rather than in the form of a written statement that was entered into evidence at the end of a day without it being read out in part or considered by the inquiry at all.
To his credit, Morris covered the inquiry more thoroughly than most — The Guardian was the only mainstream outlet to report in any detail on the suggestion that the two Russian secret agents had a portable heat sealer with them in Salisbury, although this was also mentioned by the BBC.
However, Morris has form when it comes to misrepresenting details about the treatment that the victims of the novichok allegedly used in Salisbury received.
Back in July 2019, before Dawn’s daughter successfully challenged the original coroner’s decision concerning her mother’s death in the High Court and forced the UK government to set up the inquiry, Morris reported a remarkable detail about the treatment Charlie Rowley received — a detail that seemed to explain his survival. In an article headlined ‘Revealed: anti-nerve agent drug was used for first time in UK to save novichok victim’, Morris and his colleague Caroline Bannock wrote:
“Paramedics saved the life of one of the Wiltshire novichok victims by administering an anti-nerve agent drug at the scene that had never been used on a patient before in the UK, it can be revealed … Rowley was given an anti-nerve agent drug that British crews began to carry at the height of the al-Qaida threat but had not used until then.”
But when the inquiry was set up five years later and as hearings were about to begin, Morris’s story changed. The “anti-nerve agent drug that British crews began to carry at the height of the al-Qaida threat” — a drug that had supposedly never been used in the UK before — turned into the generic drug atropine: a drug derived from a plant that had been known for its medicinal properties since the 3rd Century BC.
Remarkably, Morris still called it an “anti-novichok” drug as if it had been recently developed for the purpose.
“The Guardian revealed in 2019 that paramedics used an anti-novichok drug, atropine, on Rowley, which may have saved his life,” Morris wrote in June 2024, suggesting atropine has extraordinary effectiveness when used to treat exposure to military grade nerve agents.
It should be mentioned that the CEO of DSTL Porton Down at the time of the Salisbury events in 2018 told Sky News that novichok is so deadly that there is no antidote available to counteract its effects, and a Soviet-era scientist who had apparently worked on the development of novichok before defecting to the US said that any treatment would not be able to prevent catastrophic injury to anyone exposed to it, such is its toxicity.
It should also be mentioned that there are protocols in place when paramedics decide to administer drugs to patients at the scene of an incident or in an ambulance, with a second person required to check the specific drug before it is administered. These were described to the inquiry by the paramedic Lisa Wood in her testimony on Day 8 (p97).
“For any drugs that we administer there is a two-step check, so you check it yourself and then you check — you get somebody — normally it’s a colleague … to check the drug before I gave it, just to make sure it’s the one I want to give,” Wood said.
Clearly, this did not happen when Bulpitt accidentally administered atropine to Sergei Skripal in the ambulance, even though he had three colleagues with him at the time. Under the circumstances Bulpitt describes, it would appear he could have given Sergei almost any drug that had spilled from his drugs bag, and like many drugs atropine is itself toxic at the wrong dose and under the wrong conditions.
Mark Faulkner, a consultant in emergency medicine who was appointed by the inquiry to review the ambulance service’s response to the Salisbury and Amesbury poisonings, gave testimony on Day 11 and provided his view of the mistake Bulpitt had made (p144).
“There will be times as an ambulance clinician where there is no one available to check a drug,” Faulkner said. “That wasn’t the case in Salisbury and therefore I would be critical that a drug check wasn’t done.”
“We have heard here, of course, that the accidental administration in this particular instance was not only unlikely to have harmed Mr Skripal, but… in your report you indicate that it could well have been a life saving intervention, albeit in error?” Whitelaw asks Faulkner.
“Yes,” Faulkner confirms.
Other witnesses and lawyers gave testimony to the inquiry to the effect that Bulpitt’s extraordinary mistake could have saved Sergei’s life — or at least significantly aided his recovery.
On the afternoon of Day 9 (p120) ‘FT49’ told the inquiry that “the inadvertent administration of atropine… was an excellent drug dosing error to make and… was… clinically beneficial in maintaining Sergei’s heart rate”, as lead counsel O’Connor smiled and snorted through his nose.
On Day 24 (p140) Bridget Dolan KC, a barrister representing the South West Ambulance Service NHS Foundation Trust (SWASFT), told the inquiry that “Mr Skripal was erroneously administered atropine rather than naloxone … although this error was somewhat fortuitous in hindsight, given the reversing effect of atropine upon nerve agent poisoning, SWASFT still recognised that this was … a significant drug error”.
While Bulpitt may have inadvertently helped Sergei Skripal by mistake, Yulia Skripal was not so lucky: she did not receive atropine by accident while she was in the back of an ambulance.
Perhaps because of this, the inquiry was told that when she arrived at hospital she was in a significantly worse condition than her father.
However, she made a swift and very unexpected recovery.
(Next article in series) Part 2: Yulia wakes up, and the novichok that vanished from a hotel room
Tim Norman lives on the south coast of England and began his career in technology journalism in the 1990s writing about the then-emerging internet. He has worked in editorial production roles for local, national and international media and on daily, weekly and monthly publications. A member of the NUJ, he was Father of the Chapel at The Argus in Brighton when the newspaper went on strike in 2011.
Bucha ‘massacre’ three years on… a false-flag atrocity to prolong a criminal proxy war
Strategic Culture Foundation | April 4, 2025
Three years ago this week, the Western media blazed with headlines of a shocking “massacre” allegedly carried out by Russian military forces in the Ukrainian town of Bucha.
It was alleged that Russian soldiers murdered hundreds of civilians in cold blood, execution-style, and left their corpses strewn on the streets.
Bizarrely, no exact number of victims has ever been accounted for by the Ukrainian authorities. They claim there were over 400 victims. But there are no forensic reports, no names, no addresses. And curiously, the Western governments and their media have not bothered to call for a proper investigation or to question jarring discrepancies. The West complacently relied on the Kiev regime’s claims and amplified them without question, a one-sided practice that has been typical over the last three years.
No plausible explanation was given by the Ukrainian regime or the Western media as to why Russian forces would perpetrate such heinous violations. It was implicitly taken as proof of Russian “barbarity” and “unprovoked aggression against Ukraine.” The then U.S. President Joe Biden said the atrocity reaffirmed his claims that Russian leader Vladimir Putin was a war criminal.
Three years later, there is an eerie silence among Western governments and the media. Given the anniversary of such an ostensibly shocking event, one would expect many statements, reports, and commentaries to commemorate it.
Moreover, it was Russia this week that convened a meeting at the UN Security Council to demand a thorough and impartial investigation into the incident. As Russian envoy Dmitry Polyanskiy pointed out in his presentation, Western media and governments have steadfastly ignored asking questions about the event in Bucha despite their initial dramatic allegations of Russian culpability.
The United Nations secretariat has also shown an awkward and shameful reluctance to respond to repeated Russian calls for a full investigation into the alleged war crime in Bucha.
The Western silence over Bucha is indicative that the incident was much more significant and sinister than their initial reports claimed three years ago.
Isn’t it strange that the alleged perpetrator of mass murder is the one who is calling for a proper investigation?
Western silence reminiscent of Nord Stream sabotage
This is reminiscent of the Nord Stream gas pipeline sabotage that occurred in September 2022. The United States is implicated in that war crime, but Western media and governments have refused to hold any serious accounting of the Baltic Sea explosions and have likewise rebuffed Russia’s calls for an independent investigation.
Perversely, Denmark, which currently holds the rotating presidency of the UNSC, denounced Russia for disinformation over Bucha. Denmark said it would not dignify Russia’s statements by giving a considered response. That sounds like an excuse to stonewall a genuine discussion of the evidence. Similar to the way Denmark and other European states have ignored the Nord Stream crime.
The refusal to investigate the Bucha matter is an indirect admission that the official Western narrative is false. Indeed, an earnest consideration of objective circumstances shows the Western media distorted the events, either wittingly or unwittingly.
A brief recap of the circumstances is that Western media started reporting on April 4-6 the finding of bodies on the streets of Bucha several days after Russian forces had withdrawn from the town on March 30 (as part of a peace deal being negotiated at the time between Russia and Ukraine). It was evident from the images published that the victims had been killed in the previous 24-48 hours.
Incongruously, however, the Mayor of Bucha, Anatoly Fedoruk, posted a video on March 31 happily proclaiming that all Russian military had left. His footage did not show any corpses on the streets. Residents of the town, with a population of less than 40,000, also did not mention any mass killings by Russian forces. If hundreds of people had been gunned down and left on the road, wouldn’t someone have noticed such a horror and urgently called for international attention as soon as Russian forces had departed?
As Polyanskiy, the Russian diplomat, noted in his statement to the UNSC this week, Ukrainian commandos and military police who entered Bucha on April 1 and 2 posted videos of themselves threatening to shoot civilians that they perceived as supportive of Russia.
Witness to fabricated atrocity
A crucial witness to the events was French journalist Adrien Bocquet, who arrived in Bucha at the same time the Ukrainian military was entering it. He was accompanying medical volunteers from Canada and Lebanon. Bocquet testified to the UNSC meeting this week that he witnessed Ukrainian soldiers unloading corpses from a lorry and tying their hands with white ribbons to signify that the victims were pro-Russian. Bocquet says that he has been vilified in the French media as a liar over his claims. He has also received death threats.
The Western media claims that Russia carried out mass killings in Bucha are riddled with anomalies that are begging for an independent investigation. As the news was breaking around April 4-6 three years ago, The New York Times and others published satellite images purporting to show bodies executed in Bucha from March 11 onwards when the Russian military was occupying the town. However, how was it that the corpses recovered were all freshly deceased, showing no signs of decay as would have been the case according to the timeline reported in the Western media?
It seems obvious to anyone with an open mind that the executions were fabricated by Ukrainian forces to blame Russia in a false-flag provocation. In other words, the NATO-backed military is implicated as the perpetrators of mass murder. And the Western media are complicit in propagating false propaganda to discredit Russia and cover up for the culprits.
It is certainly damning that not only has a proper investigation of the Bucha “massacre” not been conducted, the NATO and European Union-backed Kiev regime has not released the names of the victims. A proper forensic investigation would have provided details on the date of death and the circumstances.
Would the Ukrainian military carry out such violations?
There seems little doubt that the NeoNazi paramilitary units that make up the Ukrainian forces are more than capable and willing to carry out such atrocities. They have no scruples about murdering civilians, especially for propaganda purposes to gain more NATO weaponry and funding from Western states.
Atrocities standard practice by NeoNazis in Kursk and Donbass
As Russian forces push the Ukrainian militants and their NATO mercenaries out of the Kursk and Donbass territories, it has become apparent from numerous eye-witness testimonies and forensic examinations that civilians have been subjected to sadistic terrorism and wanton murder. The systematic war crimes committed by the Kiev regime are sickening in their depravity. Families have been attacked in their homes, families shot at while fleeing in cars, and pregnant women murdered. Atrocities include beheadings.
What happened in Bucha three years ago is a macabre and obscene disregard for human life and international law. But similar crimes have been repeated in other towns and villages that the NATO-backed Ukrainian forces have occupied.
The Western media cannot admit the truth about what happened in Bucha because that would unravel the whole false narrative about the nature of the Kiev regime, how it came to power in a NATO-backed coup in 2014 against an elected president, and how it conducted a campaign of terror against ethnic Russian communities for eight years after 2014 that culminated in Russia’s military intervention on February 24, 2022, to put it to an end. This was not an unprovoked aggression by Russia as Western media and governments endlessly repeat in mantra. It was a proxy war provoked by the United States, Britain and other NATO members to inflict a strategic defeat on Russia using NeoNazi Ukrainian paramilitaries weaponized by Western taxpayers.
Only now are Western media coyly admitting that the conflict in Ukraine is a proxy war. The truth about the depth of Western culpability is still obscured. The Bucha false-flag atrocity, if fully understood, would reveal the vile extent of Western involvement and responsibility for the three-year war in Ukraine, a war that still threatens to spiral out of control into a nuclear world war. That’s why the truth about Bucha has to be firmly denied by the Western media. The criminal responsibility of American, Canadian, British, and other European governments for this proxy war is damning.
Britain’s nefarious role in false flag
Russian envoy Dmitry Polyanskiy told the UNSC meeting this week: “Today, it is also crystal clear that the so-called ‘Bucha massacre’ was a monstrous provocation staged by Kiev and its British backers to thwart peace, perpetuate the conflict, and pressure other Western allies into supplying weapons to Ukraine.”
Note that the envoy singled out “British backers” among the NATO sponsors of the Kiev regime. The significance of this is that Britain’s military intelligence MI6 has been the main player in colluding with the NeoNazi Ukrainian death squads – perhaps more than the American CIA.
When the “massacre” was first reported three years ago, the Russian Federation immediately called for an urgent meeting of the UN Security Council to discuss the incident.
The UNSC refused to table a discussion as requested by Russia. The rotating presidency of the Security Council was then held by Britain.
Furthermore, days before the Bucha provocation, Russian and Ukrainian delegates were on the verge of finalizing a peace settlement to the conflict in talks that were being held in Turkey. Hence, the Russian military withdrew from Bucha and other northern towns as a gesture of goodwill.
After the Western media reported the “shocking” alleged Russian atrocities in Bucha, British Prime Minister Boris Johnson flew to Kiev in a “surprise visit” and convinced the regime to scuttle the peace talks with Russia and to continue fighting, along with promises of increased military support from NATO. In an act evoking his hero Winston Churchill, Johnson declared that Ukraine would fight on to win against Russia. He cited the “Bucha massacre” as justification for NATO’s plucky defiance.
The war could have ended three years ago, sparing the lives of one million Ukrainian soldiers. The Bucha false-flag massacre ensured that a potential peace settlement was sabotaged. One vile crime led to another.
Cui Bono? It is glaringly obvious. Hence, the Western media obediently conceal the crime.
HHS Ousts Peter Marks, Sending Vaccine Stocks Tumbling and Biopharma Lamenting Loss of ‘Ally’ at FDA

By Michael Nevradakis, Ph.D. | The Defender | March 31, 2025
Pharma stocks tumbled today after Peter Marks, M.D., Ph.D., director of the agency within the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) responsible for authorizing vaccines, resigned under pressure from his new boss, Health and Human Services (HHS) Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.
“If Peter Marks does not want to get behind restoring science to its golden standard and promoting radical transparency, then he has no place at FDA under the strong leadership of Secretary Kennedy,” an HHS official said in a statement.
Shares of Moderna, BioNTech, Novavax and Pfizer declined 11%, 7%, 6% and 2%, respectively, on the news, Fast Company reported. STAT News reported that Marks’ departure “is a worst-case scenario realized” for investors and “a biopharma industry that saw him as an ally.”
“Given Dr. Marks’ influence on the development of biologics and uncertainty as to who will replace him and how his legacy might continue, his departure will create a significant near-term overhang,” William Blair analyst Matt Phipps told Reuters.
The Biotechnology Innovation Organization, an industry lobbying group, said it was “deeply concerned” Marks’ resignation would “broadly impact the development of new, transformative therapies to fight diseases for the American people.”
Brian Hooker, Ph.D., chief scientific officer for Children’s Health Defense (CHD), said the reaction to Marks’ departure on the part of the markets and the pharmaceutical industry is indicative of the influence Big Pharma had over the FDA. He said:
“Marks gave an over $100 billion gift to Pfizer and Moderna via the woefully undertested and outright dangerous COVID-19 mRNA vaccine. So, yes, for the short term, I would imagine that some investors would not like his departure from the FDA.
“Marks’ departure also signals a shift from ‘sick care’ and ‘customers for life’ where, unfortunately, Pharma invests now, to ‘Make America Healthy Again’ where everyone benefits from ending chronic disease in the U.S.”
John Gilmore, executive director of the Autism Action Network, welcomed Marks’ departure. “The American people are well-served by Marks’ resignation.” Gilmore cited the “institutional failure” of the Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research (CBER) “to use the highest standards for evaluating the safety and efficacy of products that are injected in almost all American children.”
Marks has led the FDA’s CBER since 2012 and “played a key role,” The Wall Street Journal reported, in Operation Warp Speed in 2020, leading to the development of the COVID-19 vaccines.
In his resignation letter, Marks wrote: “It has become clear that truth and transparency are not desired by the Secretary, but rather he wishes subservient confirmation of his misinformation and lies.”
Marks’ ‘support of immunizations conflicted with Kennedy’s skepticism’
According to the Journal, an HHS official gave Marks a choice between resigning or being fired. His resignation is effective April 5. Marks wanted to remain in his position, but “his support of immunizations conflicted with Kennedy’s skepticism.”
“Undermining confidence in well-established vaccines that have met the high standards for quality, safety, and effectiveness that have been in place for decades at FDA is irresponsible, detrimental to public health, and a clear danger to our nation’s health, safety. and security,” Marks wrote in his resignation letter.
Marks said he was “willing to work to address” Kennedy’s concerns on vaccine safety, including through a series of public meetings, but that these proposals were rejected. He also accused Kennedy of spreading “misinformation and lies” during the “ongoing multistate measles outbreak.”
But in a post on X, Steve Kirsch, founder of the Vaccine Safety Research Foundation, said that while Marks “claimed he wanted to stop misinformation,” he “refused all offers to meet with the ‘misinformation spreaders’ to settle the question on just who is spreading the misinformation.”
While Marks claimed he was willing to address questions on vaccine safety, he also wrote, “Efforts currently being advanced by some on the adverse health effects of vaccination are concerning.”
One day before Marks’ resignation, Kennedy announced the creation of a new sub-agency under the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) to focus on vaccine injuries — part of a broader restructuring of public health agencies, including the FDA.
In February, Kennedy promised that under his watch, HHS and CDC would develop a better system for tracking vaccine injuries.
Earlier this month, Reuters reported that unnamed sources within the CDC said the agency was planning to study the possible link between vaccines and autism. The story triggered negative mainstream news reports claiming the study isn’t needed.
Last week, The Washington Post, citing anonymous sources, reported that HHS had tapped researcher David Geier — a researcher and expert on the connections between toxic exposures and autism — to lead a study of possible links between vaccines and autism. The Post and other media outlets used the opportunity to attack Geier and the need for such a study.
Marks’ resignation also came as the FDA is considering a petition a group of scientists submitted earlier this year, calling upon the FDA to suspend or withdraw the mRNA COVID-19 vaccines.
Marks ‘became a cheerleader for the jab’
Writing on Substack, investigative journalist Maryanne Demasi, Ph.D., said it’s “evident there was a significant clash over vaccine safety” that led to Marks’ resignation. She said Marks’ departure “may be an opportunity for the FDA to refocus on its mission of protecting public health rather than rubber-stamping new vaccine approvals.”
Epidemiologist Nicolas Hulscher agreed. “Those who believe vaccine safety must not be questioned do not belong in our regulatory agencies. When it comes to injectable products, safety is more important than blind faith in vaccine ideology.”
According to The New York Times, while Marks “was viewed as a steady hand by many during the Covid pandemic,” he was criticized “for being overly generous to companies that sought approvals for therapies with mixed evidence of a benefit.”
The Times cited Marks’ role in pressuring two FDA scientists to approve full licensure of Pfizer’s mRNA COVID-19 vaccine in 2021, leading to the researchers’ resignation. Pfizer’s vaccine was fully licensed in August 2021 — one day later, the Biden administration mandated COVID-19 vaccination for military service members.
The rushed licensure of the Pfizer vaccine was the topic of a congressional hearing last year in which Marks testified. In a post on X Saturday, Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) wrote, “Instead of verifying safety and efficacy of the shots, Marks swept things under the rug and became a cheerleader for the jab.”
“In order to get the vaccines to people in need when thousands of people were dying, we actually allowed the safety to be authorized with just two months of median follow-up, rather than the normal six to 12. But we were confident that that would capture adverse events,” Marks testified at last year’s hearing.
‘It was clear that he did not want to know about our injuries’
While Marks was actively engaged in the licensure of the Pfizer COVID-19 vaccine, he “remained steadfast” in dismissing concerns about injuries related to the COVID-19 vaccines as “misinformation,” Demasi wrote.
In 2023, The BMJ wrote that “more than once” during FDA meetings, Marks “expressed confusion about why it would matter to doctors whether or not regulators acknowledged that a condition might be related to the vaccine.”
Documents CHD obtained last year through a Freedom of Information Act request showed that Marks was aware of COVID-19 vaccine injuries in early 2021 when several vaccine injury victims emailed him for help. Marks blew off scheduled meetings with them.
According to TrialSite News, even though Marks was aware of the growing number of COVID-19 vaccine injuries, “vaccine injury became a political hot potato under the Biden administration,” leading Marks to abandon the vaccine-injured.
Brianne Dressen, co-founder of React19, an advocacy group for the vaccine-injured, sustained serious injuries after participating in a clinical trial for the AstraZeneca COVID-19 vaccine in 2020 and later sought meetings with Marks but was rebuffed.
“Constant emails and calls with Marks … sent while I was in constant pain, literally begging for help, begging for them to help others, begging for a lifeline. A lifeline that never ever came,” Dressen said.
Dr. Danice Hertz, a retired gastroenterologist from California injured by the Pfizer COVID-19 vaccine, also communicated with Marks but said he “brushed off anyone who contacted him regarding vaccine side effects.”
“He systematically refused to hear our pleas for acknowledgment and help,” Hertz said. “This is why the medical community is unaware of these injuries and cannot help us. One would think that the FDA would want to know about serious adverse reactions to the novel COVID vaccines. I can say from first-hand experience that they don’t … It was clear that he did not want to know about our injuries.”
Dressen said it “didn’t matter what we said or how we said it, COVID vaccine injuries were not a priority at the FDA. Didn’t matter if it was safety signals for MIS-V, dysautonomia, neuropathy, tinnitus or reports of suicides. It was never enough. We begged, we pleaded, we pushed as hard as we could, and came up with nothing.”
According to Demasi, Marks instead “blurred the line between regulation and promotion” by participating in FDA videos promoting the COVID-19 vaccines and by authorizing COVID-19 mRNA vaccines for children without sufficient testing.
“Without randomized data regarding clinical outcomes, he repeatedly approved COVID boosters for kids as young as 6 months,” Dr. Vinay Prasad, professor of epidemiology and biostatistics at the University of California, San Francisco, wrote on Substack, calling these “some of the biggest regulatory errors in the 21st century.”
Demasi said Marks “repeatedly pointed to the Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System (VAERS) as proof of rigorous safety monitoring, yet failed to improve its efficiency.”
During last year’s congressional hearing, Marks claimed that numerous false reports of vaccine injuries are submitted to VAERS, a government-run database. However, he acknowledged, “We probably have not done a good enough job of communicating sometimes the actual numbers of deaths versus what’s in VAERS.”
This article was originally published by The Defender — Children’s Health Defense’s News & Views Website under Creative Commons license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0. Please consider subscribing to The Defender or donating to Children’s Health Defense.
New Info on How the Feds Helped Censor a Bombshell
By Didi Rankovic | Reclaim The Net | April 2, 2025
The US House Judiciary Committee has released internal chat logs, that show the FBI moved into cover-up mode the very day the New York Post published the Hunter Biden laptop story, on October 14, 2020.
The logs, first reported about by journalists Michael Shellenberger and Catherine Herridge, reveal that the FBI employees were immediately instructed “not to discuss the Biden matter,” while an intelligence analyst who, during a call with Twitter, accidentally confirmed that the story, i.e., the laptop, was real, was placed under a “gag order.”
The reason the analyst, who was with the FBI’s Criminal Investigative Division, was able to so quickly confirm the reporting was based on credible information was the fact the FBI had seized and authenticated Hunter Biden’s laptop several months earlier.

Big Tech platforms – notably Twitter and Facebook – then started censoring the article, branding it falsely “Russian disinformation.” By maintaining the “no comment” policy instead of confirming that the laptop was real and under investigation, the FBI was in effect tacitly promoting the false narrative about foreign interference.
These moves originated from the Foreign Influence Task Force, which was shut down earlier this year for its activities related to censorship through pressure on social platforms.
The laptop scandal was unfolding during a crucial time in the 2020 campaign and represents one of the most egregious publicly known examples of political censorship of free speech and media orchestrated by government agencies.
The chat logs that have now been published reveal that one of the FBI staff involved in the Hunter Biden laptop story suppression was Bradley Benavides.
Only weeks prior, Benavides featured in another controversy: that time in what appeared to be a smear campaign against Senators Ron Johnson and Chuck Grassley, who were allegedly “advancing Russian disinformation.”
At the time, the senators just so happened to be investigating Hunter Biden’s financial connections to foreign governments.
A letter the Judiciary Committee sent Benavides in June 2023, shows that he had by that time gone through the Big Tech-Big Government “revolving door” – and was senior risk manager at Amazon.
Trump’s Foreign Aid Suspension Unnerves Washington, not Recipients. Part 1

By Simon Chege Ndiritu – New Eastern Outlook – April 2, 2025
On January 20th, 2025, Donald Trump paused US foreign assistance for 90 days. This move was followed by the suspension of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), through which most US foreign assistance was channeled.
The ‘Donor’ Protesting
Surprisingly, the recipients ignored this suspension, leaving Washington to protest it, which shows that parties in Washington have been the chief beneficiaries of this aid. Meanwhile, some in the recipient countries do not perceive the suspended assistance as worth bemoaning but replacing and moving on. While Trump has repeatedly accused other countries of ripping off the US through aid, using the term ‘development assistance’ to refer to this money that is never used to build roads, bridges, power plants, or buildings is quite ironic. It shows that ‘development’ means something else to Washington. According to USAID’s localization report released in 2023, over 90% of its money went to its international partners in and around Washington.
Therefore, only 10% reaches targeted communities, and some end up funding opium production and pedophile-run children’s orphanages, among others. The US and Western Europe frame Africa as surviving on aid, which is only a colonial ploy. In response to Trump’s suspension, some Kenyans recognized that America’s foreign aid helps Washington and that the US is an unreliable partner. Surprisingly, Kenyan media coverage recognizes the need to move on from Washington’s posturing and find sustainable funding sources.
Trump’s Cutting Funds for Contractors in Washington
Some Kenyans have been baffled by Trump’s suspension of aid, noting how it gave Washington unsolicited influence. For instance, an opinion sent to Kenya’s Daily Nation after Trump’s suspension revealed that the sender was baffled by the White House, since the aid gave the US soft power and influence. The opinion email proceeded to suggest that Trump’s America is cash-strapped due to its senseless tariff war with China. Noteworthy, the US received funds from Europeans before passing the bulk of it to Washington-based contractors, emphasizing the importance of this aid to America. It has been an open secret that Western aid helps the donors and not the recipients. Trump’s move will adversely affect American businesses, even as noted by an FP article from May 2022, which revealed that foreign aid was funding a bubble in Washington.
Therefore, his suspension runs against his America First Policy; this drastic move must be informed by a more significant concern for the US empire, such as China. An article authored by Nicholas Okumu, a Kenyan orthopedic surgeon for the Star Newspaper, steered clear of Trump’s actions, and their motivations and focused on how Kenya should respond. Okumu observed that American aid has always been a tool for political leverage and economic self-interest, insisting that Kenya should seek sustainable ways of funding its projects instead of relying on Washington’s unpredictable and ineffective assistance. US aid only yields minimal tangible benefits for Africans, as it is fashioned to prioritize American commercial interests, for instance, by awarding contracts to US firms and undermining industries in recipient countries.
US Aid’s Vicious Cycle
Issuing the US development assistance, including the part disbursed through USAID, starts by leading the audience into a tunnel vision of how the country is planning an extensive (supposedly) altruistic program to alleviate pressing challenges in poor countries. At this stage, audiences are not informed that Washington created the challenge or wants to enrich its contractors without addressing the problem. For instance, details that Washington’s Pentagon had bombed Al-Shifa pharmaceutical manufacturing company in Sudan in 1998, hence preventing millions from accessing health supplies, are hidden. The aid ends with money being spent in Washington and nothing being achieved for recipient communities, even while a justification for an enormous investment is created. Washington does not care if people access medical supplies, but whether its contractors can benefit from purporting to supply them.
A good example may include the repeated cycle of USAID’s Global Health Supply Chain Cycle. The first cycle, conceived in 2015 and worth $9.5 billion, ended without substantial results and was used in 2024 to justify a new one worth $17 billion. In the beginning, Washington’s media machine told audiences how USAID planned the Global Health Supply Program, which was designed to solve the problem of lifesaving health supplies being inaccessible to poor countries. The empty hype in this endeavor may have been detected in the statement that the project was supposed to “shake up global health contracting,” meaning the primary interest was not to alleviate supply problems but to award a massive contract to the main contractor, Chemonics International.
The project’s value of $9.5 billion had been dispensed three years later and was spent on fraud and inefficiencies. After 2017, the main contractor received a deadline extension and an additional $2 billion without delivering substantial results. An investigative report found that Chemonics International’s procurement reviewers had made up figures to report that 80% of the contracts had been delivered. Thirty-nine people had been indicted with fraud, but the main contractor escaped with a slap on the wrist by paying only $3.1 million to the justice department. Therefore, Washington’s aid benefited a contractor who used a façade of delivering aid to other countries. To attest to the failure of the first project cycle, which started in 2015, USAID launched a similar $17 billion project, dubbed NextGen, by signing contracts for delivering ‘lifesaving supplies around the globe.’ It is Ironic for anyone to think that Washington, which bombed a pharmaceutical factory in Sudan in 1998 and a trauma hospital in Afghanistan in 2015, really cares whether people can access medical suppliers. Noteworthy, most countries are unable to produce medical supplies because America’s big Pharma monopolizes them through patents.
Going Forward
USAID has always been tied to procuring from the US, making recipient countries fail to develop industries that can organically respond to local challenges. For instance, American laws mandate that food aid be purchased from American farmers and delivered using American-flagged vessels, which means farmers in the recipient countries lose business. Similarly, other industries that receive aid from the US can also collapse, which limits Africans’ development. The deleterious effects of the US aid programs can explain the donors’ insistence on issuing them out, meaning that Africans should not view Trump’s suspension of aid as a tragedy. Instead, it is an opportunity for reflection on how American aid should be replaced, since it is ineffective and unreliable. The US will permanently halt its aid when it does not stand to gain. Therefore, African governments must seek ways to finance their projects without relying on Western aid.
How Bernie Sanders and the Democrats Made Elon Musk the Richest Man in the World
By Thomas Eddlem | The Libertarian Institute | April 1, 2025
Just before Senator Bernie Sanders (I-VT) and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY) started their ongoing series of rallies against Elon Musk and President Donald Trump, Sanders stopped by Face the Nation on CBS and hilariously exclaimed in feigned outrage:
“We’re looking at a rapid growth of oligarchy. We’re looking at a rapid growth of authoritarianism. And I fear that we’re looking at a rapid growth of kleptocracy as well. And I’m going to do everything I can to work with my supporters all over this country to stand up and fight back to make sure we have an economy that works for everybody, not just Elon Musk.”
All I could do is laugh, as Bernie Sanders specifically and the other Democrats generally are the ones who made the economy work so well for Elon Musk.
The $465 million Energy Department loan under President Barack Obama that saved Tesla from bankruptcy in 2010 emerged from the Energy Independence and Security Act of 2007, which was adopted because Bernie Sanders and all the Democrats in the Senate voted for it (except Debbie Stabenow and a half-dozen conservative Republicans). Further, Obama’s American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 (which all the Senate Democrats voted for, including Bernie Sanders) included the $7500/EV subsidy that put $1.5 billion in Elon’s wallet. Nearly all Republicans voted against it.
And Musk’s Tesla gains more than $1 billion dollars annually from carbon tax credits passed by Democrats in California in the first decade of the century and which was expanded by President Joe Biden’s Inflation Reduction Act of 2022 (which Sanders and all Democrats passed on a party-line vote in the Senate, and AOC and her Democratic colleagues voted for in the House).
The Washington Post reported on February 26 that Musk received some $38 billion in government contracts, loans, subsidies, and tax credits in the past two decades, most from the federal government funded by Democrats (and some from Democrat-run California), often with strong Republican opposition. And most of these subsidies were realized during President Biden’s term.
Sanders complains constantly about Musk being a billionaire, but you don’t have to be a math major to understand that it’s a just smidge easier to become a billionaire when the government hands you $38 billion. Of course, Sanders and his touring sidekick Ocasio-Cortez work for a government that takes in $5,485 billion from people for almost nothing and somehow still runs a deficit of $1,781 billions every year. So maybe they don’t have the competency to pull that kind of math off.
Sanders and AOC seem to think it was the Republicans who fought for all those green energy subsidies and carbon swap programs. They seem to think the Republicans wanted to keep money flowing to NASA because of the GOP’s fond memories of JFK sending astronauts to the moon, and did not work to end the wasteful agency. But in reality it was Democrats who kept funding flowing to NASA, resulting in Space X scoring huge multi-billion federal space contracts.
If truth in advertising laws were being enforced, Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s nationwide “Rally Against Oligarchy” would instead be labeled “Rally Against the Oligarchy We’re Building.”
I don’t think Elon Musk is a Nazi; I think he’s a highly talented tax dollar harvester. But if he is a Nazi, he is the Democrats’ Nazi. Democrats made him the richest man in the world and saved his businesses from bankruptcy with massive government subsidies championed by the Democrats. They need to own this, because they can’t deny it.
Instead, many of the same Democrats who voted for the politicians who made Musk the richest man in the world now think that a massive pogrom against Musk is a successful strategy to resist Trump’s policies and oppose “fascism.” Uh huh.
Nothing says “I’m opposing fascism” like spray-painting a swastika on a Tesla owned by a Jewish dude. Three quarters of all the swastikas being publicly painted across the world today are being painted by Democrats in America on Teslas, and the other quarter are being painted by the remnants of the neo-Nazi Azov Brigade that has been absorbed into the Ukrainian National Army, a group the Democrats back to the hilt with your tax dollars.
The world’s swastikas being painted these days are being scrawled or funded by the Democratic Party within a rounding error of 100% of the global total. For the first time in many years I went over to the Stormfront.org webpage (a page run by open neo-Nazis) and found them positively bitchy with suppressed jealousy about how Democrats have managed to spread their message so much further than the Mädelschaft of goobers who run that website.
Meanwhile, the captive media fact-checkers acknowledge, “At least 10 Tesla dealerships, charging stations and facilities have been hit by vandals,” along with the vandalization of hundreds of cars of [private] Tesla owners, but simultaneously claim there’s “no evidence of coordinated vandalism.” It’s got to sting when Democrats can pull off a slow-motion, global Krystallnacht against Tesla when the Schutzstaffel-wannabes have been so unsuccessful for so many decades. Meanwhile, Democrats get wild cheers from The Daily Show audience for their ongoing swastika pogrom.
I predict Stormfront’s next published story will be a worried report about the global shortage of swastikas, accompanied by a request for the Democrats to refund a quota of some of the swastikas back so American neo-Nazis can stop swastika rationing.
There’s a reason Elon Musk’s companies faced twenty different investigations by multiple government agencies under the Biden administration and most of those investigations just went away once Trump took office, and it wasn’t because of Elon’s criminal conduct. It was the criminal conduct of Washington and its lawfare. That’s part of the plan, too.
Elon backed the “wrong” party, according to the Democrats. They villainize Musk and the Koch brothers but not Bill Gates, John Kerry, and George Soros. Their vilification of billionaires is notably and risibly selective.
The latter are their bread-and-butter while the former fund their opposition. Washington politics long ago ceased to be an ideological battle, succumbing fully to a team sport.
We’re on a Highlander course for political parties in America: There can be only one.
In at least one sense, we’re already there; Trump and his cabinet are all 2004 Democrats, with a Kennedy in charge of the world’s largest welfare agency and no mandate to cut even a dime of welfare spending. That’s what the “conservative” Republican Party has become. America has a uniparty, and the media wants to make us choose either the Party of Caesar or the Party of Pompey, but both are on the same path to centralization of power in Washington.
USAID and the Architecture of Perception
By Joshua Stylman | February 16, 2025
The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has long portrayed itself as America’s humanitarian aid organization, delivering assistance to developing nations. With an annual budget of nearly $40 billion and operations in over 100 countries, it represents one of the largest foreign aid institutions in the world. But recent disclosures reveal its true nature as something far more systematic: an architect of global consciousness. Consider: Reuters, one of the world’s most trusted news sources, received USAID funding for ‘Large Scale Social Deception’ and ‘Social Engineering Defence.’ While there’s debate about the exact scope of these programs, the implications are staggering: a division of one of the world’s most relied-upon sources for objective reporting was paid by a US government agency for systemic reality construction. This funding goes beyond traditional media support, representing a deliberate infrastructure for discourse framing that fundamentally challenges the concept of ‘objective’ reporting.
But it goes deeper. In what reads like a Michael Crichton plot come to life, the recent USAID revelations show a staggering reach of narrative control. Take Internews Network, a USAID-financed NGO that has pushed nearly half a billion dollars ($472.6m) through a secretive network, ‘working with’ 4,291 media outlets. In just one year, they produced 4,799 hours of broadcasts reaching up to 778 million people and ‘trained’ over 9,000 journalists. This isn’t just funding – it’s a systematic infrastructure of consciousness manipulation.
The revelations show USAID funding both the Wuhan Lab’s gain-of-function research and the media outlets that would shape the story around what emerged from it. Backing organizations that would fabricate impeachment evidence. Funding both the election systems that facilitate outcomes and the fact-checkers that determine which discussions about those outcomes are permitted. But these disclosures point to something far more significant than mere corruption.
These revelations didn’t emerge from nowhere – they come from government grant disclosures, FOIA requests, and official records that aren’t even hidden, just ignored. As my old friend Mark Schiffer noted the other day, ‘The most important truths today cannot be debated – they must be felt as totalities.’ The pattern, once seen, cannot be unseen. Some may question DOGE’s methods or the rapid pace of these disclosures, and those constitutional concerns deserve serious discussion. But that’s a separate conversation from what these documents reveal. The revelations themselves – documented in official records and grant disclosures – are undeniable and should shock anyone who values truth. The means of exposure matter far less than what’s being exposed: one of the largest narrative control operations in history.
No domain is untouched – markets, tech, culture, health, and obviously, media – and you’ll find the same design. Intelligence agencies are deeply embedded in each domain because shaping how we perceive reality is more powerful than controlling reality itself
Just as fiat currency replaced real value with declared value, we now see the same pattern everywhere: fiat science replaces inquiry with predetermined conclusions, fiat culture replaces organic development with curated influence, fiat history replaces lived experience with manufactured narratives. We live in an era of fiat everything – where reality itself is declared, not discovered.. And just as they create artificial scarcity in monetary systems, they manufacture false choices everywhere else – presenting us with artificial binaries that obscure the true complexity of our world. As Schiffer wrote elsewhere, reality no longer requires consensus, only coherence. But there’s a crucial distinction: real coherence emerges naturally across multiple domains, reflecting deeper truths that cannot be fabricated. The coherence imposed by perception management isn’t truth – it’s a controlled discourse engineered for consistency, not discovery. The USAID receipts now provide concrete evidence of how this manufactured coherence is built: a scripted reality where the appearance of logic is more important than actual substance.
This isn’t just pattern matching – it’s pattern prediction. Just as algorithms learn to recognize and anticipate behavioral patterns, those who understand this system’s architecture can see its next moves before they’re made. The question isn’t whether something is “true” or “false” – it’s understanding how information flows shape consciousness itself.
To understand how deep this goes, let’s examine their methodology. As Dr. Sherri Tenpenny and others have meticulously documented through FOIA requests and government grant disclosures, the pattern emerges through two primary vectors of control:
Information Control:
- $34 million to Politico (which as Tenpenny notes, struggled to make payroll without this funding)
- Extensive payments to New York Times
- Direct funding to BBC Media Action
- $4.5 million to Kazakhstan to combat “disinformation”
Health and Development:
- $84 million to Clinton Foundation health initiatives
- $100 million for AIDS treatment in Ukraine
- Funding for contraceptive programs in developing nations
Cultural Programming:
- $20 million to Sesame Street in Iraq
- $68 million to World Economic Forum
- $2 million for sex changes and LGBT activism in Guatemala
- Global cultural initiatives (millions spread across LGBTQ programs in Serbia, DEI projects in Ireland, transgender arts in Colombia and Peru, and tourism promotion in Egypt)
What emerges is not just a list of expenditures, but a blueprint for global reality architecture: From Kazakhstan to Ireland, from Serbia to Peru, from Vietnam to Egypt – there isn’t a corner of the world untouched by this system. This isn’t merely a distribution of resources, but a strategic infrastructure of global influence. Each allocation—whether to media outlets, health initiatives, or cultural programs – represents a carefully placed node in a network designed to shape perception across multiple domains. First, control the flow of information through media funding. Then, establish legitimacy through health and development programs. Finally, reshape social structures through cultural programming. The end goal isn’t just to influence what people think, but to determine the boundaries of what can be thought – and to do so on a planetary scale.
For those who’ve been studying the architecture of censorship, like Mike Benz has been documenting for years, none of this comes as a surprise. It’s perfect symmetry: we knew about the censorship. Now we’re seeing the receipts. One hand feeds them talking points, the other hand feeds them our taxpayer dollars. This isn’t speculation; it’s documented fact. Even Wikipedia’s own funding database contains over 45,000 reports tied to USAID – many detailing corruption, media influence, and financial manipulation. The evidence has always been there, but it was ignored, dismissed, or buried under the very fact-checking apparatus USAID funds. These weren’t crackpot theories; they were warnings. And now, we finally have the receipts.
And it doesn’t stop at controlling information. USAID isn’t just shaping media portrayals – it’s funding the systems that enforce them. Last week, Benz broke a bombshell: USAID gives twice as much money ($27 million) to the fiscal sponsor of the group controlling Soros-funded prosecutors than Soros himself gives ($14 million). This isn’t about one billionaire’s influence – it’s about state-backed enforcement of scripted accounts. The same network that dictates what you can think is dictating who prosecutes crime, what laws are enforced, and who faces consequences.
USAID’s influence isn’t just about funding media control—it extends to direct political interference. It didn’t just send aid to Brazil – it funded censorship, backed left-wing activists, and helped rig the 2022 election against Bolsonaro.
Benz revealed that the agency waged a “holy war of censorship,” systematically suppressing Bolsonaro supporters online while bolstering opposition voices. Millions flowed to NGOs pushing leftist framing, including the Felipe Neto Institute, which received U.S. funding while Bolsonaro allies were deplatformed. USAID also bankrolled Amazon-based activist groups, financed media campaigns designed to manipulate public opinion, and funneled money into Brazilian organizations that pushed for stricter internet regulations.
This wasn’t aid—it was election interference disguised as democracy promotion. USAID used American tax dollars to decide Brazil’s future, and it likely deployed similar tactics in many other countries—all under the guise of humanitarian assistance.
And it’s not just abroad. While USAID’s defenders claim it’s a tool for charity and development in poor nations, the evidence suggests something much more insidious. It’s a $40 billion driver of regime change overseas – and now, evidence points to its involvement in regime change efforts at home. Alongside the CIA, USAID appears to have played a role in the 2019 impeachment of Trump – an illegal effort to overturn a U.S. election using the same tools of perception sculpting and political engineering it deploys abroad.
Left vs right, vaxxed vs unvaxxed, Russia vs Ukraine, believer vs skeptic (on any topic) – these false dichotomies serve to fragment our understanding while reality itself is far more nuanced and multidimensional. Each manufactured crisis spawns not just reactions, but reactions to those reactions, creating endless layers of derivative meaning built on artificial foundations.
The real power isn’t in manufacturing individual facts, but in creating systems where false facts become self-reinforcing. When a fact-checker cites another fact-checker who cites a “trusted source” that’s funded by the same entities funding the fact-checkers, the pattern becomes clear. The truth isn’t in any individual claim – it’s in recognizing how the claims work together to create a closed system of artificial reality.
Take the mRNA vaccine debate for example: The pattern manifests before the explanation – people passionately debate efficacy without realizing the entire framework was constructed. First, they fund the research. Then they fund the media to shape the narrative. Even skeptics often fall into their trap, arguing about effectiveness rates while accepting their basic premise. The moment you debate ‘vaccine efficacy,’ you’ve already lost – you’re using their framework to discuss what is, in reality, an experimental gene therapy. By accepting their terminology, their metrics, their framing of the discussion itself, you’re playing in their constructed reality. Each layer of control is designed not just to influence opinions, but to preemptively structure how those opinions can be formed.
Like learning to spot a staged photo or hearing a false note in music, developing a reliable bullshit detector requires pattern recognition. Once you start seeing how narratives are constructed – how language is weaponized, how frameworks are built – it changes the lens with which you view the whole world. The same intelligence agencies embedding themselves in every domain that shapes our understanding aren’t just controlling information flow – they’re programming how we process that information itself.
The recursive theater plays out in real time. When USAID announced funding cuts, BBC News rushed to amplify humanitarian concerns with dramatic headlines about HIV patients and endangered lives. What they didn’t mention in their reporting? USAID is their top funder, bankrolling BBC Media Action with millions in direct payments. Watch how the system protects itself: the largest recipient of USAID media funding creates emotional propaganda about USAID’s importance while obfuscating their financial relationship in their reporting.
This institutional self-defense illustrates a crucial pattern: organizations funded for reality construction protect themselves through layers of misdirection. When presented with evidence, the fact-checking apparatus funded by these same systems springs into action. They’ll tell you that these payments were for standard “subscriptions,” that programs promoting gender ideology are really just about “equality and rights.” But when USAID awards $2 million to Asociación Lambda in Guatemala for “gender-affirming health care” – which can include surgeries, hormone therapy, and counseling – those same defenders conveniently omit the details, blurring the line between advocacy and direct intervention. The very organizations funded for social architecture are the ones telling you there is no social architecture. It’s akin to asking the arsonist to investigate the fire.
Like characters in a grand production, I watch old friends still trusting in institutions like the New York Times. Even this exposition becomes a potential node in the system – the very act of revealing the mechanics of control might itself be anticipated, another layer of the recursive theater. In my earlier work on technocracy, I explored how our digital world has evolved far beyond Truman Burbank’s physical dome. His world had visible walls, cameras, and scripted encounters – a constructed reality he could theoretically escape by reaching its edges. Our prison is more sophisticated: no walls, no visible limits, just algorithmic containment that shapes thought itself. Truman only had to sail far enough to find the truth. But how do you sail beyond the boundaries of perception when the ocean itself is programmed?
Sure, USAID has done some good work—but so did Al Capone with his soup kitchens. Just as the infamous gangster’s charity work made him untouchable in his community, USAID’s aid programs create a veneer of benevolence that makes questioning their larger agenda politically impossible. Philanthropic window dressing has long been a tool for power players to shield themselves from scrutiny. Consider Jimmy Savile: a celebrated philanthropist whose charity work granted him access to hospitals and vulnerable children while he committed unspeakable crimes in plain sight. His carefully cultivated image made him beyond reproach for decades, just as institutional benevolence now serves as a protective layer for global influence operations. The true function of organizations like USAID isn’t just aid—it’s social architecture, mind shaping, and the laundering of taxpayer dollars through an intricate web of NGOs and foundations.
This layered deception is self-reinforcing – each level of manufactured reality is protected by another level of institutional authority. These institutions don’t just dictate stories; they shape the infrastructure through which narratives are disseminated. For what it’s worth, I believe most tools themselves are neutral. The same digital systems that enable mass surveillance could empower individual sovereignty. The same networks that centralize control could facilitate decentralized cooperation. The question isn’t the technology itself, but whether it’s deployed to concentrate or distribute power.
This understanding didn’t come from nowhere. Those who first sensed this artificiality were dismissed as conspiracy theorists. We noticed the coordination across outlets, the strange synchronicity of messaging, the way certain stories were amplified while others disappeared. Now we have the sales receipts showing exactly how that manipulation was funded and orchestrated.
I know this journey of discovery intimately. When I started understanding the dangers of mRNA technology, I went all in. I connected with the incredibly talented filmmaker Jennifer Sharp and helped with Anecdotals, her film about vaccine injuries. I was ready to tether my whole identity to this cause. But then I started zooming out. I began seeing how COVID might have been a financial crime designed to usher in central bank digital currency. The deeper I looked, the more I realized these weren’t isolated deceptions – it was part of a larger system of control. The very fabric of what I thought was real began to dissolve.
What disturbed me most was seeing how deeply programming relies on mimicry. Humans are imitative creatures by nature – it’s how we learn, how we build culture. But this natural tendency has been weaponized. I’d present friends with peer-reviewed studies, documented evidence, historical connections – only to watch them respond with verbatim talking points from corporate media. It wasn’t that they disagreed – it was that they weren’t even processing the information. They were pattern-matching against pre-approved chronicles, outsourcing their thinking to “trusted experts” who were themselves caught in the same web of manufactured perception. I realized then: none of us knows anything for certain – we’re all just mimicking what we’ve been programmed to believe is authoritative knowledge.
The challenge isn’t just seeing through any single deception – it’s understanding how these systems work together in complex, non-linear ways. When we fixate on individual threads, we miss the larger pattern. Like pulling a thread on a sweater and watching it unravel, eventually you realize there was no sweater in the first place – just an intricately woven illusion. Just as a hologram contains the whole image in each fragment, every piece of this system reflects the larger blueprint for reality construction.
Consider the $34 million to Politico – this isn’t just a funding stream, but a holographic reveal of the entire system. It’s not merely that Politico received money; it’s that this single transaction contains the entire blueprint of perception management. The payment itself is a microcosm: struggling media outlet, government funding, narrative control – each element reflects the whole. This recursive system protects itself through layers of self-validation. When critics point out media bias, fact-checkers funded by the same system declare it ‘debunked.’ When researchers question official accounts, journals funded by the same interests reject their work. Even the language of resistance – ‘speaking truth to power,’ ‘fighting disinformation,’ ‘protecting democracy’ – has been co-opted and weaponized by the very system it was meant to challenge.
The COVID story epitomizes this systemic manipulation. What began as a public health crisis transformed into a global experiment in narrative control – demonstrating how rapidly populations could be reshaped through coordinated messaging, institutional authority, and weaponized fear. The pandemic wasn’t just about a virus; it was a proof of concept for how comprehensively human cognition could be engineered – a single node revealing the true scope and ambition of discourse manipulation.
Think about the cycle: American taxpayers unknowingly funded the crisis itself – then paid again to be deceived about it. They paid for the development of gain-of-function research, then paid again for the messaging that would convince them to accept masks, lockdowns, and experimental interventions. The system is so confident in its psychological control that it doesn’t even bother hiding the evidence anymore.
As I’ve documented in my Engineering Reality series, this framework for consciousness management runs far deeper than most can imagine. USAID’s revelations aren’t isolated incidents—they’re glimpses into a vast system of social design that has been in operation for decades. When the same agency funding your fact-checkers is openly paying for ‘social deception,’ when your trusted news sources are receiving direct payments for ‘social architecture,’ the very framework of what we consider ‘real’ begins to crumble.
We’re not just watching events unfold – we’re watching reactions to artificial events, then reactions to those reactions, creating an infinite regression of derivative meaning. People form passionate positions about issues that were constructed, then others define themselves in opposition to those positions. Each layer of reaction fuels the next phase of steered consensus. What we’re witnessing isn’t just the spread of manufactured realities, but the architecture of cultural and geopolitical trends themselves. Artificial trends spawn authentic reactions, which generate counter-reactions, until we’ve built entire societies responding to carefully orchestrated theater. The social engineers aren’t just steering individual beliefs – they’re reshaping the very foundations of how humans make sense of the world.
These revelations are just the tip of the iceberg. Anyone paying attention to the depth and depravity of the corruption knows that this is only the beginning. As more information emerges, the illusion of neutrality, of benevolence, of institutions acting in the public interest, will crumble. No one who truly engages with this information is walking away with renewed faith in the system. The shift is only happening in one direction – some faster than others, but none in reverse. The real question is: what happens when a critical mass reaches the point where their foundational understanding of the world collapses? When they realize that the records shaping their perception were never organic, but manufactured? Some will refuse to look, choosing comfort over confrontation. But for those willing to face it, this is not just about corruption – it’s about the very nature of the reality they thought they inhabited.
The implications are staggering not just for individual awareness, but for our very ability to function as a republic. How can citizens make informed decisions when reality itself has been splintered into competing manufactured tales? When people discover that their most deeply held beliefs were shaped, that their passionate causes were scripted, that even their cultural interests and tastes were curated, that their opposition to certain systems was anticipated and designed – what remains of authentic human experience?
What’s coming will force a choice: either retreat into comfortable denial, dismissing mounting evidence as “right-wing conspiracy theories,” or face the shattering realization that the world we thought we inhabited never actually existed. My research over the past few years points to far more nefarious activities yet to be revealed – operations so heinous that many will simply refuse to process them.
As I wrote about in “The Second Matrix,” there’s always the risk of falling into another layer of controlled awakening. But the greater risk lies in thinking too small, in anchoring ourselves to any single thread of understanding. The USAID revelations aren’t just about exposing one agency’s role in shaping reality – they’re about recognizing how our very thought patterns have been colonized by recursive layers of artificial reality.
This is the true crisis of our time: not just the manipulation of reality, but the fragmentation of human consciousness itself. When people grasp that their beliefs, causes, and even their resistance were shaped within this system, they are forced to confront the deeper question: What does it mean to reclaim one’s own mind?
But here’s what they don’t want you to realize: seeing through these systems is profoundly liberating. When you understand how reality is constructed, you’re no longer bound by its artificial constraints. This isn’t just about exposing deception – it’s about freeing consciousness itself from manufactured limitations.
The jig may be up on USAID’s reality architecture operation. But the deeper challenge lies in reconstructing meaning in a world where the very fabric of reality has been woven from artificial threads. The choice we face isn’t just between comfortable illusion and uncomfortable truth. The old system demanded validation before belief. The new reality requires something else entirely: the ability to recognize patterns before they’re officially confirmed, to feel coherence across multiple domains, to step outside the crafted game completely. This isn’t about choosing sides in their manufactured binaries – it’s about seeing the pattern architecture itself.
What does this liberation look like in practice? It’s catching the pattern of a manufactured crisis before it’s fully deployed. It’s recognizing how seemingly unrelated events – a banking collapse, a health emergency, a social movement – are actually nodes in the same network of control. It’s understanding that true sovereignty isn’t about having all the answers, but about developing the capacity to sense the web of deception before it solidifies into apparent reality. Because the ultimate power isn’t in knowing every answer – it’s in realizing when the question itself has been designed to trap you inside the manufactured paradigm.
As we develop this pattern recognition capacity – this ability to see through algorithmic manipulation – what it means to be human is itself evolving. As these systems of ideological infrastructure crumble, our task isn’t just to preserve individual awakening but to protect and nurture the most conscious elements of humanity. The ultimate liberation isn’t just seeing through the deception – it’s maintaining our essential humanity in a world of tightly controlled perception.
As these systems of reality sculpting crumble, we have an unprecedented opportunity to rediscover what’s real – not through their manufactured frameworks, but through our own direct experience of truth. What’s authentic isn’t always what’s organic – in a mediated world, authenticity means conscious choice rather than unconscious reaction. It means understanding how our minds are shaped while maintaining our capacity for genuine connection, creative expression, and direct experience. The most human elements – love, creativity, intuition, genuine discovery – become more precious precisely because they defy algorithmic control. These are the last frontiers of human freedom—the unpredictable, unquantifiable forces that cannot be reduced to data points or behavioral models.
The ultimate battle isn’t just for truth – it’s for the human spirit itself. A system that can engineer perception can engineer submission. But there’s a beautiful irony here: the very act of recognizing these systems of reality construction is itself an expression of authentic consciousness – a choice that proves they haven’t conquered human perception completely. Free will cannot be engineered precisely because the capacity to see through engineered reality remains ours. In the end, their greatest fear isn’t that we’ll reject their manufactured world – it’s that we’ll remember how to see beyond it.


