The geopolitics of India-US ‘trade war’
By Salman Rafi Sheikh – New Eastern Outlook – August 10, 2025
By slapping tariffs on India and linking them to its ties with Russia, the Trump administration exposed its willingness to strong-arm New Delhi into submission.
Unless India pulls off a dramatic reset with China—and thus reduce its dependence on the US for military support—it will remain caught between appeasing Washington and defending its strategic autonomy.
When the US President announced sweeping 25% tariffs on Indian goods in late July, his tone marked a jarring departure from the warmth once displayed toward New Delhi. Only months earlier, he had welcomed Prime Minister Narendra Modi to the Oval Office, hailing him as a “great friend” and celebrating the US-India relationship as a partnership destined for global leadership. Now, with the stroke of a Truth Social post, India is recast not as an ally, but as an economic adversary.
This abrupt reversal speaks volumes. The President’s social media declarations—accusing India of being a “dead economy”—ignored not only diplomatic decorum but economic reality. India is the world’s most populous nation and the fifth-largest economy, a critical player in global markets and geopolitics alike. To dismiss it so flippantly is to misunderstand the arc of global power.
But beyond the bluster lies a deeper provocation. Washington’s veiled threat—imposing additional, unspecified penalties on India over its continued oil trade with Russia—underscores a troubling shift in US foreign policy: coercion in place of collaboration. The implicit bargain offered to New Delhi is clear—cut ties with Moscow, and the US may relent on tariffs and even entertain a trade deal. Refuse and face economic punishment.
Why Trump Wants India to Submit
When Donald Trump referenced oil in the context of US-India relations, it wasn’t his only focus. A quieter, yet strategically significant, concern involved India’s long-standing defense ties with Russia. For decades, New Delhi has been one of Moscow’s most reliable customers in the global arms market. While India’s reliance on Russian military hardware has declined—from 55% of total imports in 2016 to an estimated 36% in 2025—Russia remains India’s top defense supplier.
To the Trump administration, however, this decline is an opening that must be exploited for American gains. A shrinking Russian share in India’s defense market presents the perfect opportunity to push more US-made military systems as replacements. In doing so, Washington hopes to edge out Moscow and deepen strategic ties with New Delhi in the process.
Signs suggest India may already be leaning toward such a transition. According to Indian defense media reports, the Indian Air Force (IAF) recently advised the government to prioritize acquiring US-made F-35 fighter jets instead of the fifth-generation aircraft offered by Russia earlier this year. Until now, India had remained undecided, caught between its historical ties with Russia and its evolving strategic calculus. However, should New Delhi proceed with the F-35 acquisition, it would mark a significant shift—not just symbolically, but financially and strategically. The Indian government reportedly plans to induct over 100 F-35s by 2035, an investment expected to run into billions of dollars, directly boosting the US defense sector. More importantly, such an investment will lock India as a firm US ally. As far as the Trump administration is concerned, this would also lend substance to Trump’s “Make America Great Again” agenda by channeling substantial foreign capital into the American economy.
As far as New Delhi is concerned, inducting F-35s could help bolster its regional standing vis-à-vis China and the latter’s continuous injection of its state-of-the-art defence technology into Pakistan, including its air-force. Indian defence analysts claim that this induction will allow India to avoid any more loses in aerial battles like the ones it suffered in its war with Pakistan in May.
What India Can Do
Yet, New Delhi’s strategic choices are far more complex than they might initially appear. Even if India opts to procure the F-35 fighter jets, it is far from certain that the US would permit their use in an offensive capacity against Pakistan—especially considering Washington’s increasingly cooperative ties with Islamabad. For context, Pakistan itself is restricted from employing its US-supplied F-16s for offensive operations against India. This raises a critical question for Indian policymakers: will a deepening defense relationship with the US genuinely enhance India’s air power posture vis-à-vis Pakistan, its principal adversary in South Asia?
The timing of New Delhi’s public disclosure of the Indian Air Force’s interest in F-35s—just days before a crucial deadline—was no accident. It seemed designed to sway the Trump administration’s position on trade tariffs. But the gambit failed to yield any concrete concessions. The episode underscores a deeper and more troubling question: should India continue to allow the US to exert disproportionate influence over its defense procurement and broader foreign policy?
This incident should prompt serious introspection among Indian policymakers. Rather than leaving its strategic vulnerabilities open to manipulation, India could take steps to insulate its foreign policy from external pressure. One pragmatic approach would be to normalize and even strengthen ties with regional competitors like China—an idea already gaining quiet traction. New Delhi has recently revived visa services with Beijing, and bilateral trade talks are beginning to show signs of momentum.
Interestingly, President Donald Trump’s remarks about “not doing much business with India” were widely interpreted as a thinly veiled reference to India’s growing economic engagement with China. In essence, Washington seeks to mold India’s foreign policy—particularly its relationships with China and Russia—to align more closely with American strategic interests. Should India capitulate to that pressure, it risks downgrading its role from an emerging regional power to a junior partner dependent on Washington for strategic direction.
India’s foreign policy establishment is now at a pivotal juncture. The choices made in the coming years will not just determine the shape of the country’s defense acquisitions or trade policies—they will define India’s role on the world stage for decades to come. If New Delhi is to maintain its claim to strategic autonomy, it must resist the temptation to shape its policies in reaction to US expectations.
Salman Rafi Sheikh, research analyst of International Relations and Pakistan’s foreign and domestic affairs
Russia Possesses Advanced Weapons Other Than Oreshnik Systems – Ryabkov
Sputnik – 10.08.2025
MOSCOW – In addition to the Oreshnik missile systems, Russia possesses other advanced weaponry, Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey Ryabkov said on Sunday.
“There is Oreshnik. But there is more, and we have been wasting no time. I cannot name what I am not authorized to name. But it exists,” Ryabkov said on the Rossiya 1 channel.
Russia has many options in advanced weaponry at its disposal, the deputy foreign minister said, adding that “we never rule anything out for ourselves in advance.”
Ryabkov also made statements on lifting the moratorium on INF Treaty (Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces):
- Russia must use such methods to cool down the heated heads in NATO countries.
- In today’s realities, it is inappropriate to use the term “détente” in relations between Russia and the US.
- What we need now is not détente, but political will to begin lowering the temperature in international relations.
- Everything Moscow does in terms of weapons deployment is a reaction to the steps taken by the Americans and their allies.
- Apart from the Oreshnik systems, Russia also has other advanced weapons.
- The first signs of common sense are appearing in Russia-US relations, which were absent for several years before.
- The risk of nuclear conflict in the world is not decreasing.
- Russia sees the risk that after the expiration of the New START Treaty, nuclear arms control will be completely absent.
Scott Ritter: Russia Ends Limits on Intermediate-Range Missiles & Changes the Balance of Power
Glenn Diesen | August 8, 2025
Scott Ritter is a former Major, Intelligence Officer, and UN Weapons Inspector. Ritter argues that the balance of power in Europe will shift as Russia announces it will no longer abide by the self-imposed restrictions on the deployment of nuclear-capable intermediate-range missiles.
Kaliningrad Gambit: NATO’s Last Desperate Bluff /Spark for World War III?
By Jeffrey Silverman – New Eastern Outlook – August 8, 2025
With Ukraine’s defences collapsing and Russia gaining the upper hand, NATO’s provocative focus on Kaliningrad risks triggering a nuclear escalation that could end any remaining prospects for diplomacy.
As many foresaw, the situation for Ukraine’s Western-backed proxy regime is unraveling fast. Russian forces are pushing forward with increasing momentum—Chasov Yar has reportedly fallen, and Pokrovsk and Kostiantynivka facing operational encirclement. The Eastern Front may soon collapse entirely.
Kiev appears outgunned and undermanned, the result of Russia’s grinding attritional strategy—high firepower, low casualties—not the reckless assault tactics portrayed in Western media.
In response, Washington is shifting gears—talking nuclear subs and floating threats against Kaliningrad, Russia’s fortified Baltic enclave, a move that may only harden Moscow’s resolve—and shift the conflict into a far more dangerous phase.
Russian military production has far outstripped that of the entire combined West by a factor of roughly four to one. Getting beyond lame Western rhetoric, the Russian Federation is producing weapons that actually work, unlike their NATO rivals, at a price far less than the West is capable of matching. Needless to say, the West claims plans are in progress to “close the gap in 2025” but they have been saying that since 2022, with no result in sight.
They say tactics win battles, but logistics wins wars. The Russians took that to heart—favoring firepower and endurance over flashy maneuvers. The West, still chasing its blitzkrieg fantasies, missed the memo.
With Ukraine’s proxy army buckling, NATO faces a sobering question: what now?
Sanctions fizzled. The so-called “global consensus” crumbled as China, India, and Brazil shrugged off Washington’s threats and kept buying Russian energy. Trump’s bluster over secondary sanctions rings hollow—especially after Beijing humbled him in the last rare earth standoff.
Meanwhile, the West’s wunderwaffen parade—HIMARS, Javelins, Patriots, Leopards, F-16s—may have dazzled in brochures, but has done little to shift the battlefield calculus. Ukraine bleeds, Russia raises battle flags over liberated towns and cities, and NATO grows increasingly desperate.
And now, with few cards left to play, NATO’s gaze turns ominously to Kaliningrad—the heavily armed Russian exclave boxed in by Poland and the Baltics. A target? A bargaining chip? Or the next red line in a war spiraling out of control?
NATO Doctrine
General Christopher Donahue, commander of U.S. Army Europe and Africa, unveiled the new NATO doctrine for Eastern Flank Defence at the inaugural LandEuro conference on Wednesday 30th July, by talking about NATO plans to attack Kaliningrad in the event of open conflict with Russia.
Speaking specifically about Kaliningrad, Donahue said modern allied capabilities could “take that down from the ground” faster than ever before.
“We’ve already planned that and we’ve already developed it,” he said.”
“The mass and momentum problem that Russia poses to us… we’ve developed the capability to make sure that we can stop that mass and momentum problem.”
Sounds a bit too optimistic to me!
Apparently, NATO planners have learned little from the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, even less from the debacle in Afghanistan and Iraq, where offensives into built up areas require long preparation in terms of artillery and missile strikes. Modern satellite and drone observation makes it practically impossible to build up sufficient forces unobserved for “coup-de-main” surprise attacks of the type the western military still dream of, and the sheer level of destruction that modern weapons systems can unleash, such as the TOS-1, and FAB-3000 glide bombs, various cruise and Kinzhal hypersonic missiles, and conventionally armed Oreshnik IRBMs can unleash makes concentration of troops an extremely risky business.
Quite how NATO intends to square this circle is anyone’s guess, as the statements by Donahue are, to put it mildly, light on details.
It seems that NATO might be banking on the supposed reduction of the Kaliningrad garrison, as claimed by the Polish foreign minister Radoslaw Sikorski at the NATO summit in the Hague on 24th June 2025, where he said “from what I know, a large part of the troops have been withdrawn from Kaliningrad Oblast.”
Various estimates are that the 20,000 man garrison may have been reduced to 8,000, and there is speculation that most of these are “poorly trained conscripts”, however, it should be noted that the Ukrainian attack on Kursk, made by western trained “elite” units of the UAF was slowed, then stopped, by “poorly trained” Russian conscripts, who managed to hold the line well enough against the Ukrainian incursion until professional forces could be transferred from other fronts.
Again, NATO seems to be completely misreading the nature of modern warfare.
Cutting Edge “military genius”
Perhaps it would be wise to look a little closer at the “military genius” General Christopher Donahue, and his military record. Donahue was heavily involved in the “Great War on Terror” serving in both Iraq and Afghanistan, and was the commander of the 82nd Airborne Division of the US Army during the disastrous retreat from Kabul. Much was made at the time of him being the last US soldier to leave, but subsequently his promotion to 4-star general was delayed by questions about his role in the shambolic evacuation.
Needless to say, his political connections got him off the hook.
He has also been closely involved in the war in Ukraine. As commander of the XVIII Airborne Corps, he was directly responsible for the supply of weapons, intelligence, and training to the UAF, and his statements on Kaliningrad show how deeply emotionally invested he is in supporting Ukraine. Now, as US commander of Europe & Africa, he is the main military officer responsible for military support of the Kiev regime from the US side.
I would venture to say that he has been promoted well above his abilities, if the disaster of Kabul is anything to go by. There are just too many layers, especially in the desperate times faced by the US political establishment, and the need for a convenient and timely distraction from domestic issues.
Then there is the small matter of how Russia would react to any such attack on Kaliningrad, for which it would be wise to look at the Russian nuclear doctrine so recently updated in the light of the war in Ukraine.
Leonid Slutsky, head of the Russian parliament’s Foreign Affairs Committee, warned NATO, “An attack on the Kaliningrad region is tantamount to an attack on Russia,” and the Russian nuclear doctrine clearly states that a conventional attack by a nuclear power on Russia will allow the use of nuclear weapons in response by the Russian state.
Unfortunately, the West has interpreted Russian patience in the face of numerous escalations to be weakness, but Russian patience has its limits, and an attack on Kaliningrad will almost certainly be the straw that breaks the camel’s back.
Add to this the ravings of the Baltic Republics, Poland, Sweden, and Finland. On one hand they claim Russia is “losing in Ukraine,” and on the other that Russia will attack NATO, the latter something the Russians have repeatedly denied they have any intention of doing. In the case of Finland, initial elation at joining NATO has been replaced by panic at the expansion of Russian forces on their long shared border.
This would amount to half of the land border between NATO and Russia. One can’t really understand why the Finns, who previously had a fairly demilitarized border with Russia, can’t make the link between joining an anti-Russian alliance and a Russian defensive build up on the border, its hardly rocket science. Then again, cause and effect do not seem to be well understood in the West these days.
The Baltic republics continue to yap away and continue instituting more and more racist laws against the ethnic Russian portion of their populations, making people stateless, segregated, and forcibly removing their language rights, as well as monuments to heroes of the USSR, as well as destroying other cultural and historical monuments.
Method in Madness
What Western planners often ignore—or conveniently forget—is that Ukraine’s internal policies toward its Russian-speaking population were a major trigger for the conflict. Now, with the battlefield turning in Russia’s favor, NATO appears to be scrambling for leverage.
Enter Kaliningrad—a high-risk gamble to claw back something, anything, to trade for lost Ukrainian territory. But it’s a gamble with nuclear implications and the lives of millions hanging in the balance.
Behind the scenes, familiar names resurface. Alexander Vershbow, the former NATO Deputy Secretary-General and U.S. Ambassador to Russia, is once again in the mix—this time linked to renewed missile shield discussions. His talk of Ukraine hosting early-warning radars echoes old Cold War tensions, and not without consequence. Lavrov has already called such plans hostile.
Veterans of this geopolitical game may recall how Obama shelved the original missile shield to ease tensions, leading Moscow to hold back on deploying Iskanders in Kaliningrad. Now that agreement is unraveling. Vershbow’s quiet reappearance in Georgia—a country key to both the Iran corridor and NATO’s eastern flank—should raise eyebrows.
Hillary Clinton once made vague promises about not placing missile systems in Georgia. In hindsight, that vagueness looks more like strategy than diplomacy.
When patterns repeat and the same architects return, the outlines of a long game become visible. For those with institutional memory, the pieces are all too familiar—and that’s exactly why some would rather we forget. Using Kaliningrad to poke the bear is just the spark that could set into motion the end of times, whether it is a military incursion, blockade, or a full-fledged attack, and this would be the end of diplomacy and humanity as we knew it.
The US and its NATO partners should never underestimate Russian resolve, as the portrayal of Russia as a defeated, overextended, or crumbling power is a story of another time and reality. Times have changed, and the world has changed, with new realities between East and West.
Jeffrey K. Silverman is a freelance journalist and international development specialist, BSc, MSc, based for 30 years in Georgia and the former Soviet Union.
New Delhi between sanctions and sovereignty
By Lucas Leiroz | Strategic Culture Foundation | August 8, 2025
In a world where the international order is increasingly shaped by the struggle between a declining unipolarity and an emerging multipolarity, sanctions have become the main weapon of a superpower that can no longer dictate the course of global affairs by consensus. What was once an exception — economic punishment against states clearly involved in illegal activities or blatant violations of international norms — has become a systemic, arbitrary, and politically motivated practice. And India is now the latest target of this coercive apparatus that defines the foreign policy of the United States.
The repeated use of sanctions by Washington reveals, above all, the exhaustion of its diplomatic capacity. Instead of building bridges with strategic partners, the U.S. chooses to punish, isolate, and sabotage any country that dares to follow an autonomous path.
Sanctions policy as a mechanism of domination
U.S. unilateral sanctions — almost always imposed outside the UN Security Council and in defiance of international law — have become a systematic policy of intimidation. Iran, Cuba, Syria, North Korea, Venezuela, Russia, and China have been the most well-known targets. But the list keeps growing. And India, previously seen as a potential Western ally in the Indo-Pacific, is now beginning to feel the weight of this punitive system.
The logic is simple: the U.S. identifies an “unacceptable” behavior — such as India’s refusal to join the sanctions against Russia — and from there constructs a narrative to justify pressure measures. It could be the defense of “human rights,” the “fight against terrorism,” or, as is now being done with India, the “war on drugs.” The content of the narrative is secondary; what matters is the effect: to break the sovereignty of the targeted country and force it to align with Washington’s foreign policy.
India: the new frontier of coercion
In recent days, Donald Trump has announced sanction packages of up to 50% against India, citing the “need” to punish trade partners of the Russian Federation. These coercive measures came after months of open threats toward India — some directly referencing the Indo-Russian partnership, others hiding behind the mask of the “fight against fentanyl.”
Although the recently announced sanctions are explicitly directed at Indo-Russian energy trade, there’s no guarantee that the U.S. will abandon the fentanyl rhetoric altogether. The “drug control” excuse may easily be revived at any moment to impose further sanctions on New Delhi, especially considering that this was Washington’s initial justification before Trump finally admitted the real motive: punishing India for its ties with Russia.
It must be emphasized that what brought India into Washington’s sanction crosshairs was not any real connection to fentanyl trafficking, but rather its strategic resilience in the face of Western efforts to isolate Russia. Since 2022, India has maintained firm energy and military cooperation with Moscow, refusing to take part in the U.S. and EU-led anti-Russian crusade. This pragmatic position — based on Indian national interests rather than ideological dogma — deeply irritated the Washington establishment.
In response, the U.S. began floating the idea that chemical exports from India could be diverted for fentanyl production — a claim made without solid evidence, but politically convenient. In a classic move, they attempt to turn a country with no proven role in fentanyl trafficking into part of the “drug problem,” paving the way for tariffs and trade restrictions.
This is Washington’s new modus operandi: transform internal crises — in this case, the collapse of the U.S. healthcare system and the opioid epidemic — into diplomatic weapons to force other nations to serve its strategic interests.
Rapprochement with Russia and China: India’s geopolitical response
In the face of this escalation, India appears to have understood the game — and is beginning to react astutely. Not only has it maintained and expanded its agreements with Russia, but it has also signaled a renewed openness to dialogue with China, having Prime Minister Modi announced a visit to Beijing.
This is a geopolitically significant move. India and China have long had a tense relationship, especially concerning the Himalayan border. But in the face of a common enemy — the global regime of unilateral sanctions that threatens the sovereignty of both — realism is starting to prevail. India already plays an active role in forums such as BRICS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and the G20, but now signals a willingness to deepen its coordination with both Beijing and Moscow.
This marks the emergence of a “new” strategic triangle in the Global South — not based on ideological affinity, but on a shared need to resist the economic coercion promoted by the West. India is not becoming an automatic ally of China, but rather a situational partner in building a multipolar order, where the right to chart one’s own path is no longer subject to Washington’s approval.
Fragmentation of the global system and alternatives to the dollar
This strategic reconfiguration is happening in parallel with the fragmentation of the global financial system. As more countries begin operating outside the SWIFT system, pursue bilateral trade agreements in local currencies, and strengthen alternative development banks, the power of unilateral sanctions is beginning to erode. India has already signed agreements with Russia, Iran, and the UAE to trade in rupees, bypassing the U.S. dollar. BRICS+, with the potential creation of a common currency, is moving in the same direction.
By abusing sanctions as a tool, Washington is accelerating this process. In its attempt to maintain control, it ends up stimulating the formation of new centers of economic and diplomatic power — exactly the opposite of its intended outcome.
The end of the American consensus
The attempt to punish India over a crisis that is, above all, the result of domestic failure in the U.S., is not only an act of hypocrisy but also a major strategic miscalculation. Instead of isolating India, the U.S. is driving it deeper into multilateral frameworks that challenge Western hegemony.
New Delhi has made it clear it will not be turned into a geopolitical vassal. India is a civilizational power with its own interests and will not hesitate to forge partnerships — even with historical rivals — if it means securing strategic autonomy.
Sanctions, once presented as instruments of international justice, have become the primary mechanism for imposing a failed global order — one that seeks to preserve historical privileges at the expense of national sovereignty. The economic attacks on India over its strategic ties with Russia are just one example of this broader reality.
But a new world is taking shape. A world where countries like India, Russia, and China are building bridges over ruins — converging not out of ideological alignment, but from the urgent need to resist the systemic coercion of a declining empire. National sovereignty, more and more, will be asserted not through submission, but through coordinated resistance to the language of sanctions.
India understands this. And by responding with dignity and pragmatism, it shows that the path to strategic independence necessarily involves rejecting the arbitrary use of sanctions as a weapon of economic warfare. The multipolar world is under construction — and there is no room in it for domination disguised as moralism.
US has made ‘acceptable offer’ – Kremlin aide
RT | August 7, 2025
Russia has received an “acceptable” offer from the US on settling the Ukraine conflict, Kremlin aide Yury Ushakov has said, following a visit by US special envoy Steve Witkoff to Moscow.
Speaking to reporters on Thursday, Ushakov commented on the talks between Witkoff and Russian President Vladimir Putin, noting that Moscow had received a “proposal from the Americans” which it is ready to consider, without providing further details.
Ushakov also noted that Russia and the US have topics to discuss, while agreeing with the view of US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who earlier described the talks as “a good day.” Rubio had added that “we still have a ways to go, but we’re certainly closer [to peace] today than we were yesterday – when we weren’t close at all.”
The Kremlin aide earlier called the Putin-Witkoff meeting “business-like and constructive,” adding that “Russian-American ties could develop according to a completely different, mutually beneficial scenario,” as compared to the long-running tensions over Ukraine.
He also revealed that Putin could meet Trump as soon as next week. The Russian president later suggested that the United Arab Emirates could potentially host the summit.
Capabilities Russia Unlocks by Quitting Medium-Range Missile Moratorium
Sputnik – 05.08.2025
Russia’s termination of its unilateral moratorium on the deployment of ground-launched ballistic missiles in the 500-5,500 km range is the logical outcome of hostile NATO policies, and unties Moscow’s hands for a more proactive approach to strategic defense, says Igor Korotchenko, one of Russia’s top military analysts.
What Brought on Russia’s Decision?
NATO’s European allies’ preparations for a potential conventional war with Russia by 2030, including:
- a massive rearmament campaign and plans to create massive, wartime-sized standing armies
- the development of new weapons, including an Anglo-German missile with a 2,500 km+ range
- deployment of new US fifth-gen fighters in the region
What It Means
In these circumstances, and no longer facing INF-style medium and intermediate-range missile restrictions, Russia will:
- ramp up production of ballistic missiles, including the conventionally armed Oreshnik (serial production already underway)
- deploy the missiles, which are difficult if not impossible to intercept due to their multiple independently targetable reentry vehicle (MIRV) payload, as it sees fit and based on security considerations
- potentially deploy a nuclear-armed variant of the Oreshnik, with up to six warheads with a 150 kt per warhead capacity to “deter” NATO and “minimize threats and risks of a military attack on Russia by NATO,” not only in Europe, but Asia as well, if needed
“The INF Treaty is dead,” Korotchenko says. There is now “nothing” to stop Russia from realizing its strategic security objectives.
Moscow lists countries whose citizens took part in Ukrainian incursion into Russia
RT | August 5, 2025
Foreign nationals from over ten countries took part in Ukraine’s incursion into Russia’s Kursk Region, according to the head of the Investigative Committee of Russia, Aleksandr Bastrykin.
Bastrykin told the media on the eve of the anniversary of the incursion that investigators identified individuals from Brazil, Colombia, Denmark, Georgia, Norway, Paraguay, Peru, Sweden, the UK, and other nations as having fought alongside Ukrainian troops in the Western-supported raid.
Russian forces fully repelled the incursion in April, claiming that the attackers suffered around 76,000 casualties during the fighting, in which Ukrainian troops employed Western-supplied heavy weaponry.
Bastrykin said 331 civilians were killed and another 553 injured due to Ukraine’s actions in Kursk Region. The Investigative Committee has opened over 600 criminal cases related to the incursion, with around a third already referred for trial.
Moscow maintains that the incursion was an example of Kiev’s use of terrorist tactics, citing claims by captured soldiers that they were encouraged to use violence against civilians. Ukrainian officials have acknowledged that part of the goal was to apply pressure on the Russian public.
He detailed a range of alleged abuses, from a case in which unarmed civilians were beaten to death, to occurrences in which US-made HIMARS multiple launch rocket systems were fired at civilian targets which Kiev allegedly knew held no military value.
Since the escalation of the conflict with Russia in 2022, Kiev has called on foreign nationals with military experience to join its armed forces, passing legislation to accommodate them. Moscow does not recognize the fighters as lawful combatants, classifying them instead as mercenaries subject to prosecution.
In May, Bastrykin reported that the Russian authorities charged 902 people with acting as mercenaries under Ukraine’s command; 97 individuals from 26 different countries have been convicted.
Russia ‘no longer considers itself bound’ by nuclear treaty with US
RT | August 4, 2025
Moscow believes that conditions for maintaining the 1987 Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty with the US have “disappeared” and “no longer considers itself bound” by it, according to a statement from the Russian Foreign Ministry.
The INF Treaty, which banned ground-launched missiles with ranges of 500–5,500km, collapsed in 2019 when Washington withdrew, citing Russian violations. Moscow has denied the claims, accusing the US itself of developing banned missiles. Russian President Vladimir Putin has warned that the collapse of the INF will significantly erode the global security framework.
“The Russian Foreign Ministry notes the disappearance of conditions for maintaining the unilateral moratorium on the deployment of similar weapons and is authorized to state that Russia no longer considers itself bound by the corresponding self-imposed restrictions previously adopted,” the statement reads.
According to the ministry, the “actions of Western countries” are creating a “direct threat” to Russian security. It also noted that last year, the US deployed a Typhon missile launcher in the Philippines. The statement also referenced the Talisman Sabre exercise in Australia, where the US Army also fired Typhon.
The Typhon is a mobile ground-based launcher designed to launch Tomahawk cruise missiles (range up to 1,800km) and SM-6 multipurpose missiles (range up to 500km).
The Foreign Ministry also took notice of the Australian Army testing an American Precision Strike Missile (PrSM) for the first time in July. The PrSM is a has a maximum range beyond 500km and “is central to strengthening Australia’s land and maritime strike capability,” according to the country’s Defense Ministry.
The Russian statement added further: “Decisions on specific parameters of response measures will be made by Russia’s leadership based on an interagency analysis of the scale of the deployment of American and other Western ground-based intermediate-range and shorter-range missiles, as well as the overall development of the situation in the field of international security and strategic stability.”
Moscow has repeatedly voiced the possibility of lifting the moratorium, for example, after the US announced plans to deploy long-range weapons in Germany in 2026. In November, Russian President Vladimir Putin said that Russia is developing intermediate- and shorter-range missiles in response to Washington’s actions. The Kremlin has not ruled out deploying the missiles in the Asia-Pacific region.
US President Donald Trump, who during his first term withdrew from the INF and the 1992 Open Skies Treaty which allowed conducting surveillance flights over each other’s territory, has suggested that he would resume negotiations on maintaining the existing restrictions on nuclear weapons with Russia.
Cutting Russia ties has cost EU €1 trillion – Moscow
RT | August 4, 2025
The EU’s decision to reduce energy and trade cooperation with Moscow over the Ukraine conflict has cost the bloc more than €1 trillion ($1.15 trillion), Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Aleksandr Grushko has said.
In an interview with Izvestia on Monday, Grushko said the figure is based on various expert estimates of the economic consequences of the EU’s decision to impose unprecedented sanctions on Russia, adding that it accounts for lost profits from energy and trade cooperation.
According to Grushko, trade between the EU and Russia dropped from €417 billion ($482 billion) in 2013 to €60 billion ($69 billion) in 2023 and is now “approaching zero.” He added that Europe’s economy has subsequently taken a hit and is losing competitiveness.
“Natural gas in Europe is four to five times more expensive than in the US, and electricity is two to three times higher,” he said. “That is the price Europe has to pay for ending all economic contacts with Russia.”
In June, Russian President Vladimir Putin said that refusing Russian gas supplies had cost EU countries around €200 billion ($231 billion). In late 2024, Russian officials also estimated that total EU losses tied to sanctions against Russia had reached $1.5 trillion. Meanwhile, Moscow has said it has acquired a “certain immunity” to Western sanctions.
Grushko’s comments come after the EU agreed a trade deal with the US, which commits the bloc to purchasing large volumes of American energy – which Moscow says will come at a much steeper cost than that provided by Russia – and imposes 15% tariffs on key EU exports. Numerous EU politicians have described the agreement as lopsided and damaging to the bloc’s interests.
Commenting on the US-EU deal, Putin claimed that the EU had essentially lost its political sovereignty, and that this directly leads to losing economic independence.
The EU began imposing sanctions on Russia in 2014, following the start of the Ukraine crisis, and expanded them drastically in 2022. Measures have targeted banking, energy exports, and other industries. Moscow considers the sanctions illegal, saying they violate international trade rules and harm global economic stability.
Daniel Davis: Trump’s Threats Against Russia Backfire
Glenn Diesen | August 2, 2025
Lt. Col. Daniel Davis is a 4x combat veteran and the host of the Daniel Davis Deep Dive YouTube channel. Lt. Col. Davis argues that Trump’s ultimatum is hardening the Russian position as the prospect of a peaceful settlement collapses. Sanctions have been exhausted, and there are no more weapons that can be sent that will significantly impact the battlefield. When the frontlines collapse in Ukraine, Trump may get desperate and act dangerously.

