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Israelis faced no serious pressure from Biden regime to stop war: Officials

Al Mayadeen | April 28, 2025

Former Biden officials admitted that Netanyahu rejected a ceasefire, prolonged the Gaza war for political reasons, sabotaged a Saudi normalization deal, and faced no serious pressure from Washington to stop the assault.

Senior officials from the former Biden administration have acknowledged in a revealing interview aired Sunday by “Israel’s” Channel 13 that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu actively derailed efforts to reach a normalization deal with Saudi Arabia and prolonged the Gaza war for political survival, all while rejecting any serious move toward a ceasefire.

The officials revealed that in 2023, “Israel” was presented with an opportunity to normalize relations with Saudi Arabia. The proposed deal, brokered by Washington and Riyadh, would have required a ceasefire, the release of captives, and a political commitment toward the establishment of a Palestinian state. Netanyahu rejected these conditions outright. Following the October 7 events, he entrenched his refusal, dismissing any discussion of Palestinian rights as “a prize for terrorism.”

Biden aides noted that advancing Palestinian self-determination was not framed as an Israeli concession but as a necessary step to weaken Hamas and empower a reformed Palestinian Authority. Still, “Israel” refused.

“I don’t understand the decision not to grab that opportunity as the most important strategic move Israel can make,” former senior US envoy Amos Hochstein said. “I think it was missed before. I hope Israel doesn’t miss that opportunity moving forward, even if it means doing things that politically are uncomfortable.”

Throughout the course of the war, “Israel” consistently rejected calls for a ceasefire, not once requesting one itself, even as the Palestinian death toll climbed into the tens of thousands. Despite widespread destruction in Gaza, Netanyahu’s government pursued a military strategy without any political plan for what would follow, a choice Biden officials now admit was deliberate.

Former US national security adviser Jake Sullivan expressed frustration at Netanyahu’s attacks on the US, saying, “Having the prime minister of Israel question the support of the United States after all that we did, do I think that was a right and proper thing for a friend to do? I do not. [However], I will always stand firm behind the idea that Israel has a right to defend itself and that the United States has a responsibility to help Israel.”

In internal discussions, Washington briefly considered more forceful measures, including a speech from Biden to pressure Netanyahu or even encourage Israeli elections. But the US ultimately chose not to directly confront Netanyahu’s extremist coalition, enabling continued escalation in Gaza without a coherent exit strategy.

Officials further revealed that Netanyahu sabotaged diplomatic efforts by falsely accusing the US of a broad weapons freeze, leading to the collapse of negotiations to release a shipment of 2,000-lb bombs. This, despite the fact that Washington had already pushed through $19 billion in new security assistance to “Israel.”

Behind the scenes, Biden aides said they struggled to secure basic humanitarian aid entry into Gaza, facing Israeli obstruction and attacks on aid convoys by far-right settlers, actions enabled by ministers inside Netanyahu’s own government. Although the US signed memoranda requiring the State Department to monitor whether Israeli behavior violated US arms laws, whistleblowers like Stacy Gilbert resigned after accusing the Biden administration of manipulating findings to continue arms shipments to “Israel.”

Despite recognizing these realities, Biden officials continued unconditional political and military support for “Israel” throughout the war. While they claim to have privately voiced concerns, there was no serious pressure on “Israel” to halt its attack or pursue a ceasefire.

Discussions with Saudi Arabia over normalization continued during the war, but ultimately faltered because “Israel’s” leadership refused to accept any framework that would guarantee Palestinian rights. “The fact that there wasn’t a way in the Israeli political system for anyone to navigate a space to allow for that is kind of shocking,” former US ambassador Jack Lew said.

Even in ceasefire talks, Biden officials acknowledged that Netanyahu’s internal political considerations often obstructed possible deals. US negotiators admitted that Netanyahu added new conditions at critical moments, disrupting progress aimed at securing the release of captives.

While some former Biden officials sought to portray President Biden’s loyalty to “Israel” as an act of courage, the interviews paint a different reality: Biden’s refusal to apply meaningful pressure allowed Netanyahu’s government to escalate the devastation in Gaza without restraint.

Former Israeli ambassador Michael Herzog summed up this perspective when he said, “God did the State of Israel a favor that Biden was the president during this period, because it could have been much worse. We fought [in Gaza] for over a year, and the administration never came to us and said, ‘ceasefire now.’ It never did. And that’s not to be taken for granted.”

The reality, confirmed even by officials closest to Washington and Tel Aviv, is that “Israel’s” attack on Gaza was never accompanied by any serious plan for peace, only the relentless continuation of genocide, enabled and shielded by unconditional US support.

April 28, 2025 Posted by | Ethnic Cleansing, Racism, Zionism, Timeless or most popular, War Crimes | , , , , | Leave a comment

US Senator Ron Johnson Notices 9/11 Controlled Demolitions, Pushes Investigation

While scientist David Chandler refutes specious “debunkings” of North Tower antenna drop

By Kevin Barrett | April 23, 2025

Almost twenty years after I was witch-hunted out of the University of Wisconsin-Madison by members of the Wisconsin Republican Party due to my claims that 9/11 was a false flag and the World Trade Center was demolished with explosives, Wisconsin Republican Senator Ron Johnson has finally noticed I was right. Architects and Engineers for 9/11 Truth reports:

For the first time, a sitting U.S. senator has publicly endorsed the position that World Trade Center Building 7 was brought down in a controlled demolition on September 11, 2001.

In a bombshell interview, Senator Ron Johnson (R-Wisconsin) told podcaster Benny Johnson that he became convinced that the government account of what brought the WTC towers down is false after talking with former congressman Curt Weldon and after watching the 9/11 documentary Calling Out Bravo-7.

Johnson was explicit, sounding a lot like I did in 2006:

He mentioned the molten steel under the towers and questioned why evidence was quickly removed from the site.

“Who ordered the removal and the destruction of all that evidence, totally contrary to any other firefighter investigating procedures? Who ordered that? Who was in charge? I think there’s some basic information. Where’s all the documentation for the NIST investigation?

“There are a host of questions I will be asking, quite honestly, now that my eyes have been opened up.”

Johnson says he’ll work with Weldon to expose the truth, which has been kept from the world.

“What actually happened on 9/11?” the senator asked. “What do we know, and what was covered up? My guess is that there is a whole lot that has been covered up in terms of what the American government knows about 9/11.”

Johnson is not the first US senator from Wisconsin whose “eyes have been opened up” to the 9/11 false flag. I brought the matter up several times between 2004 and 2006 with Johnson’s predecessor, then-Senator Russ Feingold (D-WI), whose best friend, Sen. Paul Wellstone, was murdered in a rigged plane crash in 2002 to nip his 9/11 truth efforts in the bud. Feingold pointedly did not disagree with my assertions about 9/11 and thanked me for giving him David Ray Griffin’s books. Another senator and friend of Feingold and Wellstone, Barbara Boxer (D-CA), told a senior staff member “you don’t know how right you are” in asserting that Wellstone was murdered to protect the 9/11 coverup. As I reported in May 2010:

Scholar-activist Four Arrows, co-author of American Assassination: The Strange Death of Senator Paul Wellstone, today revealed for the first time a reported conversation in which U.S. Senator Barbara Boxer (D-CA) confirmed that the Wellstone plane crash was an assassination, not an accident.

As Four Arrows recounted on today’s edition of The Kevin Barrett Show (beginning somewhere around the 20 minute mark): a trusted friend of his, during a conversation with Sen. Boxer, was surprised when the Senator asked “are you a friend of Four Arrows?” The friend said yes. Boxer said “tell him he doesn’t know how right he is. (The Wellstone assassination) was meant as a warning to all of us.” Sen. Boxer went on to say that if asked, she would deny the statement.

Sen. Boxer, who other sources report has confidentially admitted that she knows 9/11 was an inside job, has publicly confirmed that she does not trust the 9/11 Commission version of events, specifically the official narrative of the alleged 9/11 hijackers. The following exchange took place between Senator Boxer and myself on Wisconsin Public Radio’s program “Conversations with Kathleen Dunn” on December 5th, 2005 (click here for archive — note that the text below is a summary, not a transcript):

“Barrett: Senator Boxer, I’d like to thank you and Senator Feingold for hanging in there after 9/11…(Boxer: “You’re welcome.”) Now as you may know, Congressman Kurt Weldon has been screaming from the rooftops that we need a new 9/11 Able Danger investigation focusing on what US intelligence agencies knew about Mohammad Atta and when they knew it. Newsweek and other mainstream publications have written that Mohammad Atta was trained at the Foreign Officer’s school Maxwell Air Force Base in Alabama. And Daniel Hopsicker’s book Welcome to Terrorland makes it clear that Hoffman Aviation in Venice Florida, where the so-called hijackers trained, was actually a CIA drug import facility—it was a flight school in name only. Now Lt. Colonel Anthony Shaffer has blown the whistle—he says he and his colleagues in military intelligence identified Atta as a terrorist in 2000, but they were gagged and ordered to “forget they had ever heard of Atta.” Are you among the 245 senators and representatives who have signed Congressman Weldon’s letter demanding a Congressional investigation into what US authorities knew about Atta prior to the 9/11 attacks?

“Senator Boxer: That isn’t what the 9/11 Commission Report said—but that doesn’t mean it isn’t true. I haven’t seen Congressman Weldon’s letter yet, but…we need to pursue the truth about 9/11 wherever it leads. The truth should be the only priority. And we need the truth. My main focus now, though, is to end the war in Iraq.”

According to Four Arrows, Sen. Boxer and other high-visibility people know that if they cross certain lines, they and/or their families will be assassinated.

I salute Ron Johnson for having the courage to take on an issue that can get senate-level people killed. And while I don’t agree with Johnson’s positions on many issues, I am glad I knocked on doors for a day to help get him re-elected in 2022. Like Dennis Kucinich, who recently appeared on my podcast to voice his anguish about the US-backed Gaza genocide, Johnson has enough courage and integrity to break taboos and speak important truths. But can he organize a Senate investigation with the power to subpoena witnesses and compel testimony? The stakes couldn’t be higher: Against the chance of getting Wellstoned, an opportunity to make history and become a genuine national hero for the ages.

April 23, 2025 Posted by | False Flag Terrorism, Timeless or most popular | , | Leave a comment

Russia: The main obstacle to the globalist project of world reordering

By Lucas Leiroz | Strategic Culture Foundation | April 21, 2025

The current war between Russia and NATO in Ukraine is far from being merely a regional conflict. Behind the military clashes and media propaganda lies a much deeper confrontation: a struggle between sovereignty and global domination, between a multipolar world and the imposition of a centralized governance serving the interests of the transnational financial elite. In this context, Russia emerges as the last major obstacle to the globalist agenda, which seeks to completely reshape the international order—eliminating any country that resists the project of forced unification under Western technocratic control.

From “Germany Must Perish” to “Russia Must Perish”

To understand the logic behind current events, it is essential to recall the historical context of the 20th century. In 1941, Theodore Kaufman published the infamous book Germany Must Perish!, advocating for the total annihilation of Germany and the German people as a condition for world peace. Obviously, Kaufman’s absurd thesis greatly contributed to German extremism and the rise of racist revanchism. Today, that same logic has simply been redirected: the target is now Moscow. The prevailing narrative in the West no longer seeks understanding or coexistence, but rather the complete weakening and dismantling of the Russian state.

This hostility did not arise out of nowhere. What bothers the globalist power centers—based primarily in London, Washington, and Brussels—is the fact that Russia continues to refuse to surrender its national sovereignty, its distinct civilizational model, and its natural wealth. A country with immense energy and military potential that rejects subordination to rules dictated by entities like the World Economic Forum or the IMF automatically becomes an enemy.

Ukraine’s Role and the Geopolitical Siege

Ukraine has become the centerpiece of the strategy to contain Russia. The 2014 coup, openly supported by Washington and Brussels, marked the starting point of a new phase of hybrid war against Moscow. Ukraine’s integration into Western structures, the training of its armed forces by NATO, and the continuous sabotage of the Minsk agreements left Russia no choice but to launch the Special Military Operation.

It is important to note that the globalist elite never had any genuine interest in Ukraine’s stability. The country served as a pressure tool, a platform for military provocation, and a source of strategic resources: fertile agricultural lands, gas deposits, rare minerals. More than that, it acted as a barrier to prevent a rapprochement between Berlin and Moscow—a potentially devastating alliance for Anglo-American dominance.

The Trump Factor

Donald Trump’s election in 2024 reignited an unexpected hope: that the Western axis of power could be broken from within. Unlike the Washington political establishment, Trump does not represent the interests of the transnational elite, but rather a nationalist and pragmatic faction of the American bourgeoisie that sees peace with Russia as an opportunity, not a threat.

The emerging rapprochement between Trump and Putin—even if limited—suggests a possible reconfiguration of international alliances. The globalist project, which viewed the war in Ukraine as a way to weaken Moscow and solidify control over Europe, must now deal with the possibility of a ceasefire that could further strengthen Russia’s position.

A Captured Europe on a Suicidal Path

Meanwhile, the European Union remains blind in its obedience to globalist interests. Leaders such as Emmanuel Macron, Ursula von der Leyen, and Kaja Kallas do not act as statesmen, but as colonial administrators of the globalist agenda. Rapid militarization, constant war propaganda, and even campaigns urging civilians to prepare for conflict are clear signs that Brussels is committed not to peace—but to destruction.

Russia, therefore, resists not only for itself. It also resists on behalf of those in Europe and beyond who still believe in the possibility of a world based on civilizational balance, not subjugation to speculative capital. The true battle of our time is not between democracy and autocracy, as they want us to believe—but between sovereignty and servitude.

April 21, 2025 Posted by | Russophobia, Timeless or most popular | , , | Leave a comment

The myth of conquest: Why Gaza will never be subdued by Israel

By Ramzy Baroud | MEMO | April 21, 2025

To conquer a place is to fundamentally subdue its population. This must be clearly differentiated from ‘occupation’, a specific legal term that governs the relationship between a foreign “occupying power” and the occupied nation under international law, particularly the Fourth Geneva Convention.

When Israeli forces were ultimately compelled to redeploy from the Gaza Strip in 2005, a direct consequence of the persistent resistance of the Palestinian population there, the United Nations resolutely insisted that the Gaza Strip remained an occupied territory under international law.

This position stood in stark contradiction to that of Israel, which conveniently produced its own legal texts that designated Gaza a ‘hostile entity‘ – thus, not an occupied territory.

Let us try to understand what appears to be a confusing logic:

Israel proved incapable of sustaining its military occupation of Gaza, which began in June 1967. The paramount reason for Israel’s eventual redeployment was the enduring Palestinian Resistance, which rendered it impossible for Israel to normalise its military occupation and, crucially, to make it profitable – unlike the illegal settlements of East Jerusalem and the West Bank.

Between 1967 and the early 1970s, when Israel began investing in building illegal settlement blocks in the Strip, the Israeli military under the command of Ariel Sharon relentlessly strove to suppress Palestinians. He employed extreme violence, mass destruction, and ethnic cleansing tactics to subdue the Strip.

Yet, at no juncture did he achieve his ultimate and comprehensive objectives of complete subjugation.

Subsequently, he invested in his infamous, but failed ‘Five Fingers‘ plan. At the time the head of the Israeli army Southern Command – which included Gaza – Sharon stubbornly believed that the only way to defeat the Gazans was by severing the contiguity of the Strip, thus hindering organised resistance.

In pursuing this aim, he sought to divide Gaza into so-called security zones where the main Israeli Jewish settlements would be built, fortified by massive military build up. This would be joined by Israeli military control of key routes and the blocking of most coastal access.

However, this plan never fully actualised, as creating these ‘fingers’ required that Palestinians on both sides of the ‘security zones’ would have to be pacified to some extent – a condition that reality on the ground never delivered.

What was actualised was the building of isolated settlement blocks: the largest was in the southwest of the Gaza Strip, near the border with Egypt, known as the Gush Katif, followed by the northern settlements, and finally the central settlement of Netzarim.

Housing a few thousand settlers, and often requiring the presence of a far greater number of soldiers assigned to protect them, these so-called settlements were essentially fortified military towns. Due to the limited geography of Gaza (181 square miles or 365 square kilometres) and the stiff resistance, the settlements had limited space for expansion, thus remaining a costly colonial endeavour.

When the Israeli army emptied the last illegal settlement in Gaza in 2005, the soldiers snuck out of the Strip in the middle of the night. At their heels were thousands of Gazans who chased the soldiers until the last of them fled the dramatic scene.

That singular and powerful episode alone is more than sufficient to allow one to assert with unwavering certainty that Gaza was at no point truly conquered by Israel.

Though Israel withdrew its permanent military presence from the main population centers of the Strip, it continued to operate within so-called buffer zones, which were often significant incursions into Palestinian territory, far beyond the armistice line. It also imposed a hermetic siege against Gaza, which starkly explains why the majority of Gazans have never stepped a foot outside the Strip.

Israel’s control over airspace, territorial water, natural resources (mostly Mediterranean gas fields), and much more readily led the UN to its immediate conclusion: Gaza remains an occupied territory.

Unsurprisingly, Israel vehemently opposed this reality. Tel Aviv’s true desire is absolute control over Gaza, coupled with the convenient and self-serving designation of the territory as perpetually hostile. This twisted logic would grant the Israeli military an endlessly exploitable pretext to initiate devastating wars against the already besieged and impoverished Strip whenever it deemed convenient.

This brutal and cynical practice is chillingly known within Israel’s military lexicon as ‘mowing the grass‘ – a dehumanising euphemism for the periodic and deliberate degradation of the military capabilities of the Palestinian Resistance in an attempt to ensure that Gaza can never effectively challenge its Israeli jailors or break free from its open-air prison.

7 October 2023, ended that myth, where Al-Aqsa Flood Operation challenged Israel’s long-standing military doctrine. The so-called Gaza Envelope region, where the late Sharon’s Southern Command is based, was entirely seized by the youth of Gaza, who organised under the harshest of economic and military circumstances, to, in a shocking turn of events, defeat Israel.

While acknowledging the UN designation of Gaza as occupied territory, Palestinians understandably speak of and commemorate its ‘liberation’ in 2005. Their logic is clear: the Israeli military’s redeployment to the border region was a direct consequence of their resistance.

Israel’s current attempts to defeat the Palestinians in Gaza are failing for a fundamental reason rooted in history. When Israeli forces stealthily withdrew from the Strip two decades ago under the cover of night, Palestinian resistance fighters possessed rudimentary weaponry, closer to fireworks than effective military instruments. The landscape of resistance has fundamentally shifted since then.

This long-standing reality has been upended in recent months. All Israeli estimates suggest that tens of thousands of soldiers have been killed, wounded, or psychologically impaired since the start of the Gaza war. Since Israel failed to subdue the Gazans over the course of two relentless decades, it is not merely improbable, but an outright absurdity to expect that Israel will now succeed in subduing and conquering Gaza.

Israel itself is acutely aware of this inherent paradox, hence its immediate and brutal choice: the perpetration of a genocide, a horrific act intended to pave the way for the ethnic cleansing of the remaining survivors. The former has been executed with devastating efficiency, a stain on the conscience of a world that largely stood by in silence. The latter, however, remains an unachievable fantasy, predicated on the delusional notion that Gazans would willingly choose to abandon their ancestral homeland.

Gaza has never been conquered and never will be. Under the unyielding tenets of international law, it remains an occupied territory, regardless of any eventual withdrawal of Israeli forces to the border – a withdrawal that Netanyahu’s destructive and futile war cannot indefinitely postpone. When this inevitable redeployment occurs, the relationship between Gaza and Israel will be irrevocably transformed, a powerful testament to the enduring resilience and indomitable spirit of the Palestinian people.

April 21, 2025 Posted by | Ethnic Cleansing, Racism, Zionism, Timeless or most popular, War Crimes | , , , | Leave a comment

Pregnant women deserve better than “trust us” science

A major study has been used to reassure pregnant women that Covid-19 vaccines are safe. But the data behind the claim are fatally flawed.

By Maryanne Demasi, PhD | April 12, 2025

In medicine, few assurances carry more emotional weight—or greater responsibility—than the claim that something is “safe during pregnancy.”

Pregnant women are justifiably cautious about what they expose themselves to during this vulnerable time, and history has given them every reason to be.

The thalidomide disaster, diethylstilboestrol (DES), and other cautionary tales have shown what can happen when scientific rigour is sidelined in favour of commercial interests.

So, when a new study published in Pediatrics – the official journal of the American Academy of Pediatrics – claimed that Covid-19 vaccination in early pregnancy was safe, it came with an air of authority and reassurance.

News headlines followed suit, and public health recommendations continued to promote the vaccine’s safety in pregnancy.

But scratch the surface of this study, and something starts to unravel.

Not only are the data unverifiable and privately sourced, but the study contains a fatal flaw that renders its conclusions virtually meaningless.

The fatal flaw

The study analyzed 78,052 pregnancies that ended in a live birth—but left out 20,341 pregnancies that ended in miscarriage or other non-live outcomes.

That’s not a minor oversight.

The very purpose of studying vaccine safety in pregnancy is to assess whether exposure in utero leads to adverse outcomes—like miscarriage, birth defects, or foetal death. Yet one-fifth of the pregnancies were excluded from the analysis, removing exactly the kind of outcomes the study was supposed to detect.

This introduces what’s known as live-birth bias—a selection bias that arises when research includes only live births, disregarding the possibility that harmful effects may have caused some pregnancies to end prematurely.

Put plainly, if you only study babies who made it to birth, you’re ignoring the ones who didn’t—and any harm that may have played a role.

Even the study’s authors acknowledge this limitation, conceding that the exclusion “could lead to an underestimation of identified outcomes.” Still, they move forward to conclude there’s no association between the vaccine and birth defects.

Omitting over 20,000 pregnancies isn’t just a technicality – it’s a fatal flaw.

If even a small fraction of those pregnancies ended in miscarriage or birth defects linked to vaccination, the entire outcome could tip the other way.

Commercial data with no accountability

Then there’s the source of the data itself—a point entirely overlooked.

Rather than using clinical records from hospitals or national birth registries, the study relied entirely on a commercial database from Merative® MarketScan® Research Databases.

These databases are vast, aggregating de-identified insurance claims, prescriptions, lab results, and hospital records from more than 263 million Americans. But they are also privately owned, and their inner workings are entirely opaque.

Researchers using MarketScan data cannot verify whether the patients are real or theoretical, whether records have been altered, or how the data has been cleaned or processed before delivery.

In essence, they are working with a black box, one that comes with no guarantee of integrity.

Experts have already noted that the data from this unverified source shows signs of being unreliable.

The authors ran 93 separate statistical tests to look for differences in outcomes like birth defects. By chance alone, you’d expect a handful to be statistically significant. But none were.

The probability of that happening randomly is just 0.8%—a sign that the dataset may have been fabricated, or that its integrity is in question.

When two of the study authors – Dr Stacey Rowe and Dr Annette Regan – were asked if they had verified the authenticity of the MarketScan database—that is, if they could confirm these were ‘real’ patient data—they did not respond.

L: Dr Stacey Rowe, R: Dr Annette Regan

This isn’t a hypothetical problem.

The medical literature has already been rocked by the Surgisphere scandal, where fraudulent hospital datasets were used to produce papers in The Lancet and The New England Journal of Medicine.

Those papers were eventually retracted, but only after independent researchers demanded to see the raw data and were denied – the data were likely fabricated.

Reassurance without evidence

Despite these glaring problems, the study’s conclusions are being used to reassure pregnant women.

In Australia, for example, the government’s official guidance recommends Covid-19 vaccination in pregnancy, stating that the “recommendations for pregnant women are the same as the general population.”

This, despite the fact that pregnant women were excluded from the pivotal clinical trials and no randomised studies have ever been completed to assess the vaccine’s safety in early-pregnancy.

The result is a landscape where pregnant women are asked to make a “shared decision” with their doctors—based on scientific literature that’s increasingly built on unverifiable data, flawed assumptions, and little to no independent scrutiny.

We are drifting into a new era where conclusions are based on data that sit behind corporate firewalls. An era where trust is expected, but no longer earned.

The Pediatrics study is a case in point.

It carries the imprimatur of authority, published in the flagship journal of the American Academy of Pediatrics. But, in reality, the analysis was based on commercial datasets that cannot be independently verified, and a methodology that systematically excludes the very outcomes it was supposed to assess.

This isn’t just bad science—it’s misleading by design.

And when it comes to pregnancy, where the stakes are literally life and death, that kind of scientific chicanery is a betrayal.

Pregnant women deserve better than a “trust us” approach to medicine.

They need full access to the data, honest communication about uncertainties, and above all, respect for their right to make informed decisions based on real evidence, not selective reporting.

Until that happens, we should remain sceptical of any study that asks us to believe in the evidence without seeing it.

April 13, 2025 Posted by | Deception, Science and Pseudo-Science, Timeless or most popular | , , | Leave a comment

Bankers Caused World War II

Tales of the American Empire | April 10, 2025

Americans are taught a cartoonish version of World War I and World War II. We are told there was no conflict. Germans were inherently evil people who must be destroyed so Americans fought to save the world. The word “Nazi” remains common in our language as an evil person. In reality, both wars were caused by bankers and industrial tycoons who reaped great profits.

________________________________________

Related Tale: “The Genocide Called World War I”;    • The Genocide Called World War I  

Related Tale: “The Slaughter of the Yanks in 1918”;    • The Slaughter of the Yanks in 1918  

“Blockade of Germany (1914-1919)”; Wikipedia; https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Blockad…)

“Was Germany Really Starved Into Surrender in WW1?”; The Great War; YouTube; January 10, 2025;    • Was Germany Really Starved Into Surre…  

Related Tale: “The Myth of Appeasement”;    • The Myth of Appeasement  

“The Dulles Brothers & U.S. Foreign Policy: Funding Both Sides of Conflict”; Maria Orsic; YouTube; November 10, 2021;    • The Dulles Brothers & U.S. Foreign Po…  

“Bush the Father”; Wide Eyes Open; YouTube; December 25, 2024;    • BUSH THE FATHER – CHAPTER 1  

Charles Higham, “Trading with the Enemy: The Nazi-American Money Plot – 1033-1949”, New York, NY: Barnes & Noble Books, 1983. Zachary Karabell, “Inside Money: Brown Brothers Harriman and the American Way of Power”, New York, NY: Penguin Press, 2021. Stephen Kinzer, “The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War”, New York, NY: Times Books, 2013.

Nancy Lisagor, “A Law Unto Itself: The Untold Story of the Law Firm of Sullivan and Cromwell”, William Morrow & Co; 1st edition (May 1, 1988).

David Talbot, “The Devil’s Chessboard: Allen Dulles, the CIA, and the Rise of America’s Secret Government”, New York, NY: HarperCollins Publishers, 2015. Antony C. Sutton, “Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler”, San Pedro, CA: GSG & Associates Publishers, 2002.

Antony C. Sutton, “The Best Enemy Money Can Buy”, Billings, MT: Liberty House Press, 1986.

Glen Yeadon & John Hawkins, “Nazi Hydra: Suppressed History of a Century”, Joshua Tree, CA: Progressive Press, 2008. Sidney Warburg (James Paul Warburg), “Hitler’s Secret Backers”, 1983, (Originally published in 1933 under the title “The Financial Sources of National Socialism).

Related Tale: “Yamashita’s Gold and the CIA”;    • Yamashita’s Gold and the CIA  

“Himmler’s Fourth Reich – SS Assets Saved in Global Conspiracy”; Mark Felton Productions; October 9, 2024;    • Himmler’s Fourth Reich – SS Assets Sa…  

April 11, 2025 Posted by | Militarism, Timeless or most popular, Video | , , , | Leave a comment

‘Deeply Concerning’: This Year’s Flu Shots Led to 27% Higher Risk of Flu

By Michael Nevradakis, Ph.D. | The Defender | April 8, 2025

People who received a flu vaccine formulated for the 2024-2025 flu season had a 27% higher risk of getting the flu than those who didn’t get the vaccine, suggesting “the vaccine has not been effective in preventing influenza this season,” according to a new preprint study.

The study of 53,402 employees of the Cleveland Clinic, an Ohio-based nonprofit academic medical center, concluded that the flu vaccine had a negative effectiveness rate of 26.9%.

According to the study, published last week on the MedRxiv preprint server:

“The cumulative incidence of influenza did not appear to be significantly different between the vaccinated and unvaccinated states early on, but over the course of the study the cumulative incidence of infection increased more rapidly among the vaccinated than among the unvaccinated.”

TrialSite News called the findings “deeply concerning” because they suggest “harm rather than protection” and contradict public health narratives about the flu vaccine.

“This Cleveland Clinic study reveals the complete failure of annual flu vaccines. Americans are tired of toxin-loaded injectable products that backfire and deteriorate their health,” said epidemiologist Nicolas Hulscher.

Dr. Clayton J. Baker said the study “strongly suggests the shot was outright harmful.” He said the findings “not only demonstrate that this year’s flu shot was a disaster, but it calls into serious question the whole endeavor of seasonal, population-wide vaccines for respiratory viruses.”

Internist Dr. Meryl Nass said the results weren’t surprising. “Flu shots are not tested for efficacy before use,” she said. “They are grandfathered in, based on the license of earlier flu vaccines, with rudimentary safety testing.” As a result, “negative efficacy is possible.”

‘One of the most consequential influenza vaccine studies’ in recent years

Although the study hasn’t been peer-reviewed, scientists and medical experts said it is methodologically sound. “This was a large and apparently well-designed study,” Baker said. “We should take the results seriously.”

Nass said the study’s authors used a “great dataset” with a complete timeline, which included the dates participants were vaccinated and subsequently tested positive for flu.

“This wasn’t a flawed population,” TrialSite News reported. “The cohort skewed young (mean age 42), mostly healthy, with high occupational compliance. … The results should be peer reviewed.”

Writing on Substack, research scientist and author James Lyons-Weiler, Ph.D., said the study “is one of the most consequential influenza vaccine studies published in recent years” because of its large sample size, real-world design, risk-based outcome, the robust statistical methods used and no industry funding.

“It is rare to see a study of this scale, clarity, and independence produce a result so directly at odds with national vaccine policy,” Lyons-Weiler wrote.

Baker agreed, noting that the negative efficacy of the vaccine “suggests the vaccine caused some kind of unintentional immune impairment. This suggests the vaccine makers do not understand how the vaccine is acting upon the immune system.”

“The whole endeavor of trying to produce an effective flu shot every year appears to be something of a farce, if the manufacturers cannot even avoid producing one that increases the likelihood of contracting the flu,” Baker said.

“Given all the variables that can influence the effectiveness of the influenza vaccine in any given year, and our current processes for developing the vaccine, it may be asking for too much to expect the vaccine to be highly effective year after year,” the study stated.

Study’s findings ‘not without precedent’

According to the study, Cleveland Clinic employees “either receive an annual influenza vaccine or seek an exemption on medical or religious grounds.”

Karl Jablonowski, Ph.D., senior research scientist for Children’s Health Defense, said the study would not have been possible if the clinic didn’t recognize such exemptions.

“If the Cleveland Clinic did not allow a religious exemption, it is likely the unvaccinated group would be too small to perform this study,” Jablonowski said. “It is an utter absurdity that those who were medically and religiously exempt posed measurably and significantly less of a threat of spreading influenza to patients than those who were mandated.”

Lyons-Weiler noted that the study’s findings are “not without precedent.” He cited a 2012 peer-reviewed study published in Clinical Infectious Diseases showing that children who received the flu vaccine were at significantly increased risk of contracting non-flu respiratory virus infections.

A peer-reviewed study published last year in Scientific Reports examined 19 vaccines and found that 17 of those vaccines, including flu shots, were associated with reported cases of Guillain-Barré syndrome — a rare condition that attacks the peripheral nervous system.

Most flu vaccines contain ingredient linked to neurodevelopmental disorders

According to the study, one reason this season’s flu vaccine was ineffective and increased the risk of infection was strain mismatch — where the strain the vaccine protects against was different from the strain that resulted in infection.

“In years where there is a poor match between vaccine strains and the circulating infecting strain, vaccine effectiveness is expected to be poor,” the study noted.

According to Lyons-Weiler, “The most likely explanation involves immune modulation caused by the vaccine — where prior exposure via vaccination may reduce the immune system’s capacity to respond to circulating strains, especially when strain mismatch is present.”

Lyons-Weiler noted that most flu vaccines also contain thimerosal, “a mercury-based preservative still used in many multi-dose flu vials.” In the study, 98.7% of the participants received a flu vaccine that contained thimerosal.

Thimerosal is a mercury-based preservative used in some vaccines. It has been linked to the buildup of inorganic mercury in the brain. A 2001 report by the Institute of Medicine found a “biologically plausible” connection between thimerosal exposure and neurodevelopmental disorders.

“Many trivalent inactivated influenza vaccines contain thimerosal and must be considered as a potential culprit in making the vaccinated’s immune systems weaker,” Jablonowski said.

“Though the mechanisms may differ, the principle is the same: vaccination can, under certain circumstances, impair the broader immune response,” Lyons-Weiler wrote. He said the study “calls into question the wisdom of universal flu vaccine campaigns that fail to deliver consistent benefit — and may cause net harm.”

According to CDC data, the number of healthcare workers receiving flu and COVID-19 vaccines declined during the 2023-2024 cold and flu season, potentially indicating increased skepticism on the part of hospital workers and other medical personnel toward those vaccines.

“In an era of mounting skepticism and vaccine fatigue, public health authorities must reckon with data like this — not dismiss it,” TrialSite News wrote. “Annual flu vaccine strategies may need a serious rethink, particularly in years of poor strain matching.”

“The hubris with which we mandate vaccinations ought to be humbled by this study,” Jablonowski said. “If one of the premier medical institutions in the country endangers their patients based on an employee mandate, all institutional mandates may cause the harm they seek to avoid.”

This article was originally published by The Defender — Children’s Health Defense’s News & Views Website under Creative Commons license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0. Please consider subscribing to The Defender or donating to Children’s Health Defense.

April 11, 2025 Posted by | Science and Pseudo-Science, Timeless or most popular | | Leave a comment

Why Liberal MP, Alex Hawke, must Apologise to Novak Djokovic: Mandatory Vaccination was a Political Decision

By Judy Wilyman PhD | April 6, 2025

To Alex Hawke, Liberal MP for Mitchell (Northwest Sydney),

In 2022, as the Minister for Immigration and Citizenship, you made a political decision to deport a world class athlete who had been invited to Australia on a valid Australian visa. This was Novak Djokovic who was coming to Australia to compete for his tenth grand slam title in our country, a place that he had always loved to visit and compete.

Novak is arguably the healthiest person on the planet yet you described him as a ‘risk to public health’ in 2022. It must be the first time in history that an athlete has been removed for not taking a drug. Does this sound like public health gone bad?

This ‘drug’ that you requested he take was a genetically engineered injected product, that was approved for Emergency Use Only (EUO) in 2021 and rushed onto the market. Yet the government promoted this drug as a ‘vaccine’, even though it was never tested to see if it prevented any COVID disease. Or to see if it stopped transmission.

  1. Did you know that it is against the law to mandate a drug that has EUO approval? Mandating a novel untested product in the population would be a risk to public health.
  2. Did you know that this drug not only doesn’t prevent transmission Mr. Hawke, but it increases the chances of getting COVID and other respiratory illnesses. Just ask the paramedics.
  3. At the time Novak Djokovic even stated that he had natural immunity to COVID from a previous infection. Natural immunity is known to be long lasting immunity and the CDC has admitted this is valid protection.
  4. Did you know that the excess deaths in Australia and all COVID vaccinated countries, increased after the genetically engineered, so called ‘vaccines’, were rolled out in 2021? Here are Australia’s National Statistics for 2022 showing the increase in hospitalisations and deaths after the vaccines were rolled out in February 2021.If the vaccine was effective why did the ABS statistics show that in January 2022, deaths were 22.1% more than the historical average? And deaths to COVID-19 were the second most common cause after cancers. Does that sound like an effective ‘vaccine’?
  5. Did you know that many more young people are dying since 2021 and it is not from COVID? This experimental drug is known to target the heart, reproductive organs, nervous system and cause cancers etc.
  6. Here is a report describing the under-reporting of the US CDC’s Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System (VAERS) and the gas-lighting of people that have been injured by vaccines. This under-reporting is also a feature of Australia’s TGA reporting system and it means that causal links to adverse events cannot be determined after vaccination is promoted in populations. This means that if a vaccine is fast tracked without the minimum 10 years of testing, then people can be killed or disabled without any accountability by the government or pharmaceutical industry.

So, Mr. Hawke, how safe do you think a genetically engineered drug is if it is given Emergency Use Only approval after ‘operation warp speed’?

I would argue that this drug was the ‘risk to public health’, not Novak Djokovic, and under the best public health and human rights principles, it was illegal to make your political decision to deport Novak from Australia.

Novak Djokovic abided by the fundamental principles of law, human rights and public health, and many Australians believe that it is imperative for the integrity of our country that you redress this situation with a public apology. I hope you will acknowledge this open letter and recognise that human rights, including bodily integrity and freedom of speech, are essential principles of a healthy democracy.

Here is the film Witness Statement with all the evidence you need to take action to redress this situation.

Kind regards,

Dr. Judy Wilyman PhD

My book – ‘Vaccination: Australia’s Loss of Health Freedom’ published March 2020.

April 9, 2025 Posted by | Civil Liberties, Timeless or most popular | , , | Leave a comment

The Seventh Nation

By Přemysl Janýr | April 8, 2025

Vienna – On the 16th of March, President Donald Trump ordered strikes on the Houthi rebels in Yemen. On Tuesday, he gave Israel the ‘green light’ to proceed with its genocide in Gaza, which had previously experienced a period of relative tranquility for approximately six weeks. This decision precipitated a fresh round of brutal attacks in the region. On Thursday, the President issued an ultimatum to Iran and is preparing the U.S. military for war.

The sudden shift in the peacemaker Trump’s stance towards peace-oriented policies, particularly in light of his earlier campaign promises and multiple nominations for the Nobel Peace Prize, has left both his supporters and political analysts perplexed.

In my considered opinion, the impending conflict with Iran exhibits noteworthy parallels and connections to the origins of the 2003 war with Iraq.

The roots of both can be traced back to Oded Yinon’s 1982 article A Strategy for Israel in the 1980s in the Hebrew publication Kivunim, which outlined an Israeli plan to fragment the neighboring Arab states. This vision was later complemented by the 1996 Clean Break strategy paper, developed under the aegis of Richard Perle, and the 2006 New Middle East initiative introduced by U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice.

Both the Iraq War and the impending conflict with Iran have been the subject of extensive strategic planning. The removal of Saddam Hussein was envisioned in the 1988 Yinon Plan, as well as the subsequent Clean Break strategy and the neoconservative manifesto, Project for a New American Century (PNAC), published in 1997. The persistent efforts of Benjamin Netanyahu to persuade the U.S. to engage in military action against Iran since 1992 underscore the long-standing intentions behind these strategies.

In both scenarios, the prevalent challenge is the convergence of public and presidential reluctance. The PNAC’s declaration elucidates the issue succinctly: further the process of transformation … is likely to be a long one-absent some catastrophic and catalyzing event- like a new Pearl Harbor.

As of January 2001, ten of the original twenty-five signatories of the PNAC doctrine are situated in pivotal roles within the nascent George W. Bush administration. In September of that year, the awaited catalytic event materializes. The responsible parties are attributed to Osama bin Laden and the Al Qaeda network, thereby eliminating any potential obstacles to the swift military intervention in Afghanistan, where they are presumed to be harbored.

Following the general panic that ensued after the collapse of the three World Trade Center structures, it was imperative to present the necessity of invading Iraq to the populace in a manner that was both coherent and well-substantiated. Consequently, a media campaign was initiated, focusing on the purported development of weapons of mass destruction by Saddam Hussein, his alleged support for international terrorist organizations, particularly Al-Qaeda, and his ostensible efforts to acquire atomic weaponry. This particular instance of disinformation is noteworthy in that it was later acknowledged as such by Western media outlets, yet without any subsequent analysis regarding the instigators, their underlying intentions, or their broader actions and the ensuing culpability.

Persuading the citizenry is one challenge; persuading a head of state is quite another. George W. Bush, while not renowned for his intellectual acuity or strategic foresight, was known to be an emotionally driven individual, but he was certainly not a hawk. Despite being surrounded by influential figures such as Cheney, Rumsfeld, and Blair, who were staunch advocates of interventionist policies, a distinct personal motivation was still required to propel both the media campaign and the war on terrorism.

In April of 1993, authorities in Kuwait apprehended a contingent of individuals engaged in the illicit trafficking of alcohol, who were purportedly acting under the auspices of Hussein and formulating a plot to assassinate former President George H.W. Bush. Although the credibility of the case may be subject to scrutiny, its presentation served as a potent impetus, further compounded by the alleged (and denied) unfulfilled ambition to finish what father had begun and the asserted divine mandate: Saddam tried to kill my dad.

Nevertheless, Iraq constituted merely the initial component of a series of seven countries – adversaries of Israel – earmarked for annihilation over the subsequent five-year period (seven nations greater and mightier than you, and when the Lord your God gives them over to you and you defeat them, then you shall utterly destroy themDeuteronomy 7, 1-2). Following suit were Syria (2011 and 2025), Lebanon (1982 ongoing), Libya (2011), Somalia (2006 and 2012), Sudan (2011) and finally Iran.

With respect to Iran, a catalyzing event has not as yet transpired. Drawing parallels from the precedent established by the Iraq War, such an occurrence is likely to manifest in the foreseeable future. A plausible scenario for this could be an event similar to the hypothetical assassination of Donald Trump, for which Iran might be held accountable.

The endeavor to provide rationale for the impending military action is currently underway with vigor. Iran is purported to be engaging in the development of a nuclear weapon, acts of international terrorism via a network of intermediaries under its command, and planning an assassination attempt targeting Donald Trump, with the specific modus operandi involving the use of a surface-to-air missile to take down Trump’s plane. It is noteworthy that despite the U.S. intelligence community’s refutation of Iran’s pursuit of atomic weaponry (akin to the earlier dismissals of Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction), this contention serves merely as a pretext for the issuance of unattainable ultimatums.

Despite President Trump’s emotional disposition and lack of a reputation for profound insight or foresight, he does not embody the hawkish persona. Instead, he is often portrayed as a transactional figure with a quid pro quo philosophy, steeped in the real estate sector including its gangster-like methods. Despite not claiming Jewish ancestry himself, his immediate circle, including his family and professional network, is comprised of ardent Zionists. The relocation of the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem during his initial term in 2019 was a personal favor to his substantial political donor, Sheldon Adelson, and the cessation of hostilities in Gaza was instigated by the pressure of Mr. Adelson’s widow, Miriam.

As in the case concerning President George W. Bush, it is imperative to incorporate individual motives into the discourse surrounding the atomic bomb and terrorist networks. Among these factors is President Trump’s evident aspiration to belong to the community of chosen people. His coterie endorses his inclination, with some even hailing him as the first American Jewish president or even the Second Non-Jewish Messiah for Israel. It is essential to recognize that Iran stands as a preeminent adversary to Israel, and the reports of a planned assassination should be viewed through this particular lens. President Trump has explicitly stated that if it assassinates him, Iran will be ‘obliterated’.

Moving beyond the realm of established facts and delving into potential future developments, one conceivable scenario, informed by the precedents of the Iraqi episode, may unfold as follows:

The escalation of anti-Iranian rhetoric and tensions, driven by President Trump’s influence, will persist for a certain period. Eventually, the aircraft carrying the President, Air Force One, may indeed be targeted and brought down by a surface-to-air missile. This incident would then be akin to historical catalyzing events such as the sinking of the Lusitania, the Pearl Harbor bombing, the Gulf of Tonkin affair, as well as 9/11, serving as a pivotal moment in the annals of American history with anticipated repercussions. Despite the anticipated recrimination regarding the failure of intelligence agencies and aerial defense mechanisms, the consensus in the Western world will attribute responsibility to Iran (while to the Global South, it will be patently clear that the Mossad had done it).

This kills three birds with one stone. It is anticipated to alleviate the escalating reluctance to support Israel and mitigate the internal political strains that could potentially precipitate civil war and the fragmentation of the country. The demographic segment of the populace that would view President Trump’s death favorably will likely find unity with the remaining portion of his supporters through a shared hatred towards Iran and an imperative for just retribution.

Consequently, the previously prevalent opposition to engaging in novel international ventures is surmounted. This paves the way for the finishing of the strategic seven-countries plan. Moreover, it is not envisioned that Israel will be the initial aggressor in confronting its most significant adversary; rather, it is the United States that will lead the charge with its own military capabilities. Israel can exercise a degree of restraint from a position of relative distance.

I’m not trying to guess how countries like Yemen, Egypt, Jordan, Syria, and the Arab League, along with big players Turkey, Russia, and China, will react. What I can say for sure is that if things go haywire, the whole Middle East is looking at a serious destabilization, possibly even the start of another world war. Now, if chaos does break out, it’s like a golden opportunity for Israel to move in and take over large chunks of Lebanon, Syria, maybe even of Iraq and Egypt, not speaking about Gaza and the West Bank, and they’re not likely to give any of it back. Benjamin Netanyahu could become a legend in Israel’s history books – that is, until all the internal bickering leads to Erez Israel falling apart at the seams.

Should the course of events follow the outlined scenario, the reader may consider themselves forewarned. In the event of divergence, one may attribute it to the writer’s inherent biases. However, a scenario that promises a positive trajectory and a favorable resolution currently remains elusive.

The Czech original: https://www.janyr.eu/120-sedma-zeme, April 3th, 2025

April 8, 2025 Posted by | Ethnic Cleansing, Racism, Zionism, False Flag Terrorism, Timeless or most popular, Wars for Israel | , , , | Leave a comment

Schrödinger’s novichok: 12 points from the Dawn Sturgess inquiry, part 2

By Tim Norman | Propaganda In Focus | February 26, 2025

What happens when official evidence about a nerve agent death exists in impossible dual states? Part two of a three-part report on the Dawn Sturgess case examines elements simultaneously coherent yet confused, recorded yet rejected, detected yet undetectable.

A note on sources: Links presented in bold go to precise points in the YouTube feed from the Dawn Sturgess inquiry. Links that are not in bold are to supporting sources: articles and videos from mainstream news providers.

Part 1 of this investigation revealed how the nerve agent novichok maintained striking contradictions: simultaneously lethal yet harmless. Part 2 examines how this dual state extends beyond the poison itself.

Point 7. The critical patient who wasn’t critical

The statements of Dr Stephen Cockroft (morning of Day 9) provided some of the most revealing testimony that the inquiry heard: that of a senior doctor removed from duty and silenced after discovering that Yulia Skripal was in far better health than she was expected to be following her alleged exposure to a nerve agent more deadly than VX.

But to understand how significant Cockroft’s testimony was, some background is needed.

Dr Cockroft is a highly experienced doctor, who had been working at Salisbury District Hospital (SDH) since 1994. He told the inquiry that he had been an intensive care consultant for 24 years at the time of the alleged poisoning of Sergei and Yulia Skripal.

Together with another intensive care specialist — Dr James Haslam (who gave testimony in the afternoon of Day 8) — Cockroft was involved in caring for the Skripals during their first week in hospital following their admission in the early evening of Sunday, 4 March 2018.

It was Cockroft who was on duty when Sergei and Yulia were admitted, and his testimony to the inquiry was the first time his account of what happened was made public.

Both Cockroft and Haslam testified that they considered the possibility that the Skripals had somehow been poisoned relatively early on — they had apparently started to suspect this by Monday afternoon — although their opinions differed on what kind of poison might have been involved, and the working diagnosis that the paramedics had made of an opiate-related incident when they first encountered Sergei and Yulia incapacitated in the centre of Salisbury seems to have been maintained at the hospital for about 24 hours.

The medical staff at the hospital told the BBC that they did not initially take any additional precautions for themselves in the form of barrier nursing or enhanced personal protective equipment because there was “no indication” of nerve agent poisoning when the Skripals were admitted.

Curiously, Haslam was called to give testimony to the inquiry the day before Cockroft — and it was Haslam’s statements and testimony about the condition of the Skripals on their arrival at hospital that the inquiry heard, even though he was not there. Cockroft — who was there and witnessed their original presentation — was not asked to give testimony on this point when he appeared before the inquiry the following day.

“I wasn’t present [at the hospital’s emergency department] on that Sunday, but I would have consulted the records and also spoken to colleagues who were present [in preparing my statement],” Haslam said (Day 8, p123). In both cases, Haslam said, “the clinical picture [when the Skripals arrived at SDH] was one of profound compromise of the central and peripheral nervous systems”.

As well as giving personal testimony the day after Haslam, Cockroft provided two written statements to the inquiry, the first of which was taken two weeks after the Salisbury events by “officers from counterterrorism command”, dated 19 March 2018. His second statement — in which he apparently sought to clarify elements of his first statement specifically for the benefit of the inquiry — was dated 18 July 2024.

“I was on duty the weekend of Sunday 4th of March 2018 when the two patients, Yulia and Sergei were admitted,” Cockroft’s first statement reads. “I was one of the first doctors to meet them at the emergency department and since their admission I looked after them up until the end of the day on Monday. I later assisted my colleagues on the intensive care unit (ICU) on Wednesday and Thursday.”

Cockroft handed over to Haslam on Monday afternoon. At some point late on Sunday or in the very early early hours of Monday morning, Cockroft had been told to “Google” Sergei Skripal (Day 14, p53) “by one of the Police Constables” (Day 9, p15) and become aware of “the spy link” (Day 9, p21).

It was because of this that Cockroft apparently started to suspect that the Skripals had been subjected to a poison attack. However, his initial suspicions were that they had been poisoned by the powerful synthetic opioid carfentanyl, rather than fentanyl (also a powerful and dangerous opiate but less potent than carfentanyl and, as we know from part 1, potentially a drug of abuse), heroin, or an organophosphate nerve agent such as novichok.

“Carfentanyl has a potency hundreds of thousands of times greater than fentanyl,” Cockroft told the inquiry (Day 9, p27). “Fentanyl itself is an extremely potent opiate. We use it as an anaesthetic agent … daily and it is extremely dangerous in recreational hands. Carfentanyl is off the scale.”

Haslam by contrast had apparently already started to suspect some kind of organophosphate poisoning, although it is not clear how much time he could have had with Yulia and Sergei — or spent examining their records — to have come to that diagnosis, given that he had not been at SDH when the Skripals were admitted and was presumably relying on Cockroft to update him during their handover.

“My recollection is that when we handed over on the Monday afternoon that Dr Cockroft was under the impression that it was likely to be an exotic opioid substance, so something more likely carfentanyl, and that was his working diagnosis … an exotic opioid that might be used to assassinate someone,” Haslam told the inquiry (Day 8, p156). “That was his working diagnosis.”

“[But by the time of the] handover … I suspected possibly organophosphates,” Haslam said (Day 8, p143). “It no longer felt like an opioid poisoning or overdose. The symptoms had evolved… and it wasn’t feeling like an opioid toxicity to me by that stage.”

“From the Monday afternoon … organophosphates were my working diagnosis,” Haslam said (Day 8, p162). “[M]ost of Monday night I spent researching about organophosphates … [and learning about] nerve agents, so I was suspecting nerve agents by Monday night-time.” (Day 8, p164).

Haslam’s suspicions were seemingly confirmed by tests on blood samples that had been taken from the Skripals on the Sunday evening and sent to a specialised laboratory in Birmingham as well as DSTL Porton Down, with the results from the latter coming through first in the early hours of Tuesday morning.

“The police had requested … blood samples, which had also been processed at DSTL and so those results were phoned through [early] on the Tuesday morning … to my night team,” Haslam told the inquiry (Day 8, p163).

The results from the laboratory in Birmingham came through on Wednesday at 17.10 (see slide 3 from the inquiry document here) and provided confirmatory diagnosis. The tests “confirmed our suspicions that it was severe poisoning with an anticholinesterase substance, so something suppressing the activity of the enzyme cholinesterase”, Haslam said (Day 8, p162).

Cholinesterase inhibition is evidence of nerve agent poisoning, as organophosphate nerve agents like novichok and VX work by blocking an enzyme called acetylcholinesterase in the body. This causes the muscles to lose control, leading rapidly to death by asphyxiation or cardiac arrest.

It is worth pausing here to note that Haslam was not the first person involved in the response to the Salisbury events to suggest a cholinesterase inhibitor was the cause of Yulia and Sergei’s collapse, and there appears to have been a breakdown of communication between the police and hospital staff that prevented Cockroft — and by extension, Haslam — from being made aware of the possibility that a nerve agent was involved in the very early hours of Monday morning, as early as around 1.30am.

According to the witness statement of one of the police officers involved, Detective Inspector Ben Mant, the first person to suggest a cholinesterase inhibitor was involved was a Wiltshire police constable (PC) referred to by the inquiry as ‘VN005’.

Although subordinate to DI Mant in rank, ‘VN005’ had specialised knowledge — he was a trained firearms officer and also a “a CBRN [Chemical, Biological, Radiological, and Nuclear] tactical advisor” (Day 15, p140).

In his statement, DI Mant describes a briefing meeting he held at Salisbury police station, Bourne Hill at 22.50 on the Sunday evening, involving officers including Temporary Police Sergeant (TPS) Tracey Holloway and PC Alex Way, who had both earlier attended the scene in central Salisbury where Sergei and Yulia Skripal were discovered incapacitated on a bench. PC Way had been wearing a body camera, which recorded what they saw, and ‘VN005’ had apparently been able to view the footage of Sergei Skripal.

When he began the briefing, Mant states, “We were joined almost immediately by VN005 who explained to me that he was a CBRN advisor … This is the first time, to the best of my knowledge, that I had met Tracey, Alex and VN005.

“VN005 … inform[ed] me that the Skripals’ symptoms as described by the attending officers were consistent with a cholinesterase inhibitor — otherwise known as a nerve agent.

“VN005 provided me with a document of common indicators and the symptoms observed by PC Way and TPS Holloway were consistent with seven out of 12 possible indications.

“This immediately alarmed me and at 23.10 hours, I rang Detective Superintendent [Tim] Corner [Mant’s superior officer] … to advise him of what VN005 had told me. Det Supt Corner reassured me that he had already been contacted by VN005 and that he had spoken to the on-call officers at the CBRN centre. He was waiting for further calls but they appeared far less concerned than PC VN005.”

‘VN005’ also provided statements and documents to the inquiry, and reported what happened at DI Mant’s briefing.

“At 2115 hours I arrived at Bourne Hill Police station in Salisbury,” the main statement from ‘VN005’ reads. “At 2130 hours I watched PC Way’s body worn camera footage of her attendance at the initial scene. This footage shows … a male sat on a bench displaying symptoms which I believed were consistent with either a high dose of radiation or a potential nerve agent.

“Then at 2250 hours Detective Inspector Mant … started an initial brief with all involved. I advised DI Mant of my suspicions of a chemical exposure and passed him a list of nerve agent symptoms to pass on to hospital staff.”

A copy of the document that ‘VN005’ provided to Mant, listing nerve agent symptoms with ticks next to symptoms ‘VN005’ felt were being displayed by Sergei Skripal, was shown to the inquiry. This was apparently the document that ‘VN005’ wanted Mant to pass on to the hospital.

But this is the point at which communication between the police and the hospital seemingly broke down because, although DI Mant goes on to describe driving to the hospital after the briefing at Bourne Hill and talking to Dr Cockroft on the phone when he arrived there, there is nothing to suggest Mant gave the hospital staff the document ‘VN005’ had given him listing nerve agent symptoms.

There is also nothing to suggest Mant asked Cockroft about the possibility of nerve agent poisoning during their conversation, even though Mant said how alarmed he had been by the suggestion from ‘VN005’ that a nerve agent had been the cause of the Skripals’ collapse.

Mant concluded the briefing at Bourne Hill around midnight and called his superior officer again.

“At 00.15 hours I called Det Supt Corner back to update him,” Mant’s statement reads (p7). “Det Supt Corner directed that the priority was to make contact with the ICU consultant and to share with them the information (that was readily available online) about Mr Skripal. This was to make sure that the consultant knew what we knew about the Skripals. We also agreed that I should personally visit the hospital and speak directly with the consultant.

“At 01.00 hours, [I] arrived at Salisbury District Hospital and made [my] way to the Intensive Care Unit. Mr Cockroft was not there but I was informed … he was happy to receive a phone call and would expect to be called. I took [a] phone to a nearby doctor’s office and spoke to him, in private, from there.

“I asked Mr Cockroft what he knew about the patients and he immediately explained that he had ‘googled’ Sergei and was aware of the spy link… I was relieved that he already knew this as it made life easier in terms of disclosing/sharing the information.”

Mant goes on to describe his conversation with Cockroft about the potential causes of the Skripals’ condition, but nowhere does he mention that they discussed the possibility of nerve agent poisoning, or the document describing nerve agent symptoms that ‘VN005’ had apparently given him to take to the hospital.

“We then went on to talk about what may have caused their illness,” Mant’s statement reads. “Mr Cockroft explained that … he had … [called for] a urine toxicology scan for opiates and cocaine but that it was not a quick process and he asked whether the police could do anything more quickly. I stated … that we could fast track the examination of the blood and urine … Mr Cockroft was grateful for this.

“Mr Cockroft agreed that it was unlikely to be radiation poisoning, or ricin (of which he had some previous experience), as the symptoms for them have a slow onset. This was consistent with the advice given to Det Supt Corner by the CBRN experts. We discussed whether this could be a suicide attempt or a homicide/suicide attempt and he stated that he felt it most likely that some form of poison had been ingested.

“Mr Cockroft thought the cause may have been ingested due to the speed of onset of symptoms. He stated that both of the Skripals were currently sedated in order that they could receive supportive therapy but that he would attempt to wake them later in the morning … I finished the conversation with Mr Cockroft at about 01.24 hours.”

Mant’s report that Cockroft was considering an attempt to “wake” the Skripals “in the morning” is something we will return to.

Both Mant and ‘VN005’ gave testimony to the inquiry in person.

The testimony from ‘VN005’ was given in complete anonymity, with no YouTube stream made public and only the transcript made available. The testimony includes reference to his list of nerve agent symptoms as a “ready reckoner” (Day 15, p120). “I passed this [list] to Inspector Mant to pass on to the hospital,” the transcript reads (Day 15, p166).

“You suggested that DI Mant inform the hospital to check for bloods of any cholinesterase inhibiting compounds?” Andrew O’Connor KC, the lead counsel for the inquiry, asks ‘VN005’ (Day 15, p168).

“Correct,” ‘VN005’ replies.

Mant’s testimony includes reference to the list of nerve agent symptoms given to him by ‘VN005’ as an “aide memoire” (Day 14, p14) and his consequent anxiety about the possibility of a nerve agent-related event having occurred in Salisbury (Day 14, p16).

Mant’s testimony also reports his phone conversation with Cockroft and their discussion about expediting the testing of urine and blood samples that had been taken from the Skripals — but if they discussed the possibility of nerve agent poisoning Mant did not testify to that effect, and as in his written statement Mant did not report handing the document ‘VN005’ had given him to anyone at the hospital while he was there (Day 14, p54).

The inquiry’s lawyers did not pick up on this apparent breakdown of communication between the police and the hospital on the critical issue of when nerve agent poisoning could have been diagnosed in the case of the Skripals — or at least presented to the medical staff as a serious possibility.

As we know, the diagnosis apparently made intuitively by Haslam on Monday afternoon around the time of his handover with Cockroft — and then indicated by the results from DSTL Porton Down in the early hours of Tuesday morning — had been confirmed by results from the laboratory in Birmingham on Wednesday evening.

After his handover with Haslam, Cockroft had a day off — but on Wednesday he was back at work at SDH. The ICU staff there were now aware that the Skripals had apparently been poisoned by a nerve agent, and a major incident — related to the earlier working diagnosis of fentanyl poisoning — had already been declared the day before.

Cockroft’s 2018 statement indicates his duties on his return to the ICU were to care for the other patients there while Haslam concentrated on Sergei and Yulia Skripal — as well as Detective Sergeant Nick Bailey, who was admitted on Tuesday after suffering symptoms following his search of Sergei’s home in the early hours of Monday morning.

Bailey had already been to the hospital for a check-up later on Monday and was given the all-clear, but his symptoms persisted and he returned on Tuesday for what turned into a 17-day stay in hospital.

Bailey was not as severely affected by the nerve agent that was supposedly used to contaminate the front door of Sergei’s home as the Skripals had been. He had been wearing a forensic suit — designed to maintain the integrity of evidence at a crime scene and offer a degree of protection against contamination, but not designed to protect the wearer against extremely hazardous substances such as a chemical weapon — when he went to the house (Day 13, p53).

Bailey did not need to be put on ventilation and remained conscious throughout his stay at SDH. He suffered no lasting physical injury from his apparent exposure to novichok and a year and a half later, in August 2019, he ran a marathon in support of the hospital, raising almost £20,000.

Yulia and Sergei by contrast had been “intubated and mechanically ventilated” when they were admitted to hospital, as Haslam told the inquiry (Day 8, p123, p125).

Yulia was particularly in need of ventilation as without it she would apparently not have been able to breathe and would have died. Sergei was also intubated because, although he was able to breathe without assistance when he arrived at hospital, he was in a deep coma (Day 8, p123).

Intubation typically requires the patient to be sedated due to the discomfort of a tube being put into their airway and maintained there, and this sedation may involve fentanyl — unless the patient is believed to have potentially overdosed on some kind of opiate, in which case opiate-based pain relief would not be used as this could obviously exacerbate their condition.

Fentanyl is, therefore, unlikely to have been given to Sergei and Yulia Skripal — or Dawn Sturgess — when they were admitted to SDH and intubated: something the pathologist Professor Guy Rutty did not consider when he gave testimony to the inquiry about the various drugs found in Dawn’s urine sample, which we looked at in part 1.

Leaving that to one side, it is routine practice in ICUs to carry out what is called a “sedation hold” (or sedation interruption) with sedated patients, particularly those on mechanical ventilation. This means the administration of the drugs that are keeping the patient unconscious — generally done through an automatic pump or drips — are paused in order for the patient to emerge from their medically-induced sleep.

This practice is what Cockroft was referring to when he told DI Mant that he “would attempt to wake [the Skripals] later in the morning” when they had their phone conversation in the early hours of Monday.

It is not clear if Cockroft did in fact order a sedation hold for either Yulia or Sergei before he handed over responsibility for their care to Haslam on Monday afternoon, although the statements of both Cockroft and Haslam strongly suggest this would have been standard practice.

The evidence that sedation holds are helpful for a patient’s recovery is strong and a survey conducted 10 years before the Salisbury events suggested that 78% of ICUs in the UK carried out sedation holds on a daily basis or even more frequently.

“Sedation holds are things that we do two or three times a day,” Cockroft says in his statement from 2018 (p7). “When we have a longer term intensive care patient, by this I mean patients that are going to be with us for more than two days, it is routine practice to stop drugs that are sedating to patient to allow them to wake up and interact with the nursing staff or the Doctors.

“We want to know if they are pain free, we want to know if they are anxious, we want to know if they are breathless and it’s an opportunity to reassure the patient that they are fine.

“The other reason we do this is we want to make sure that we are not giving them too much sedation, as we want them to maintain muscular activity, it speeds up their convalescence, otherwise if you flatten them completely their muscles can take weeks longer to get them off of the ventilator and walking about.”

Whether or not a sedation hold had been ordered for Yulia or Sergei before, Haslam apparently ordered a sedation hold for Yulia on Thursday.

“I would like to ask you about … [Yulia’s] sedation hold,” Émilie Pottle KC, one of the barristers for the inquiry, asked Haslam (Day 8, p176). “Your colleague Dr Cockroft … explains [in his written statements] that you had ordered a sedation hold for Yulia on Thursday 8 March, which is a routine practice, he says; is that correct?”

“That’s correct,” Haslam replies.

“I think you told us earlier this afternoon that it is done in order for you to assess — it’s a normal practice for you to stop the sedation to see the neurological function; is that right?” Pottle asks.

That’s a standard, almost daily part of intensive care practice, yes,” Haslam replies.

“Dr Cockroft says that you had ordered the sedation hold, but that you weren’t present when Yulia Skripal regained consciousness; is that right?” Pottle asks.

“I wasn’t present in the room, but I was present on the intensive care unit… just round the corner in an office,” Haslam says.

Whether Haslam was present on the ICU or not, it seems Cockroft was the consultant called to respond to Yulia as she woke up by staff on the intensive care ward because they could not locate Haslam, or because he was temporarily unavailable, possibly in a meeting.

With the hospital having been informed by DSTL Porton Down that blood tests showed Yulia and Sergei had apparently been exposed to a nerve agent, Cockroft believed Yulia would have suffered severe neurological injury and permanent brain damage as a result.

But to his astonishment, he found this was not the case.

“An untoward event took place on Thursday 8 March 2018,” Cockroft writes in his statement from 2024 (p1, paragraph 2). “A colleague (Dr James Haslam) had ordered all sedation to be discontinued temporarily to Yulia Skripal … unfortunately, Dr Haslam [then] left the ICU without advising me.

“I was present on the ICU treating another patient … [and] Yulia Skripal regained consciousness very quickly. [She] was confused, frightened, trying to get out of bed and was pulling at her various vascular access lines and breathing tube. She was in severe danger of injuring herself.

“On entering her hospital room, I immediately took hold of her hands and tried to reassure her that she was safe. Simultaneously I asked the two nurses present to restart her sedation, but as these were infusion pumps it was going to take several minutes for sedation to become effective.

“Whilst these infusions were recommenced, I tried to reassure Yulia that she was safe, as was her father. I had absolutely no idea what they had both experienced on that fateful Sunday 4 March 2018 and had no idea if they had been attacked or would have had any knowledge or insight into the events that had led to their hospital admission.

“During those few minutes I asked Yulia if she had any recollection of her and her father being assaulted in some way. Fortunately, after some five minutes, she was safely sedated and support of her breathing could be re-established.”

In his 2018 statement, Cockroft says he was with another doctor — referred to only by her first name, Anna — while he attended to Yulia.

“Anna… is also a doctor, she is a visiting medical registrar, she is a very senior chest doctor [but] she ha[d] very little medical intensive care experience and [was] working in the ICU for training purposes,” Cockroft states (p1, paragraph 2).

It seems it was Anna who alerted Cockroft to Yulia’s rapid recovery of consciousness, and Anna also spoke to Yulia as nurses worked to re-establish her sedation. Cockroft describes his perception of Yulia’s neurological health as she did so.

“Anna explained [to Yulia] that she had just brought the intensive care unit consultant in,” Cockroft says (p3). “I was staggered to see Yulia with her eyes open and apparently responding in a meaningful way. Yulia was looking at Anna in a purposeful way, her eyes were wide open, her gaze was directed towards Anna in a way that suggested to me that she had good vision to perceive that Anna was the person that was talking to her.

“It wasn’t a response we would see from someone with brain damage for example, their gaze would not be as precise as it were, they may hear a noise but they don’t necessarily look towards it, however Yulia was looking directly at Anna and it was an encouraging sign.”

Cockroft gave more detail about what happened when he spoke to the inquiry in person.

“I will be honest with you, I was … gobsmacked,” Cockroft told Pottle (Day 9, p32).

This was a girl I never thought I would see move again. I never thought she would be capable of having a conversation. I was quite convinced she suffered catastrophic brain damage and I couldn’t believe that she could be as neurologically intact as she obviously was.

“She was looking at me, she was nodding, she was crying, she was absolutely terrified and I was explaining to her where she was … [trying to] offer some reassurance and all I desperately really wanted was the sedation to go back on and the whole thing to stop.”

Watching the inquiry’s YouTube stream Cockroft is very emotional as he recalls what happened. It seems he believes he was doing everything he could as a professional, and was acting entirely out of concern for Yulia.

Pottle picks up on a key part of Cockroft’s written statement (p4) about what he said to Yulia, where he writes: “I wanted to make a point of telling her that we knew she had been poisoned, that we knew what it was and that she was getting the right treatment to get her better.”

“At one stage you asked her about who had poisoned her?” Pottle asks.

“I asked if anybody had attacked them,” Cockroft replies. “[I said], ‘You have both been taken ill. Your father is in the next door room. We think you have both been poisoned. Did anybody attack you?’”

“Were you any more specific than, ‘Did anyone attack you?’” Lord Hughes, the chair of the inquiry, interjects.

“I think [I said] did anyone spray something over you?”, Cockroft replies.

“You asked if she had been sprayed?” Lord Hughes says.

“Yes,” Cockroft replies.

“Your words, not hers?” Lord Hughes asks.

“She couldn’t speak [because she was intubated],” Cockroft replies.

Yulia’s emergence from sedation and Cockroft’s testimony about his brief interaction with her is significant in a number of ways.

From the point of view of Cockroft’s career at SDH, it seems to have been something of a personal disaster. Although Haslam was apparently unconcerned by what had happened when it was reported to him, the hospital’s medical director, Christine Blanshard, took the view that Cockroft should not have spoken to Yulia about what might have happened to her, as this should have been left to the investigating authorities.

Cockroft was punished.

“I was suspended from working on the ICU with immediate effect until Yulia and Sergei had either been discharged or died,” Cockroft writes in his statement from 2024 (p2, paragraph 5). “Apparently by having had a conversation with Yulia Skripal I had been unprofessional and should have left such a conversation to the security services.”

Blanshard not only removed Cockroft from the ICU rota, but she told him that if he discussed any aspect of the poisoning of Sergei and Yulia with his colleagues at the hospital it would be treated as serious professional misconduct on his part.

“I was forbidden to discuss any aspect of the presentation, recognition or initial treatment of Yulia or Sergei Skripal,” Cockroft told the inquiry (Day 9, p37).

Cockroft was also prevented by Blanshard from speaking on the subject at two meetings where the poisonings were addressed: a meeting of the Health Protection Agency at Porton Down in April 2018, and a large meeting of SDH staff on 21 June 2018.

“I have to say I thought Dr Blanshard’s attitude was a little difficult,” Cockroft said (Day 9, p36). “You know, I was the consultant with 24 years’ intensive care experience. She trained in gastroenterology and I don’t think had ever worked on an intensive care unit.”

Blanshard allowed Cockroft back onto the ICU rota after both Yulia and Sergei had been discharged from SDH. Yulia was discharged from hospital on 9 April 2018, and Sergei was discharged on 18 May; Cockroft returned to work on the ICU the day after Sergei left the hospital (Day 9, p50).

Six months after this Cockroft resigned from his position to take a job in the private sector (Day 9, p38). Perhaps his decision was unrelated to his experiences as one of the first doctors to treat Yulia and Sergei Skripal when they arrived at SDH, and his treatment by Blanshard after he spoke to Yulia when she woke up from sedation.

But the significance of Cockroft’s conversation with Yulia is more extensive than the personal impact it may have had on him and his career at SDH.

Perhaps most significantly it is relevant to a decision that was taken by the UK Court of Protection on the Skripals’ behalf a full two weeks after they were admitted to hospital, due to their apparent total incapacitation.

Before Cockroft’s testimony to the inquiry, the account of the Skripals’ health (and that of DS Nick Bailey) was that they were, at least initially, in a critical condition and on the verge of death. The suggestion in the media at the time was that exposure to novichok, widely described as a horrifyingly deadly nerve agent, would have caused them catastrophic and probably permanent injury — just as Cockroft believed it had before Yulia woke up.

An experienced ICU consultant like Cockroft, on discovering during a sedation hold that one of his patients was far more “neurologically intact” than expected following their alleged exposure to a nerve agent, might then have been expected to order further sedation holds over the following days to investigate their patient’s condition further and begin to reduce their sedation.

But with Cockroft removed from the ICU rota by the hospital’s medical director Dr Blanshard and banned from speaking to his colleagues about any aspect of the alleged poisoning of the Skripals, the suggestion that their unconscious state was medically essential — or was a direct consequence of their alleged exposure to and injury by a nerve agent — was maintained.

This suggestion was reinforced when a team from the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) visited Salisbury at the invitation of the UK government to carry out an investigation into the alleged novichok attacks.

The OPCW, based at The Hague in The Netherlands, is a supposedly independent watchdog with the remit to investigate chemical weapons incidents worldwide, and an OPCW team was “deployed to the United Kingdom on 19 March [2018] for a pre-deployment and from 21 March to 23 March for a full deployment” in order to confirm — among other things — DSTL Porton Down’s discovery of traces of novichok in the Skripals’ blood.

This required fresh blood samples to be taken — but the Skripals were deemed to be incapable of giving consent for this due to their unconscious or comatose state, so a judgement from the Court of Protection was sought by the Salisbury NHS Foundation Trust and duly granted on 22 March, the penultimate day of the OPCW team’s visit to the UK.

“Both Mr and Ms Skripal remain in hospital under heavy sedation,” Justice Williams said in his written judgement. “The precise effect of their exposure on their long term health remains unclear albeit medical tests indicate that their mental capacity might be compromised to an unknown and so far unascertained degree … neither patient is expected to regain capacity by the time the sampling will be needed.”

Justice Williams noted that the medical opinion of “ZZ”, the Skripals’ unnamed “treating consultant” at SDH, was (p12):

a) Mr Skripal is heavily sedated following injury by a nerve agent.

b) Ms Skripal is heavily sedated following injury by a nerve agent.

c) Mr Skripal is unable to communicate in any way.

d) Ms Skripal is unable to communicate in any meaningful way.

e) It is not possible to say when or to what extent Mr or Ms Skripal may regain capacity.

Having blood samples taken was not the only invasive procedure the Skripals underwent at the time that they should have been asked consent for, if they had been able to give it.

Dr Haslam said in his written statement (p3) that “both patients underwent surgical tracheostomy formation on 21 March 2018” — meaning that when the OPCW team visited the Skripals in SDH to take their blood, they would have found them being ventilated not via their mouths but via surgical holes in their throats that had been made a day or two before.

There is no way the Skripals would have been able to communicate verbally under these circumstances, even if their sedation had been reduced to the point that they were able to recover consciousness.

Yulia’s tracheostomy tube was removed four days after the OPCW team returned to The Hague, having been in for a week. Sergei’s tube was removed two weeks after his daughter’s.

The BBC reporter and writer Mark Urban mentions the judgement of the Court of Protection in his book The Skripal Files, the first edition of which was published in October 2018. Urban was apparently working on a book about Sergei Skripal before the Salisbury events occurred, and his account has been generally accepted as the official version of events.

“Doctors had experimented with reducing [Yulia’s] ventilation as soon as 10 days after the attack,” Urban writes. “In court papers submitted on 20 March … Yulia is described as ‘unable to communicate in any meaningful way’.

“Within a few days of these proceedings (connected with the taking of samples by international observers) she was sufficiently improved, and sedation dialled back, that she was becoming ‘meaningful’.”

As we now know from Cockroft’s testimony, Yulia’s sedation had been “dialed back” once — at least briefly — a couple of weeks before, and according to both Haslam and Cockroft good clinical practice in the ICU is that this “dialing back” should have been a regular occurrence following the discovery that she was “neurologically intact”.

And as we shall see in a moment, Yulia was fully capable of communicating in a “meaningful way” when she was allowed to emerge from her sedation.

There are a couple of other points where Yulia’s early, unexpected return to consciousness was apparently airbrushed from the account that was given to the public at the time, maintaining the impression that the Skripals were critically injured and that their recovery — if it happened at all — was going to be more gradual than it actually was, at least in Yulia’s case.

Before The Skripal Files was published, Mark Urban made a 20 minute documentary programme for BBC Newsnight about the Salisbury events that was broadcast in May 2018, and which remains available for viewing on the BBC Newsnight YouTube channel.

About halfway through the programme, Urban says in voiceover: “After a couple of weeks [of the Skripals being hospitalised] there were gradual but distinct signs of progress. The exact timing of that, and details of the drugs given, remain matters of medical confidentiality.”

Urban was clearly being economical with the truth here, as he had been able to interview several of the medics at SDH for the programme — including the hospital’s medical director Dr Blanshard, who had removed Cockroft from the ICU and threatened him with a charge of medical misconduct if he told any of colleagues what he had discovered early on about Yulia’s good neurological condition.

It is worth reviewing a segment towards the end of the programme, when Urban asks Dr Blanshard how it is possible that the Skripals could have survived significant exposure to a nerve agent as deadly as novichok is supposed to be. Her body language is quite revealing.

“For those people who say, ‘Oh, if this was a nerve agent they’d be dead,’ what would your response to that be?” Urban asks Dr Blanshard.

“Well, they’re not,” Dr Blanshard replies, smiling nervously and avoiding eye contact by looking at her hands as she stumbles over her words. “The proof of the pudding is in the outcome [sic]… these wouldn’t be the first patients that have recovered from, for example, organophosphorus poisoning or other nerve agents.”

It is for the viewer to decide how convincing Dr Blanshard’s demeanour is.

She may have simply forgotten because of the drugs that she was being given to keep her sedated, but Yulia herself left out her brief return to consciousness from the one public statement she made about what happened to her. She gave this statement to camera for the world’s media on 23 May 2018, 44 days after she was discharged from SDH and just four days after her father left hospital.

Although Yulia had apparently previously said in a written statement that she hoped to give a full interview to the media when she was strong enough, when she did appear in public she simply read out a pre-prepared script and took no questions.

She has never been seen in public since.

“After 20 days in a coma I awoke to the news that we [she and Sergei] had been poisoned,” Yulia said, looking fully recovered apart from the scar on her neck caused by the tracheostomy she had undergone a day or two before the OPCW team had arrived in Salisbury to take her blood.

But in fact she had briefly woken up much earlier than that — after only four days in hospital — and had been able to respond in a “meaningful way” to the news that she had allegedly been poisoned then.

Bonus point: the testimony that wasn’t testimony

Between his two written statements and his personal testimony to the inquiry, the account that Cockroft gave of what happened when Yulia woke up following her sedation hold is unclear in certain areas — and because the lawyers involved in the inquiry did not ask him follow-up questions to pick up these ambiguities, a certain amount of guesswork is required around some of the statements he made.

For example, in some of the written testimony from 2024 that we have already looked at, Cockroft says: “I had absolutely no idea what [the Skripals] had both experienced on that fateful Sunday 4 March 2018 and had no idea if they had been attacked … [but] I asked Yulia if she had any recollection of her and her father being assaulted in some way.”

It appears from this that Cockroft had surmised Sergei and Yulia had been attacked, presumably because the staff at the ICU had been told by DSTL Porton Down that the Skripals had been exposed to a nerve agent. Cockroft may not have been told explicitly or officially that they were “attacked” or “assaulted” — which is perhaps why he said he had “absolutely no idea what they had both experienced” — but he seems to have made that assumption, which may be reasonable.

But Cockroft went further than that. He apparently guessed or suggested that Yulia and Sergei were attacked or assaulted with a spray, possibly because, as Dr Ord — the medical doctor who was passing by when the Skripals were discovered, and became one of the first responders — told the inquiry, “It’s very unusual for two people to be unwell at exactly the same moment, which was clearly what was happening”.

Cockroft may have imagined the Skripals were sprayed with poison at the same time and while they were together as a possible explanation for the near-simultaneous onset of effects in them both — a striking detail given their significant differences in terms of age, health and body weight.

As we have seen, the question that Cockroft asked Yulia about whether she had been sprayed with something was a detail that Lord Hughes picked up on — although his point seems to have been that this was not a claim she had made in her own words (an obvious point because she could not speak as she was intubated at the time).

In his 2018 statement Cockroft says he did not get a response to his questions asking Yulia if she was attacked or if something was sprayed over her, but he says: “I can recall Anna repeating some of the questions that I said, I can recall her asking did anyone attack you?” (p5).

Anna, the doctor who was with Cockroft while he was talking to Yulia, becomes important at this point because she apparently took notes of what Cockroft said and what Yulia’s responses were.

Cockroft’s statement continues: “After we put Yulia back to sleep, I really thought that was the end of the matter … I didn’t realise Anna had recorded the conversation I had with Yulia in her notes … [I] was just trying to reassure her. It was a conversation of … dubious significance because… she had just woken up from a coma. I wouldn’t have even wrote [sic] it in the notes … it was more to alert my colleagues that Yulia was not brain damaged.”

The fact that Anna took notes of the “conversation” Cockroft had with Yulia on Thursday 8 March is significant because it is referred to by Keith Asman, the head of forensics and digital investigations for the police’s southeast region counter-terrorism unit, in a statement he made for the inquiry that was signed on 23 October 2024.

In it Asman reports what he was told by a member of the police force code-named ‘DI VN104’ (p19, point 77).

“At some point after 2100 [on 8 March 2018] I spoke to DI VN104 who told me that Yulia Skripal had woken in hospital and had been spoken to by a medical professional, who had asked a series of questions,” Asman states.

“She was asked to blink a number of times dependant [sic] on whether the answer to the question was yes or no. Yulia Skripal was asked:

  • Do you remember what happened — blinked yes
  • Did you take anything at home — blinked no
  • Do you remember being poisoned — blinked yes
  • Do you remember being sprayed — blinked yes
  • Were you sprayed at home — blinked no
  • Were you sprayed at the restaurant — blinked yes
  • Do you know the person that sprayed you

“At this point Yulia Skripal was described as being emotional and fell unconscious. I made notes of my conversation with DI VN104 in one of my notebooks,” Asman states.

There seems little doubt that what ‘DI VN104’ is referring to and Asman is reporting in his statement to the inquiry is the interaction between Cockroft and Yulia, as recorded by Anna in her notes. But here Cockroft seems to know some significant details about Yulia and Sergei’s movements on the Sunday that they were allegedly attacked — particularly that they went from Sergei’s home to a restaurant.

It is also not clear how Cockroft established blinking “yes” and “no” as a means of communicating with Yulia. He almost certainly had experience of communicating with intubated patients in this way in the past — but it is a significant detail that he omitted from his statements and his personal testimony to the inquiry, where he emphasised that he was simply trying to calm Yulia down and reassure her.

During his appearance before the inquiry on Day 17 — eight sitting days after Cockroft gave testimony — Asman is asked by the barrister Francesca Whitelaw KC about the “blink interview” he describes in his statement.

In the exchange that follows Asman, Whitelaw and Lord Hughes agree that Yulia’s statement that she was sprayed in the restaurant is not credible, and should not be taken seriously.

They decide that her statement can be dismissed because the forensic evidence of novichok traces supposedly found at Zizzi’s was apparently too low for the restaurant to have been the primary location of the poison; because they felt Yulia was probably confused as she had just emerged from sedation; and because the idea of being sprayed was suggested to her by Cockroft and wasn’t expressed in her own words (even though she couldn’t speak as she was intubated).

When Yulia is reported to start crying, Asman suggests that this is because she was somehow involved in the plot to poison her father, and thought she had been identified as the culprit.

“We have heard evidence about how [Yulia] woke for a brief period in hospital and was spoken to by a doctor and here we see the information that was conveyed back to you from DI VN104,” Whitelaw says to Asman (Day 17, p72).

“We see there… the suggestion, which we now know not to be right, of course: ‘Do you remember being sprayed — blinked yes’; ‘Were you sprayed at the restaurant — blinked yes.’ My question for you is: how, if at all, this impacted on your investigations?”

“It only very slightly impacted on it,” Asman replies. “I wasn’t sure whether Yulia had wittingly or unwittingly been involved [in poisoning her father, an early hypothesis of Asman’s that he describes in his statement (p15, paragraph 59)] and … I did wonder to myself if she was crying because she felt maybe she had been identified … [but] apart from that, nothing else at all.”

“You were … following the forensics,” Whitelaw says.

“Absolutely, Asman replies. “It was information to have but not necessarily going to change my approach on anything.”

“This information … was it consistent or inconsistent with what you had found out in terms of forensic about the presence of Novichok at The Mill and 47 Christie Miller Road?” Whitelaw asks.

“I would say, was inconsistent on the basis that she said she was sprayed in the restaurant —” Asman replies.

Well, you see she didn’t,” Lord Hughes interjects. “If the record that you were given there is right, someone [Cockroft] suggested to her, ‘Had you been sprayed?’ She didn’t come up with it herself.”

“That is absolutely correct,” Asman replies. “Maybe I should rephrase to say the inference being she may have been sprayed in the restaurant, but that was not what we were seeing through the forensic results where there was only a low-level trace in that location, sir.”

“We, of course, bear in mind the circumstances that Yulia had been unconscious in hospital,” Whitelaw adds.

“Absolutely, sir, yes,” Asman replies.

“This is the so-called sedation hold, isn’t it,” Lord Hughes says. […] “But anyway the suggestion that she had been sprayed in the restaurant didn’t fit with your investigations?

“No, sir,” Asman replies.

And that’s where the inquiry’s interest in Yulia’s responses to Cockroft’s questions ends. The idea that she and her father could have been sprayed with a substance in Zizzi’s restaurant — potentially minutes before they sat on the bench where they were found — was dismissed, apparently without further investigation.

The “blink interview” was all simply the result of drug-induced confusion on Yulia’s part as far as the inquiry was concerned.

In her closing statements on Day 24, Lisa Giovannetti — the barrister for the police who, as we have seen, took a very superficial approach to the evidence when it came to the amount of liquid in the bottle found in Amesbury — made this argument explicitly.

“We say that you can place no real weight on the blink interview conducted with Yulia Skripal by Dr Cockroft, in which she is reported to indicate that she thought she had been sprayed in Zizzi’s,” Giovannetti told Lord Hughes. “If you’re satisfied on that, I won’t develop that point any further, but we say it’s inconsistent with the accounts she gave subsequently when she wasn’t under the influence of medication.”

“I say no more about it at the moment, Ms Giovannetti, but you need not push at that door,” Lord Hughes replies.

The inquiry’s dismissal of Yulia’s blink testimony is particularly striking given its ready acceptance of Charlie Rowley’s contradictory accounts, despite his admitted alcoholism and drug use affecting his memory.

While Yulia’s responses during her brief emergence from sedation were deemed too unreliable to consider seriously — even though the police had initially hypothesised that the Skripals had been poisoned in the restaurant “given the timings” (Day 15, p46) — Rowley’s frequently changing story about finding the bottle that allegedly killed Dawn was treated by inquiry as fundamentally credible.

To recap briefly on this critical testimony, upon which this narrative largely depends: Rowley variously claimed he couldn’t remember finding the bottle at all, that he found it in Salisbury, and that he picked it up off the street on his way to a chemist in Amesbury when he went there to collect his Methadone prescription (Day 22, p51). He also said at one point that he did not recognise the packaging of the bottle when it was shown to him (statement of Detective Chief Inspector Philip Murphy, paragraph 111).

Rowley later “became confident that he had found it shortly before he gave it to Dawn” in a bin (Day 1, p69), but this was dismissed by Cmdr Murphy of the Metropolitan Police Counter-Terrorism Command during his testimony to the inquiry because “the bins were emptied on a regular basis in that area”, (Day 22, p164) and therefore the bottle could not have remained where the two Russian secret agents allegedly dumped it for almost four months before Rowley supposedly found it.

The inquiry ultimately appeared to accept Cmdr Murphy’s “assessment … that Charlie Rowley was likely bin dipping on that day [4 March 2018, the day of the alleged novichok attack] and has recovered it on that day” (Day 22, p142) — an assessment seemingly based largely on the fact that there was CCTV footage of Rowley in the general vicinity of the Brown Street car park bins holding a black bin liner that afternoon. (Day 22, p135).

The Brown Street car park bins, we will recall, are the bins where O’Connor, the lead counsel to the inquiry, speculated as a “factual possibility” that the two Russian secret agents might have dumped their assassination weapon after going into the public toilets at Queen Elizabeth Gardens in order to take it apart and use their portable heat sealer to wrap it up in thick plastic — for a reason O’Connor didn’t speculate about.

If Rowley did find the bottle “minutes after” it was dumped, as Stephen Morris reported for The Guardian, this would mean he must have then held on to the bottle without attempting to sell it or giving it to Dawn for almost four months — something even Adam Straw, one of the barristers representing the Sturgess family, found hard to believe (Day 24, p29).

It seems to the family most unlikely that having intentionally picked up the box Charlie would then not either have given it to Dawn or tried to sell it for nearly four months,” Straw said. “He must have been aware of it during that period, not least because he moved property on 18 May 2018. Dawn’s birthday was 18 June which was an obvious moment to give it to her as a present.”

Despite these contradictions, the inquiry accepted Rowley’s testimony as the foundation of the case that connected Dawn’s death to the Skripal incident, despite his poor memory of the events, conflicting accounts, and well-documented and admitted drug abuse issues.

Yulia’s responses by contrast were dismissed as drug-induced confusion.

If all this seems like weak or circumstantial evidence, there’s more to come.

Point 8. The hotel room novichok that disappeared

The two Russian secret agents who allegedly contaminated Sergei Skripal’s front door handle with novichok on Sunday 4 March 2018 apparently travelled from Moscow to London to Salisbury to do so.

They stayed on the Friday and Saturday nights at a budget hotel in the Tower Hamlets area of London called the City Stay, and made the journey from London to Salisbury and back twice — on both the Saturday and the Sunday — flying out of the UK from London Heathrow back to Moscow on Sunday evening.

Although one might perhaps expect secret agents on an assassination mission — allegedly ordered by the president of Russia personally — to practise a little more operational security than using well-known travel booking websites to arrange their accommodation, it seems they booked the hotel through booking.com. Not only this, but it appears the City Stay hotel was a favourite of theirs, as they had stayed there at least once before on a previous visit to the UK in 2016, using the same — apparently false — names that they used in March 2018.

Cmdr Murphy told the inquiry (Day 20, p134) that the secret agents had previously stayed at the City Stay for five nights in December 2016, having travelled to London from Paris using the Eurostar train — and that this kind of movement, travelling indirectly from Russia via an intermediate country, was not unusual for them.

“This is a common pattern for [the two secret agents] when they fly into one place,” Murphy said. “So [in 2016] they … travelled from Paris to London in order to get to the UK … and stay at City Stay.”

The journeys that the secret agents had made around Europe in the past were revealed by their visa applications, which the police were able to obtain. Their phone numbers were also obtained by the police from these visa applications, as well as from a reservation that one of them had made through booking.com in late 2017 for a hotel in Geneva (see p11 of the police document here).

Their movements around London and Salisbury were supposedly traced by data from their mobile phones, which the secret agents apparently did not change for their mission to the UK in March 2018.

For their alleged assassination mission to Salisbury, the secret agents flew into London directly from Moscow and flew directly back again, without travelling via an intermediate destination. Their mobile phone data suggested that they made their journeys to and from the City Stay hotel by public transport — railway and the London Underground.

After the secret agents had returned to Russia, the police in the UK made a major breakthrough in their investigation into the Salisbury events when they discovered traces of novichok in the room of the City Stay hotel where the secret agents had stayed.

Murphy emphasised the significance of this discovery to the inquiry on Day 19 (p187) — a discovery that was communicated to him by ‘MK26’, the lead DSTL scientific advisor to the police investigations into the Salisbury and Amesbury poisonings.

“MK26 had supported the process of examining the room throughout,” Murphy said. “They informed me that of the 30 swabs taken, two… had returned a positive for Novichok. One was on the window latch and one was on the sink in the hotel room and that was clearly a very significant development… because it demonstrated that [the Russian secret agents] had been in a hotel room where we were now finding Novichok.”

“At this point … we didn’t yet have a recovered device that contained Novichok or anything else, so I was unable to link [the Russian secret agents] specifically to an amount of Novichok or a device of any kind,” Murphy continued. “This took us substantially further in demonstrating that a hotel room well away from Salisbury, in London [was] directly connected to our individuals … [because there was] a room in which they stayed [where] we were now finding contamination of Novichok.”

Murphy told the inquiry that the discovery was also significant for the police because it informed the Crown Prosecution Service’s decision to charge the two Russian secret agents with the attempted murder of Sergei and Yulia Skripal, as well as the policeman Nick Bailey.

“[The discovery] was a factor … in our engagement with the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS),” Murphy said (Day 19, p193). “So when considering charges we were very open and transparent about MK26’s results to ensure that the CPS were making an appropriately informed decision about charging decisions, where clearly Novichok in a hotel room where our two suspects had stayed was a very significant development.”

Giovannetti, the barrister representing the police, also highlighted the presence of novichok in the hotel room where the two Russian secret agents had stayed as a significant factor during her closing remarks.

“The presence of Novichok at the City Stay Hotel demonstrates that [the Russian secret agents] had the means to commit the attack,” she told Lord Hughes (Day 24, p95). “MK26 was a careful and obviously expert witness whose evidence we submit you can accept in full … [the secret agents] must have had the Novichok used in the attack on the Skripals with them in … the City Stay Hotel prior to the point that it was deployed.

“In short, before the attack they had possession of what was intended to be the murder weapon.”

There were, however, some remarkable details about this evidence that was apparently critical to the case against the two Russian secret agents.

The first fact to be understood is that the traces of novichok that the Russian secret agents supposedly left in the City Stay hotel were not discovered until two months after they had returned to Russia, during which time the room they had stayed in was of course used by a number of other guests.

Even after novichok was discovered in the hotel room, the police chose not to inform the owner of the hotel, who only became aware that his establishment had been contaminated with military grade nerve agent when this was announced to the public in September 2018.

This contrasts sharply with the way the authorities responded to other sites that they believed had been contaminated with novichok.

The Mill pub where Sergei and Yulia Skripal had had a drink was closed on 5 March, the day after their alleged poisoning, and remained closed for decontamination and refurbishment for more than a year.

Zizzi’s restaurant was ordered to close by the police on the same day and was closed for eight months.

Skripal’s house in Christie Miller Road had its roof timbers replaced in January 2019 and wasn’t declared decontaminated until March 2019.

The brand-new building in Amesbury where Charlie Rowley briefly lived and where he and Dawn collapsed was demolished in October 2020.

Murphy told the inquiry that when the public announcement was made that the hotel room in the City Stay hotel had been discovered to have been contaminated with novichok, he traced all the guests who had stayed there since the Russian secret agents left. It seems none had become ill while they were in the UK, and Murphy put “a plan in place” (Day 19, p189) whereby he could contact them in future if necessary — although how he would know when there might be any necessity from their point of view is not clear.

“That room had been in use since 4 March, so I did a lot of research into — I should say covert research nonetheless — into all those individuals that had stayed in that room in the intervening period,” Murphy said. “I then took some health and science advice to understand the implications for those individuals had the room potentially had higher levels of contamination… and was able to ascertain that those people were from all over the world.

“None — on the basis of what we could discover — had reported any illness at all before they left the country and so I was able to put a plan in place that meant that I could contact these individuals at some point in the future, explain their connection to the room and offer them the ability to access a doctor if necessary for some advice.

“Although none were ill [it] took a great deal of planning now to consider the health and safety implications for the public of a number of bookings in that room since [the two secret agents] left it [in March 2018] and our discovery in early May of Novichok.”

Perhaps Murphy and the police were less concerned about the novichok discovered at the City Stay hotel than they were about the contamination at places like The Mill pub or Zizzi’s restaurant because the levels of novichok found in the hotel room were apparently so low. Yet this same evidence — too insignificant to warrant warning hotel guests or decontaminating the room — was simultaneously significant enough to serve as a critical component in charging the Russian secret agents with attempted murder.

The traces of novichok that ‘MK26’ and DSTL Porton Down supposedly identified at the hotel were quite infinitesimally small — as they would have to be, for a nerve agent of such extraordinary toxicity to present no risk to the people who stayed in the room after the secret agents left.

The inquiry heard that if the traces of novichok had been any lower, the equipment used to detect it at DSTL Porton Down would not have been able to find it at all. ‘MK26’ reported this in one of their witness statements, and confirmed it in person when asked about it by O’Connor.

“The swab from the window latch and that taken from the bathroom sink were positive for the specific Novichok nerve agent at levels close to the limit of detection of the instruments used for the analysis,” ‘MK26’ stated (p20). “All other samples from the City Stay hotel were negative for the presence of the specific Novichok nerve agent.”

‘MK26’ is referring here to levels of nerve agent detected at a concentration of parts per billion, parts per trillion or even lower. This is because incredibly tiny amounts of a substance can be detected by modern mass spectrometry devices such as those that are available to the scientists at DSTL Porton Down. This means sub-microgram quantities of novichok — or nanogram levels — were allegedly discovered at the hotel, if they really were found at the limit of detection for such instruments of analysis.

Making a positive identification of a substance at such ultra-trace levels means rigorous validation is needed to ensure the results are accurate and false positives have not been created by environmental contamination, handling, preparation or other potential of sources of error. Minute amounts of background “noise”, such as cleaning chemicals for example, can potentially interfere with the results through what is called the matrix effect. In the case of the City Stay hotel, the room would have been cleaned multiple times by hotel staff before the swabs were taken.

This potential for error or cross-contamination emerged during the investigation when a “shaker” [a device in an isolated laboratory cabinet used to agitate samples as part of the extraction process] at DSTL Porton Down tested positive for trace levels of novichok — at similar levels to those allegedly found in the hotel room — while the samples were analysed.

Because the levels of contamination were similar, ‘MK26’ suggested that this was an anomalous result that didn’t invalidate the results from the hotel. MK26 suggested that the levels of novichok on the shaker should have been lower if they were the result of cross-contamination (Day 16, p162), and emphasised that the procedures and protocols at DSTL Porton Down to guard against cross-contamination were in any case extremely robust (Day 16, p73).

A second set of swabs was taken from the bathroom sink and the window latch in the room where the two secret agents had stayed, to establish if the results could be reproduced and confirmed. Reproducibility, of course, is a cornerstone of the scientific method, and confirmation is essential in forensic science if the evidence is to be admissible.

But this second set of samples came back negative.

‘MK26’ offered an explanation for this that was far from rigorous science, and could be described at best as a weak hypothesis. ‘MK26’ claimed that the first swabs had removed every trace of the evidence, effectively destroying it forever. Reproduction and confirmation of the result was therefore impossible.

“You describe in your statement that there was a second exercise, a repeat sampling of the room,” O’Connor says to ‘MK26’ (Day 16, p165). “Was that partly because of… concerns [that] had already arisen about possible cross contamination?

“It was to see whether or not we could find … further confirmatory samples,” ‘MK26’ replies. “The second sampling really focused on those areas where we had already found the positives, so we were just looking for further corroboration really and for completeness.”

“In fact, as you explain in your statement, the results of that second exercise were negative — were entirely negative — including from the window latch and bathroom sink areas that you had previously obtained the positive from,” O’Connor says. “Does that alter your assessment, your 95 per cent confidence about … the validity of those earlier readings?”

“No, it doesn’t change my assessment because the levels that we found on that first sampling visit were very low,” ‘MK26’ replies. “Therefore it is entirely conceivable that those areas that were contaminated, that contamination was removed in that first swabbing and if there was any at all that remained, it would have been below our limit of detection, and so we wouldn’t have found it.”

This critical evidence — the importance of which was emphasised by Cmdr Murphy in the context of the investigation and the charges made by the CPS, and by Giovannetti in showing that the secret agents had the means to make the attack on Sergei Skripal — appears to be a particle of nerve agent allegedly found at the concentration of one part per billion or less, by a laboratory that produced a false positive while looking for it, and which was so small the evidence was allegedly destroyed through testing.

It is no surprise that Giovannetti emphasised the expertise of ‘MK26’ and appealed to authority in her closing statements to Lord Hughes, saying he should accept the evidence of ‘MK26’ in full. The quality of the evidence in scientific terms was extremely poor, and its credibility depended heavily on the expert credentials of the witness presenting it.

But ‘MK26’ and DSTL Porton Down were to make even grander and more extraordinary claims to the inquiry on the basis of their expert credentials, with even less scientific grounds to support them.

Part 3: How Skripal trusted Putin, and the witnesses that didn’t appear

Tim Norman lives on the south coast of England and began his career in technology journalism in the 1990s writing about the then-emerging internet. He has worked in editorial production roles for local, national and international media and on daily, weekly and monthly publications. A member of the NUJ, he was Father of the Chapel at The Argus in Brighton when the newspaper went on strike in 2011.

April 7, 2025 Posted by | Deception, False Flag Terrorism, Russophobia, Timeless or most popular | | Leave a comment

Ideological Fundamentalism in International Politics

Glenn Diesen | April 6, 2025

April 6, 2025 Posted by | Mainstream Media, Warmongering, Militarism, Timeless or most popular, Video | Leave a comment

How Big Pharma Weaves Its Web

By Kim Witczak | Brownstone Institute | April 5, 2025

Inever set out to be an advocate. I wasn’t a doctor, scientist, or policy expert. I was just a regular person who, like so many, blindly trusted that our healthcare system was designed to protect us.

But life has a way of pulling us into the arena when we least expect it.

After the tragic and unexpected loss of my husband Woody to the antidepressant Zoloft he was prescribed for insomnia, I was thrust into a world I never imagined—one where medicine wasn’t solely about healing, but deeply entangled in a system that prioritizes profit over safety, buries harms, and keeps the public in the dark.

For over two decades, I’ve had a front-row seat to how this system truly operates—not the illusion of rigorous oversight we see in medical journals or glossy pharmaceutical ads, but the reality of how industry influence is woven into every stage.

I’ve met with regulators, testified before the FDA and Congress, filed a wrongful death and failure-to-warn lawsuit against Pfizer, and earned a seat on the FDA’s Psychopharmacologic Drugs Advisory Committee as a consumer representative.

I’ve also spoken at and participated in global conferences like Selling SicknessToo Much Medicine, and the Harms in Medicine meeting in Erice, Italy—where some of the world’s leading experts acknowledge what few in mainstream medicine dare to say:

Our healthcare system isn’t about health—it’s about business.

And in this business, harm isn’t an accident. It’s built into the system.

The more I uncovered, the more I realized:

We aren’t just patients. We are customers.

And we are all trapped in Big Pharma’s spiderweb of influence.

The Spiderweb of Influence

The more I learned, the more I saw just how deeply embedded the pharmaceutical industry is—not just in drug development and marketing but in every corner of our healthcare system.

That’s why I created the Big Pharma Spider Web of Influence—to visually map out how the system is designed not to prioritize health but to sell sickness while minimizing, downplaying, or outright hiding harms.

From clinical trial design to regulatory approval, from direct-to-consumer advertising to medical education, from controlling medical journals to silencing dissenting voices, the industry has built an intricate and self-reinforcing web—one that traps doctors, patients, and even regulators in a cycle of pharmaceutical dependence.

How the Web Works

  • Clinical trials are often designed, funded, and controlled by the very companies that stand to profit. They manipulate data to exaggerate benefits and obscure risks, ensuring that negative results are buried, spun, or never published at all.
  • Regulatory agencies like the FDA are deeply entangled with the industry they’re supposed to oversee. More than 50% of the FDA’s budget comes from industry-paid user fees, and a revolving door ensures that many key decision-makers come from—and later return to—pharmaceutical companies.
  • Medical journals depend on pharmaceutical funding through advertising, reprint sales, and industry-sponsored studies—severely limiting independent scrutiny of drug safety. Many studies are ghostwritten or crafted by paid “key opinion leaders” (KOLs) who serve as pharma’s trusted messengers.
  • Doctors receive education through industry-funded programs, learning “best practices” based on treatment guidelines crafted by the very system that profits from overprescription.
  • Patient advocacy groups, once independent grassroots organizations, have been co-opted by industry money, ensuring that the loudest voices often serve pharma’s interests rather than patients’ needs. I call them “astroturf” patient groups—they look like real grassroots organizations, but they’re anything but.
  • Screenings and guidelines continuously expand the definitions of disease, turning more people into lifelong customers.

This isn’t about one bad actor or isolated corruption—it’s a systemic issue. The entire structure is designed to push more drugs onto the market, medicalize normal human experiences, and only acknowledge harm when it becomes too big to ignore.

It’s a brilliant business model—but a catastrophic public health strategy.

“To Sell to Everyone:” The Business Model of Medicine

If this sounds like a conspiracy, consider the bold admission made by Henry Gadsden, former CEO of Merck, in a 1976 interview with Fortune Magazine:

“The problem we have had is limiting the potential of drugs to sick people. We could be more like Wrigley’s Gum…it has long been my dream to make drugs for healthy people. To sell to everyone.”

– Former Merck CEO Henry Gadsden

Let that sink in.

This wasn’t about curing disease—it was about expanding markets. Gadsden’s vision wasn’t just to treat illness, but to medicalize everyday life—creating a cradle-to-grave model where every person, healthy or sick, became a customer for life. Just like selling a variety of gum—something for everyone. Juicy Fruit, Big Red, Doublemint, Spearmint, and so on.

And that’s exactly what happened.

Today, we live in a system where:

  • Everyday emotions—sadness, worry, shyness—are rebranded as medical conditions requiring treatment.
  • Preventive medicine often means lifelong prescriptions, not lifestyle changes.
  • Drugs are marketed to the “worried well”, turning normal human experiences into diagnoses.

This isn’t just theory—it’s well documented. In Selling Sickness: How the World’s Biggest Pharmaceutical Companies Are Turning Us All into Patients, Ray Moynihan and Alan Cassels expose how pharmaceutical companies create diseases, expand diagnostic criteria, and convince the public that normal life experiences require medical intervention.

The goal?

Make medication the default—not the last resort.

Harms Are Always an Afterthought

Harms from medication are not rare, nor are they unexpected.

But in this system, they are treated as acceptable collateral damage—something to be dealt with only after the damage is done, after lives are lost or forever changed.

I’ve sat in FDA Advisory Committee meetings, reviewing new drug applications, and have seen firsthand how safety concerns are often dismissed in favor of “innovation” or “unmet medical need.”

I’ve heard industry representatives and advisory committee members argue that safety signals can be addressed post-market, meaning after a drug is already in circulation and causing harm or a required REMS (Risk Evaluation and Mitigation Strategies) program upon approval.

But by the time post-market safety issues are acknowledged, it’s often too late.

We’ve seen this play out over and over:

  • Opioids—marketed as “non-addictive” and pushed aggressively onto patients, leading to an epidemic of addiction and death.
  • SSRIs and antidepressants—long linked to increased risks of suicide and violence, particularly in young people, yet downplayed or dismissed for decades. Other hidden harms include withdrawal syndromes and Post-SSRI Sexual Dysfunction (PSSD), conditions that many patients were never warned about.
  • Antipsychotics—widely prescribed for off-label use, leading to severe metabolic and neurological side effects.
  • Covid-19 vaccines—an experimental mRNA platform rushed to market, mandated, and imposed on society despite limited long-term safety data and growing concerns over harms.

Every time, the pattern is the same:

The industry sells the benefits while downplaying the risks—until those risks become too big to ignore.

By then, the drug is a blockbuster, billions have been made, and the system moves on to the next new “breakthrough.”

More Than Degrees: The Truth of Lived Experience

One of the biggest lessons I’ve learned in this fight is that real-world experience matters just as much as credentials.

Over the years, I’ve been invited to speak at medical schools, PhD programs, and universities, thanks to brave academics willing to challenge the narrative. I share my journey as an accidental advocate—someone who didn’t have a medical degree but discovered America’s broken drug system the hard way.

But let’s be honest—the medical world is driven by credentials. Or, as I like to say, the alphabet soup.

At conferences, attendees wear name tags listing their titles—MD, PhD, JD, MPH. It’s a quick way to size someone up, to assess credibility before even speaking. And I’ve seen it happen: people glance at my name tag, see no impressive letters after my name, and walk right by.

Years ago, I was speaking at the Preventing Overdiagnosis Conference and noticed my badge read: Kim Witczak, BA.

I was horrified. Was that really necessary? Did my name tag need to remind everyone that I only had a BA?

Later, I was telling the story to a doctor friend, and he laughed.

“Next time, tell them BA stands for Bad Ass.”

And he was right.

Because real expertise doesn’t always come from an advanced degree—it comes from lived experience, from asking the right questions, from refusing to accept the status quo.

The Counterargument: But Don’t We Need Experts?

Of course, some will argue that only experts with MDs and PhDs should be trusted to shape healthcare policy.

But that assumes that the system they operate in is free from bias, conflicts of interest, or financial incentives.

The reality is that many of those with the most letters after their names are also the ones benefiting from pharma funding—whether through consulting fees, research grants, or advisory roles.

Meanwhile, patients and their families—the ones living with the consequences—are too often ignored.

That needs to change.

Asking Better Questions: Reclaiming Our Power

If there’s one thing I’ve learned on this journey, it’s this: no one is coming to save us. The institutions meant to protect us are too entangled in the web to act with true independence.

My late husband, Woody, used to say: “Follow the money.” And when you do, the truth becomes impossible to ignore. Pharmaceutical profits—not patient well-being—drive the system. That’s why the only way to create real change is through awareness, transparency, and fundamentally shifting how we think about medicine and health.

That starts with asking better questions:

  • Who funded this research?
  • Does this person or institution have financial ties, intellectual bias, or self-interest that could impact their recommendations?
  • Who benefits from this treatment?
  • What aren’t we being told?
  • What are the long-term consequences of this drug or intervention?
  • Are there safer, non-drug alternatives being ignored because they aren’t profitable?

But asking the right questions isn’t enough.

We have to stop outsourcing our health to a system built on financial incentives and guided by corporate interests.

We must demand full transparency, challenge the status quo, and recognize that sometimes the best medicine isn’t a pill but a deeper understanding of what our bodies truly need.

Because once you see the web, you can’t unsee it.

And once you recognize how deeply medicine has been shaped by profit, you’ll realize the most important question isn’t just “What can I take?”—it’s “Who benefits if I do?”

Final Thoughts: Tearing Down the Web

I never wanted to be in this fight, but once you see the web, you can’t unsee it. That’s why I continue to speak out, to challenge the system, and to push for real accountability.

Because the stakes aren’t theoretical. They’re deeply personal.

For me, this fight began over two decades ago with Woody. But for countless others, it begins the moment they or someone they love is caught in the web—trusting a system that was never truly designed to protect them.

It’s time to tear down the web.

And it starts with seeing it for what it really is.

April 5, 2025 Posted by | Corruption, Deception, Science and Pseudo-Science, Timeless or most popular | | Leave a comment