Aletho News

ΑΛΗΘΩΣ

Victor Davis Hanson Exposed

The Voice of Zionist and Israeli Propaganda in America

By Jonas E. Alexis • Unz Review • October 15, 2025

Victor Davis Hanson is a military historian and classicist, best known for works such as A War Like No Other: How the Athenians and Spartans Fought the Peloponnesian War, Carnage and Culture: Landmark Battles in the Rise to Western Power, and Who Killed Homer: The Demise of Classical Education and the Recovery of Greek Wisdom.

To be fair, these works are not without merit; Who Killed Homer in particular occupies an important place in the ongoing academic debate over the teaching of the classics. However, Hanson’s analysis collapses entirely when it comes to U.S. foreign policy and the nation’s involvement in perpetual wars across the Middle East and beyond. In The Savior Generals, for instance, he devotes an entire chapter to praising the catastrophic invasion of Iraq in 2003—a debacle that left the region in ruins.[1]

In an apparent attempt to rescue both himself and the neoconservative movement from intellectual and political oblivion, Hanson drew an extraordinary comparison between the Iraq War and the wars of 1777, 1941, and 1950. He went so far as to claim that these conflicts “led to massive American casualties and, for a time, public despair.”[2]

Not once did Hanson acknowledge the incontrovertible fact that the Iraq War was built upon a monumental deception. He never confronted the well-documented reality that the U.S. intelligence community explicitly informed the Bush administration that there was no credible evidence indicating that Saddam Hussein possessed weapons of mass destruction. Nor did he address the fact that President Bush and his inner circle deliberately sought to fabricate and manipulate evidence in order to inundate the American public with the categorical falsehood that Saddam had to be removed.[3]

Hanson made no attempt whatsoever to engage with the vast body of scholarly evidence surrounding these issues.[4] He remained silent on the atrocities committed at Abu Ghraib—the sodomy, humiliation, and torture that forever stained America’s moral standing.[5] Not once did he acknowledge that, prior to the Iraq War, practices such as waterboarding were virtually foreign to the American moral and legal tradition. Nor did he mention that George Washington himself unequivocally repudiated the use of torture, even against enemies who had shown no mercy.[6]

By now, it is a matter of public record that torture at Abu Ghraib was not an isolated incident but a systematic practice. Reports and testimonies confirmed that prisoners were routinely subjected to brutal physical and sexual abuse, including coerced acts of humiliation and violence that defied every principle of human dignity. Even young detainees were not spared such degradation. Official investigations and leaked photographs later revealed the extent of these atrocities, which stand as a permanent indictment of the moral collapse that accompanied the Iraq War. One prisoner testified that he saw one officer

“fucking a kid, his age would be about 15-18 years. The kid was hurting very bad and they covered all the doors with sheets. Then when I heard the screaming I climbed the door because on top it wasn’t covered and I saw [name blacked out], who was wearing the military uniform putting his dick in the little kid’s ass. I couldn’t see the face of the kid because his face wasn’t in front of the door. And the female soldier was taking pictures.”[7]

What’s more even interesting, “150 inmates were crammed into cells designed for 24.”[8] Abu Ghraib, as one writer put it, was “a hell-hole.”[9] Torture was also routine in Afghanistan, where adolescents were beaten with hoses “and pipes and threats of sodomy.”[10] These atrocities were not committed in obscurity. Cambridge University Press has published extensive documentation of such abuses in a volume exceeding 1,200 pages, detailing the systematic nature of the torture and its moral, political, and legal implications.[11] These atrocities were also corroborated by psychiatrists such as Terry Kupers, whose professional assessments provided further evidence of the profound psychological trauma inflicted on the victims and the moral disintegration of those who carried out the abuse.[12]

For Hanson to attempt to wiggle out of this extensive body of scholarship is nothing short of intellectual dishonesty. Since the Iraq War turned out to be an unmitigated disaster—and given that Hanson supported it from its inception[13]—he is now compelled to construct arguments that are at once incoherent and irresponsibly tendentious. This rhetorical contortion serves a dual purpose: to preserve his Neoconservative equilibrium and to justify his well-funded position as a military historian at the Hoover Institution, an establishment known for its distinctly neoconservative orientation.

More importantly, Victor Davis Hanson is a Neocon ideologue and an unapologetic warmonger. He declared without hesitation:

“I came to support neocon approaches first in the wars against the Taliban and Saddam, largely because I saw little alternative—in a post-9-11 effort to stop radical Islam and state sponsors of terror—to removing such odious enemies, and did not think leaving the defeated in power (as in 1991), or leaving in defeat (as in Lebanon), or installing a postbellum strongman was viable or in U.S. interests.”[14]

Hanson, it seems, would prefer deliberate falsehoods over confronting uncomfortable truths. The war in Iraq was never about weapons of mass destruction, precisely because the Neocons themselves were fully aware that Saddam Hussein possessed no weapons of mass destruction.

For example, when Deputy National Security Advisor Stephen Hadley informed Paul Wolfowitz that there was no evidence of a link between Al Qaeda and Saddam Hussein, Wolfowitz responded with certainty, “We’ll find it. It’s got to be there”[15]—effectively signaling that if no such connection existed, they would fabricate one. Ultimately, the Neoconservatives did precisely that, constructing deliberate falsehoods to justify the destruction of an entire nation—Iraq—for the strategic benefit of Israel.

What we are witnessing is an alarming intellectual decline on Hanson’s part. He effectively lost credibility as a serious analyst when he claimed that Iran intended to promote a Jewish Holocaust, despite the fact that Iranian Jews themselves widely denounced Netanyahu for perpetuating similarly alarmist and conspiratorial rhetoric, calling him an “insane vampire.”.[16] And what of Jimmy Carter? Hanson contends that Carter’s positions were effectively aligned with anti-Semitic sentiment.[17] Ignoring Israel’s ongoing ethnic cleansing of Palestinians in the 1940s and beyond, Hanson begins to reconstruct history according to his own narrative: “[Israel] fought three existential wars over its 1947 borders, when the issue at hand was not manifest destiny, but the efforts of its many enemies to exterminate or deport its population.”[18]

Sounding almost unhinged and unwilling to heed reasoned critique, Hanson asserts that, for more than half a century, the Arabs have sought to push “the Jews into the Mediterranean.” There is no serious scholarship, no intellectual or historical rigor, and no defensible argument—only one sweeping assertion after another. Hanson continues: “Over 500,000 Jews have been ethnically cleansed from Arab capitals since 1947, in waves of pogroms that come every few decades.”[19]

The source and historical evidence? According to Hanson, one simply has to take his word for it. His statement is self-referentially “true” because Hanson asserts it to be so. This is the same type of circular reasoning and tautology frequently encountered in so-called scientific discourse—most famously in the notion of “survival of the fittest.” Why did it survive? Because it is the fittest. How do we know it is the fittest? Because it survived.

Yet, long before Hanson began promoting his version of historical fiction, Jewish historians both in the Atlantic world and in Israel had documented a very different reality: Israel has systematically ethnically cleansed the Palestinian population.[20] Listen again to Israeli historian and flaming Zionist Benny Morris:

“A Jewish state would not have come into being without the uprooting of 700,000 Palestinians. Therefore it was necessary to uproot them. There was no choice but to expel that population. It was necessary to cleanse the hinterland and cleanse the border areas and cleanse the main roads. It was necessary to cleanse the villages from which our convoys and our settlements were fired on.”[21]

Israel has consistently undermined peace and stability in the Middle East. A striking example is the 1982 massacre, during which the Israeli military permitted Lebanese militias to attack Palestinian refugee populations. Reports indicate that the militias “raped, killed, and dismembered at least 800 civilians, while Israeli flares illuminated the camps’ narrow and darkened alleyways.”[22]

One year later, an Israeli investigative commission concluded that Israel was “indirectly responsible” for the massacre and that Ariel Sharon bore personal responsibility as an accomplice.[23]

 How did Israeli officials involve the United States in these events? According to declassified documents housed in the Israel State Archives, they persuaded U.S. officials that Beirut harbored terrorist cells. Ultimately, this manipulation facilitated the massacre of Palestinian civilians—people whom the U.S. had previously pledged to protect.[24] Ariel Sharon asserted that Beirut harbored between 2,000 and 3,000 terrorists.

The American envoy to the Middle East, Morris Draper, essentially concluded that Sharon was being dishonest. Lawrence S. Eagleburger, then Secretary of State, remarked that “we appear to some to be the victim of deliberate deception by Israel.”[25]

During his conversation with Sharon, Draper understood that the United States did not fully endorse Sharon’s aggressive plans. Nevertheless, Sharon proceeded to act on his own terms. It was reported that Draper told Sharon, “You should be ashamed. The situation is absolutely appalling. They’re killing children! You have the field completely under your control and are therefore responsible for that area.”[26]

In the aftermath of the massacre, President Ronald Reagan, himself a Zionist, expressed outrage. Secretary of State George P. Shultz acknowledged that the United States had effectively become an accomplice, allowing Israel to manipulate U.S. policy to facilitate the slaughter of civilians. Yet no sanctions were imposed, and no concrete actions were taken. When asked why, Nicholas A. Veliotes, then Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs, offered an indirect explanation: “Vintage Sharon. It is his way or the highway.”[27] Scholar Seth Anziska declares, “The Sabra and Shatila massacre severely undercut America’s influence in the Middle East, and its moral authority plummeted.”[28]

How might Hanson respond? Would he dismiss the archival evidence meticulously documented by Morris Draper and Ilan Pappe in their respective studies? Would he evade the fact that Israel has often acted as a destabilizing force in the Middle East? The answer is likely that we will never know, because Hanson systematically avoids engaging with such historical scholarship. Instead, he prefers silence, selectively ignoring a substantial body of evidence that contradicts his narrative.

If you still doubt this, pick up Hanson’s recent book, The End of Everything. In it, he reads as if he’s on the verge of a heart attack at the mere thought of Iran possessing nuclear weapons. He writes:

“The specter of a soon to be nuclear theocratic Iran that professes it can survive a nuclear exchange, or at least find the ensuing postmortem paradise preferrable to the status quo ante bellum, ensures a dangerous state of affairs, especially amid recent proxy wars between Iran and nuclear Israel in Gaza, Lebanon, and Syria.”[29]

What Hanson never dares to tell his readers is that Iran has signed the Non-Proliferation Treaty, whereas Israel has not—and consistently insists on a double standard. Israel itself poses a global threat, declaring that if it falls, it will take the world down with it. Listen to Israeli historian Martin van Creveld’s chilling warning:

“We possess several hundred atomic warheads and rockets and can launch them at targets in all directions, perhaps even at Rome. Most European capitals are targets for our air force… We have the capability to take the world down with us. And I can assure you that that will happen before Israel goes under.”[30]

Shouldn’t Hanson be concerned about this? Or is he so dazzled by Israeli and neocon propaganda that he cannot think clearly, leaving him both intellectually and historically crippled? Like his fellow neocons, Hanson will never consult objective, scholarly materials that challenge his thesis on Iran and Israel. For instance, he won’t touch Trita Parsi’s trilogy on Iran, published by Yale University Press, nor will he engage with studies such as Intelligence and U.S. Foreign Policy: Iraq, 9/11, and Misguided Reform—apparently because doing so would undermine his neoconservative agenda.[31]

Hanson’s 2021 book, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America, is nothing short of propaganda. Why? Because a look at the very foundations of the United States reveals that the Founding Fathers themselves rejected the notion of making unconditional alliances with any foreign power—let alone Israel. So how did Hanson and his neocon allies become defenders of a country that has brought nothing but misery to the United States? The term “progressive elites” might be more aptly applied to Hanson and his cohort, as they have sought to fundamentally alter the principles articulated by the Founding Fathers.

In The Dying Citizen, Hanson risibly declares that he is deeply concerned about “how putting global concerns above national interests insidiously erodes the financial health, freedoms, and safety of Americans. In blunter terms, when American elites feel their first concerns are with the world community abroad rather than with the interests of their own countrymen, there are consequences for American citizens.”[32] Does this man ever look in the mirror and realize that he too has contributed to the economic disaster that followed the Iraq War—a war that will cost the United States at least six trillion dollars?[33] Think for a moment: what could a single country do with such an enormous sum? Virtually every American could have access to decent health care and an affordable college education. Yet Hanson cannot confront these fundamental issues because he remains blinded by the neoconservative and Israeli agenda.

Hanson reminds me of Thomas Sowell, who has offered many valuable insights in his books, yet Sowell too seems intellectually constrained by the Israeli propaganda machine. Much of what Sowell has written over the years—including Education: Assumptions versus History and Affirmative Action: An Empirical Study—is accurate. I must admit, I had to do some serious rethinking when I first read his assessment of slavery.

But Sowell is completely mistaken in his stance on the Middle East. He is essentially echoing what neocons have been asserting for years and appears trapped within the neoconservative worldview. In his 2010 book Dismantling America, Sowell declares:

“With Iran moving toward the development of nuclear weapons, we are getting dangerously close to that fatal point of no return on the world stage… The Iranian government itself is giving us the clearest evidence of what a nuclear Iran would mean, with its fanatical hate-filled declarations about wanting to wipe Israel off the face of the earth.”[34]

What was particularly striking about this extraordinary claim is that Sowell provided not a single piece of evidence for it—an intellectually embarrassing omission that undermines much of his own work. When I finished reading The Vision of the Anointed, I contacted Sowell to express my appreciation for his work, to which he politely replied, “Thank you.” However, after reading Dismantling America and asking him for evidence supporting some of his assertions, he never responded. He continues to warn about “the fatal danger of a nuclear Iran,” yet there is no way to assess these authoritative—and indeed dogmatic—claims because Sowell offers not a shred of evidence.

Sowell serves the neocons and warmongers in the United States in a manner similar to what Charles Murray does for neocon think tanks like the American Enterprise Institute. After supporting the invasion of Iraq for years and writing positively about progress there in works such as Intellectuals and Society,[35] Sowell later wrote in 2015: “Whether it was a mistake to invade Iraq in the first place is something that will no doubt be debated by historians and others for years to come.”[36] Sowell then advanced a claim that directly contradicts all available evidence regarding the Iraq War:

“But, despite things that could have been done differently in Iraq during the Bush administration, in the end President Bush listened to his generals and launched the military ‘surge’ that crushed the terrorist insurgents and made Iraq a viable country.”[37]

Iraq is a “viable country”? Sowell echoes the same tired mantra in Intellectuals and Society, insisting that the “Iraq surge” was a success—even in the face of abundant evidence proving otherwise. He writes: “Eventually, claims that the surge had failed as predicted faded away amid increasingly undeniable evidence that it had succeeded.”[38] Where has this man been living for the past ten years? One would have to be morally and intellectually blind to come up with such nonsense. Consider the perspective of retired U.S. Army Armor Branch officer and military historian Andrew J. Bacevich:

“Apart from a handful of deluded neoconservatives, no one believes that the United States accomplished its objectives in Iraq, unless the main objective was to commit mayhem, apply a tourniquet to staunch the bleeding, and then declare the patient stable while hastily leaving the scene of the crime… The fighting in Afghanistan and Iraq has exacted a huge price from the U.S. military—especially the army and the Marines. More than 6,700 soldiers have been killed so far in those two conflicts, and over fifty thousand have been wounded in action, about 22 percent with traumatic brain injuries. Furthermore, as always happens in war, many of the combatants are psychological casualties, as they return home with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) or depression.

“The Department of Veterans Affairs reported in the fall of 2012 that more than 247,000 veterans of the Afghanistan and Iraq wars have been diagnosed with PTSD. Many of those soldiers have served multiple combat tours. It is hardly surprising that the suicide rate in the U.S. military increased by 80 percent from 2002 to 2009, while the civilian rate increased only 15 percent. And in 2009, veterans of Iraq were twice as likely to be unemployed as the typical American. On top of all that, returning war veterans are roughly four times more likely to face family-related problems like divorce, domestic violence and child abuse than those who stayed out of harm’s way.

“In 2011, the year the Iraq War ended, one out of every five active duty soldiers was on antidepressants, sedatives, or other prescription drugs. The incidence of spousal abuse spiked, as did the divorce rate among military couples. Debilitating combat stress reached epidemic proportions. So did brain injuries. Soldier suicides skyrocketed.”[39]

As Dismantling America progresses, it becomes clear that Sowell is entirely ensnared in the neoconservative matrix. He asserts, “Iran, for example, has for years ignored repeated U.N. resolutions and warnings against building nuclear facilities that can produce bombs.”[40] In 2012, Sowell wrote in the National Review that Iran was “well on its way to being able to produce more than the two bombs that were enough to force Japan to surrender in 1945.”[41]

This mantra has been repeated endlessly, yet no one has produced any scholarly or academic evidence to support it. In fact, the available scholarship directly refutes this frivolous claim. Paul R. Pillar, an academic and 28-year veteran of the CIA, has stated that Iran is not a threat to global peace. Remarkably, Pillar even made the controversial claim that we could coexist with Iran possessing nuclear weapons.[42] Sowell’s stance only confirms what Andrew J. Bacevich warned in 2012 in his article “How We Became Israel”:

“U.S. national-security policy increasingly conforms to patterns of behavior pioneered by the Jewish state. This ‘Israelification’ of U.S. policy may prove beneficial for Israel. Based on the available evidence, it’s not likely to be good for the United States.”[43]

Both Sowell and Hanson have, in effect, become ideological extensions of Israel—perpetuating hoaxes, fabrications, and at times outright falsehoods about the Israel–Palestine conflict and the broader Middle East. Consider Hanson’s statement that “the radical Iranian ayatollah Ali Khamenei could freely tweet about destroying Israel.”[44]

What have Iranian representatives actually been saying for more than fifty years? Khomeini once declared that “international Zionism is using the United States to plunder the oppressed people of the world.” To understand this statement properly, we must place it within its historical context. Khomeini coined the term “the Great Satan” in 1979 largely because he had witnessed firsthand what “international Zionism” and Western powers were doing throughout the Middle East and beyond. It’s important to remember that the Anglo-American coup in Iran in 1953 effectively vindicated much of Khomeini’s suspicion about foreign interference and exploitation.

“There is no crime America will not commit in order to maintain its political, economic, cultural, and military domination of those parts of the world where it predominates,” Khomeini said back in 1979. “By means of its hidden and treacherous agents [i.e., the Neoconservatives and other warmongers], it sucks the blood of the defenseless people as if it alone, together with its satellites, had the right to live in this world. Iran has tried to sever all its relations with this Great Satan and it is for this reason that it now finds wars imposed upon it.”[45]

Khomeini’s uncomfortable yet largely accurate observation remains relevant today. If anyone doubts this, they need only look at how Israel and the neocons in the United States have systematically contributed to the destruction of one Middle Eastern nation after another—from Iraq and Afghanistan to Syria and Libya. It must also be noted that these figures show little genuine concern for the well-being of the American people. Their priority has long been the pursuit of an aggressive foreign policy in the Middle East that consistently serves particular geopolitical interests rather than U.S. national ones. As my colleague Vladimir Golstein of Brown University once remarked, neoconservatives are incapable of understanding political reality.[46] In that sense, they cannot construct a coherent worldview without resorting to double standards. Scholar Michael MacDonald has documented this tendency in detail:

“As [the Neocons] were mocking Clinton in the late 1990s as cowardly for his caution in the face of Saddam’s brutality, central Africa was engulfed in war and chaos. Around 5,400,000 people, mostly in Congo, perished in the convulsions and the starvation and disease they caused from 1998 to 2003.

“Yet the Weekly Standard, a reliable guide to neoconservative priorities, published just two stories on Congo during these years. In the same time span it published 279 articles on Iraq. Neoconservatives were bent on projecting power in the Middle East, not on engaging in humanitarian do-goodism.”[47]

The fact that Khomeini emphasized “international Zionism” shows that his criticism was not directed at ordinary Americans—most of whom have little understanding of the geopolitical realities in the Middle East—but at the powerful political and ideological networks that have shaped U.S. policy there for decades. His warning pointed to the continuing suffering of Palestinians since 1948, a reality well documented by numerous human-rights organizations. If one prefers more recent examples, the wars and interventions in Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya, Pakistan, Yemen, and Syria provide ample evidence of how destructive these policies have been.

Hanson objects to Iran’s use of expressions such as “the Zionist regime,” suggesting that such terminology reflects an illegitimate or hostile stance that must be rejected. Yet, he never addresses how figures within the Israeli establishment—including certain rabbis and political leaders—have themselves described Palestinians and Arabs in dehumanizing terms. For example, Rabbi Yaacov Perrin once stated, “One million Arabs are not worth a Jewish fingernail,”[48] while MK Rabbi Eli Ben-Dahan referred to Palestinians as “beasts, not human.” Ben-Dahan further asserted that “a Jew always has a much higher soul than a gentile, even if he is a homosexual.”[49]

Were such remarks uttered by religious or political figures in a Muslim-majority country, they would undoubtedly provoke international outrage and intense media scrutiny. Yet when similar statements emanate from Israeli officials, they are largely ignored or downplayed by major Western outlets. This double standard raises important ethical and political questions. How can Middle Eastern nations be expected to engage in meaningful cooperation with Israel when the Israeli leadership and certain religious authorities display open contempt for the very people with whom they must coexist? More importantly, why do historians such as Hanson fail to meaningfully engage with these issues in any of their books? Listen to Hanson very carefully in his book Between War and Peace Lessons from Afghanistan to Iraq:

“Palestinians appeal to the American public on grounds that three or four times as many of their own citizens have died as Israelis. The crazy logic is that in war the side that suffers the most casualties is either in the right or at least should be the winner. Some Americans nursed on the popular ideology of equivalence find this attractive. But if so, they should then sympathize with Hitler, Tojo, Kim Il Sung, and Ho Chi Minh, who all lost more soldiers —and civilians—in their wars against us than we did. Perhaps a million Chinese were casualties in Korea, ten times the number of Americans killed, wounded, and missing. Are we, then, to forget that the Communists crossed the Yalu River to implement totalitarianism in the south—and instead agree that their catastrophic wartime sacrifices were proof of American culpability? Palestinians suffer more casualties than Israelis not because they wish to, or because they are somehow more moral —but because they are not as adept in fighting real soldiers in the fullfledged war that is growing out of their own intifada.We are told that Palestinian civilians who are killed by the Israeli Defense Forces are the moral equivalent of slaughtering Israeli civilians at schools, restaurants, and on buses. That should be a hard sell for Americans after September 11, who are currently bombing in Afghanistan to ensure that there are not more suicide murderers on our shores. This premise hinges upon the acceptance that the suicide bombers’ deliberate butchering of civilians is the same as the collateral damage that occurs when soldiers retaliate against other armed combatants.”[50]

It is important to note that Hanson, as a historian, makes these claims without citing a single serious scholarly source to substantiate them. A considerable body of balanced academic research exists that he appears to have disregarded, including works produced by Israeli and Zionist historians such as Benny Morris and others.[51] Morris declared unambiguously:

“A Jewish state would not have come into being without the uprooting of 700,000 Palestinians. Therefore it was necessary to uproot them. There was no choice but to expel that population. It was necessary to cleanse the hinterland and cleanse the border areas and cleanse the main roads. It was necessary to cleanse the villages from which our convoys and our settlements were fired on.”[52]

Does Hanson genuinely maintain that the Palestinians themselves are to blame for the process of ethnic cleansing carried out under the pretext of combating terrorism? Only an Israeli or Zionist ideologue could plausibly sustain the kind of argument that Hanson is advancing.

Moreover, people like Hanson would never have the intellectual courage to address the issue of Jewish terrorism,[53] as doing so would evidently undermine the foundations of their otherwise unsubstantiated arguments. Israel has even been implicated in acts of terrorism against the United States,[54] yet this remains of little concern to Neocon puppets such as Hanson, who continue to promote the view that support for Israel is necessary.[55]

Notes

[1] Victor Davis Hanson, The Savior Generals: How Five Great Commanders Saved Wars That Were Lost—From Ancient Greece to Iraq (New York: Bloomsbury Books, 2013), chapter 5.

[2] Victor Davis Hanson, The Father of Us All: War and History—Ancient and Modern (New York: Bloomsbury Books, 2010), 12.

[3] See for example Vincent Bugliosi, The Prosecution of George W. Bush for Murder (New York: Perseus Books, 2008).

[4] See for example Paul R. Pillar, Intelligence and U.S. Foreign Policy: Iraq, 9/11, and Misguided Reform (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011); Murray Friedman, The Neoconservative Revolution: Jewish Intellectuals and the Shaping of Public Policy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005); Stefan Halper and Jonathan Clarke, America Alone: The Neo-Conservatives and the Global Order (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004); Bob Drogin, Curveball: Spies, Lies, and the Con Man Who Caused a War (New York: Random House, 2007); John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt, The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy (New York: 2007). More scholarly studies have been published recently Stephen M. Walt, The Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy (New York: Farrar & Straus, 2007); More scholarly studies have been published recently: Michael MacDonald, Overreach: Delusion of Regime Change in Iraq (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2014); John M. Schuessler, Deceit on the Road to War: Presidents, Politics, and American Democracy (New York: Cornell University Press, 2015).

[5] See Karen J. Geenberg and Joshua L. Dratel, eds., The Torture Papers: The Road to Abu Ghraib (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004); Lila Rajiva, The Language of Empire: Abu Ghraib and the American Media (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2005); Alfred McCoy, A Question of Torture: CIA Interrogation, From the Cold War to the War on Terror (New York: Owl Books, 2006); Mark Danner, Torture and Truth: America, Abu Ghraib, and the War on Terror (New York: New York Review of Books, 2004); Dana Priest and Joe Stephens, “Secret World of U.S. Interrogation,” Washington Post, May 11, 2004; for similar reports, see Jane Mayer, “The Black Sites: A Rare Look inside the C.IA.’s Secret Interrogation Program,” New Yorker, August 13, 2007; Craig Whitlock, “Jordan’s Spy Agency: Holding Cell for the CIA,” Washington Post, December 1, 2007. Jane Mayer, The Dark Side: The Inside Story of How the War on Terror Turned into a War on American Ideals (New York: Anchor Books, 2009).

[6] David Hackett Fischer, Washington’s Crossing (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004).

[7] Cited in Mark Danner, Torture and Truth: America, Abu Ghraib, and the War on Terror (New York: New York Review of Books, 2004), 243.

[8] Susan Taylor Martin, “Her Job: Lock Up Iraq’s Bad Guys,” St. Petersburg Times, December 14, 2003.

[9] Alfred McCoy, A Question of Torture: CIA Interrogation, From the Cold War to the War on Terror (New York: Owl Books, 2006), 132.

[10] See for example Alissa J. Rubin, “Anti-Torture Efforts in Afghanistan Failed, U.N. Says,” NY Times, January 20, 2013.

[11] Karen J. Geenberg and Joshua L. Dratel, eds., The Torture Papers: The Road to Abu Ghraib (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004).

[12] See for example Lila Rajiva, The Language of Empire: Abu Ghraib and the American Media (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2005), 167.

[13] Victor Davis Hanson, “On Loathing Bush: It’s Not About What He Does,” National Review, August 13, 2004.

[14] Victor Davis Hanson, “Catching up With Correspondence,” PJ Media, June 20, 2008.

[15] Thomas E. Ricks, “Fear Factor,” NY Times, October 5, 2012.

[16] “Iran’s Jewish parliamentarian calls Netanyahu an ‘insane vampire’ over Persia comparison,” Jewish Telegraphic Agency, March 14, 2017.

[17] Victor Davis Hanson, “Israel Did It!: When in Doubt, Shout About Israel,” National Review, December 15, 2006.

[18] Victor Davis Hanson, “The New Anti-Semitism,” Hoover.org, March 28, 2012.

[19] Ibid.

[20] See for example Zeev Sternhell , The Founding Myths of Israel (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998); Ilan Pappe, The Forgotten Palestinians: A History of the Palestinians in Israel (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011); Benny Morris, The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee: Problem Revisited (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003); Ilan Pappe , The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (London: One World Publications, 2007). Benny Morris, 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008).

[21] Ari Shavit, “Survival of the Fittest? an Interview with Benny Morris,” Counterpunch, May 23, 2010.

[22] Seth Anziska, “A Preventable Massacre,” NY Times, September 16, 2012.

[23] Ibid.

[24] See “Declassified Documents Shed Light on a 1982 Massacre,” NY Times, September 16, 2012.

[25] Anziska, “A Preventable Massacre,” NY Times, September 16, 2012.

[26] Thomas E. Ricks, “Fear Factor,” NY Times, October 5, 2012.

[27] Anziska, “A Preventable Massacre,” NY Times, September 16, 2012.

[28] Ibid.

[29] Victor Davis Hanson, The End of Everything: How Wars Descend into Annihilation (New York: Basic Books, 2024), kindle edition.

[30] Quoted in “The War Game,” Guardian, September 21, 2003.

[31] Trita Parsi , Treacherous Alliance: The Secret Dealings of Israel, Iran, and the United States (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008); A Single Roll of the Dice: Obama’s Diplomacy with Iran (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2012); Losing an Enemy: Obama, Iran, and the Triumph of Diplomacy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2017); Paul R. Pillar, Intelligence and U.S. Foreign Policy: Iraq, 9/11, and Misguided Reform (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011); John J. Mearsheimer, Why Leaders Lie: The Truth About Lying in International Politics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011) .

[32] Victor Davis Hanson, The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America (New York: Basic Books, 2012), 269.

[33] Ernesto Londono, “Study: Iraq, Afghan war costs to top $4 trillion,” Washington Post, March 28, 2013; Bob Dreyfuss, The $6 Trillion Wars,” The Nation, March 29, 2013; “Iraq War Cost U.S. More Than $2 Trillion, Could Grow to $6 Trillion, Says Watson Institute Study,” Huffington Post, May 14, 2013; Mark Thompson, “The $5 Trillion War on Terror,” Time, June 29, 2011; “Iraq war cost: $6 trillion. What else could have been done?,” LA Times, March 18, 2013.

[34] Thomas Sowell, Dismantling America (New York: Basic Books, 2010), 48.

[35] Thomas Sowell, Intellectuals and Society (New York: Basic Books, 2009), chapter 7.

[36] Thomas Sowell, “Who Lost Iraq?,” Jewish World Review, June 9, 2015.

[37] Ibid.

[38] Sowell, Intellectuals and Society, 271.

[39] Andrew Bacevich, Breach of Trust: How Americans Failed their Soldiers and Their Country (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2013), 94, 105.

[40] Sowell, Dismantling America, 31.

[41] Thomas Sowell, “Democrats, God, and Jerusalem,” National Review, September 11, 2012.

[42] Paul R. Pillar, “Waltz and Iranian Nukes,” National Interest, June 20, 2012. Paul R. Pillar, “We Can Live with a Nuclear Iran,” Washington Monthly, March/April 2012.

[43] Andrew J. Bacevich, “How We Became Israel,” American Conservative, September 10, 2012.

[44] Hanson, The Dying Citizen, 342.

[45] Quoted in E. Michael Jones, “The Great Satan and Me: Reflections on Iran and Postmodernism’s Faustian Pact,” Culture Wars, July/August, 2015.

[46] Jonas E. Alexis and Vladimir Golstein, “Globalists and Neocons Prove Incapable of Understanding Reality,” VT, July 4, 2016.

[47] Michael MacDonald, Overreach: Delusions of Regime Change in Iraq (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2014), 100.

[48] Quoted in Clyde Haberman, “West Bank Massacre; Israel Orders Tough Measures Against Militant Settlers,” NY Times, February 28, 1994.

[49] Philip Weiss, “Netanyahu deputy charged with administering Palestinians says they are ‘beasts, not human,’” Mondoweiss.com, May 9, 2015.

[50] Victor Davis Hanson, Between War and Peace Lessons from Afghanistan to Iraq (New York: Random House, 2004), 23-24.

[51] See for example Benny Morris, The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998); Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist-Arab Conflict, 1881-2001 (New York: Vintage, 2001); 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008); Ilan Pappe, The Forgotten Palestinians: A History of the Palestinians in Israel (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011); The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (London: Oneworld Publications, 2007); Sara Roy, Hamas and Civil Society in Gaza (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2013).

[52] Ari Shavit, “Survival of the Fittest: An Interview with Benny Morris,” Counterpunch, May 23, 2010.

[53] Ami Pedahzur and Arie Perliger, Jewish Terrorism in Israel (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011); Ronen Bergman, Rise and Kill First: The Secret History of Israel’s Targeted Assassinations (New York: Random House, 2019).

[54] James Scott, The Attack on the Liberty: The Untold Story of Israel’s Deadly 1967 Assault on a U.S. Spy Ship (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2009); James M. Ennes, Assault on the Liberty (New York: Random House, 1979); A. Jay Cristol, The Liberty Incident: The 1967 Israeli Attack on the U.S. Navy Spy Ship (Dulles, VA: Bassey’s Inc., 2002).

[55] Hanson, Between War and Peace, chapters 10-14.

October 17, 2025 Posted by | Book Review, Ethnic Cleansing, Racism, Zionism, Timeless or most popular, Wars for Israel | , , , , , | Leave a comment

Toxic AIPAC

By Adam Dick | Peace and Prosperity Blog | October 16, 2025

On Wednesday, Seth Moulton, a Democratic member of the United States House of Representatives from Massachusetts, announced he is running for the US Senate in a Democratic primary challenge to incumbent Sen. Ed Markey (D-MA). The next day, Moulton made another announcement — that he is returning all contributions he has received from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) and refusing to accept any more AIPAC donations or support.

Is the timing coincidence for this candidate who has received AIPAC money while in the House, or has Moulton’s nascent Senate campaign recognized it can do better in its primary challenge against Markey if Moulton can disassociate himself from AIPAC? The latter seems the likely answer. AIPAC is disliked by many people for its pulling of levers behind the scenes to ensure Congress members keep supporting the US government giving massive financial and military support to the Israel government despite opposition from the American public.

AIPAC can and does give candidates a lot of money. But, at least for some campaigns, the toxicity of being connected to AIPAC can impose a cost greater than the benefit AIPAC’s money can buy.

October 16, 2025 Posted by | Corruption, Ethnic Cleansing, Racism, Zionism, Wars for Israel | , , , | Leave a comment

How MI6 built Syria’s extremist police

By Kit Klarenberg | Al Mayadeen | October 16, 2025

On September 19th, in a speech marking the end of his five-year tenure as MI6 chief, Richard Moore hailed the achievements of Britain’s foreign spying agency under his watch. Key among the stated gains was “the end of 53 years of the Assads in Syria.” He openly admitted MI6 “forged a relationship” with HTS, Damascus’ Al-Qaeda and ISIS-tied presumptive rulers – “a year or two before they toppled Bashar.” Moore went on to boast:

“Syria is a good example of where, if you can get ahead of events, it really helps when they suddenly, unexpectedly move at a faster pace. This nimbleness is a fundamental requirement for MI6 – and I think we remain pretty good at it. John Ratcliffe, the CIA director, while discussing a piece of joint business, said to me recently: ‘You guys can really hustle.’”

Al Mayadeen English has previously exposed how HTS was groomed for power for years prior to its violent palace coup in December 2024 by Inter-Mediate, an MI6-adjacent consulting firm run by Jonathan Powell. A key architect of the criminal 2003 Anglo-American Iraq invasion, he now serves as British Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s national security adviser, coincidentally taking up the position mere days before HTS illegitimately proclaimed themselves Syria’s government. It’s been subsequently revealed that Inter-Mediate has maintained a dedicated office in Syria’s Presidential Palace ever since.

Moore’s fresh admissions, while vague, offer further confirmation that London’s foreign spying agency has a longstanding relationship with HTS, which remains a proscribed terrorist group under British law. A key, confirmed mechanism by which MI6 entrenched HTS’ power in north west Syria over the years before the extremist group’s seizure of power was by financing and managing, via cutouts, “moderate opposition service provision”. This took the form of entities including the infamous White Helmets, which supposedly provided “demonstrations of a credible alternative” to Bashar Assad’s government.

While the clandestine efforts were ostensibly intended to weaken HTS’ hold on power and push “moderate” groups, leaked documents indicate British spooks were well-aware these initiatives were cementing the group’s credibility as a governance actor, assisting its “growing influence”, and meant many Syrians regarded HTS as “synonymous with opposition to Assad.” Eerily, the same documents note the group and its armed affiliates – including Al-Qaeda – were “less likely to attack opposition entities that are receiving support” from British intelligence, such as the White Helmets.

We are now left to ponder whether British-run “service providers” were explicitly left alone because of MI6’s secret relationship with HTS. In this context, the earliest and most obvious indication of a dark alliance between London and Syria’s new rulers may date back to January 2019, when HTS took power outright in north west Syria. Almost instantly, the Free Syrian Police, a British-created “moderate opposition service” provider, was formally dissolved. Its members were then invited to continue their activities under HTS’ banner.

‘Revolutionary Entities’

Like the White Helmets, the FSP were components of a wider effort by London to establish a series of statelets across occupied Syria, complete with parallel governance structures staffed by locals trained and funded by Britain, the EU, and US. Western propaganda and media reporting – heavily influenced by MI6 – universally portrayed these breakaway colonies as “moderate” success stories. In reality, they were deeply chaotic and dangerous, run by murderous violent factions, often under obscenely strict interpretations of Sharia Law.

In March 2017, the BBC published a fawning profile of the FSP, noting its British funding, and claiming the group “demonstrates to Syrians that it is not necessary to carry weapons in order to administer law and order in the country.” The British state broadcaster repeatedly stressed, the FSP “does not co-operate with extremist groups.” However, nine months later, it was revealed that London’s “moderate” police force enjoyed intimate relationships with multiple extremist groups, including HTS forerunner Jabhat al-Nusra.

Several FSP stations were found to be closely linked to and take directions from extremist courts run by these militants, which executed citizens who violated local extremist legal codes. FSP operatives were also not only present when women were stoned to death for disobeying al-Nusra’s extreme codes, but even closed roads to allow executions to take place. Meanwhile, portions of sums sent to the FSP by its foreign sponsors were regularly handed over to extremist factions for “military and security support”.

While these disclosures caused a scandal, and British funding for the FSP was temporarily suspended, it was reinstated within mere weeks, sparking outcry among aid experts. Officials justified their decision on unstated “mitigating context” to the revelations, and the issues in question being “already known” by the Foreign Office. Indeed, leaked documents reviewed by Al Mayadeen English indicate close collaboration with extremist groups and courts was hardwired into the FSP from the group’s inception, and not concealed from donors.

The documents, submitted to the Foreign Office by ARK – founded by MI6 veteran Alistair Harris – noted the FSP were “revolutionary entities who share a general ideological affinity with the Syrian rebels,” conducting “rudimentary policing operations” in opposition-controlled territory. FSP stations varied significantly “in terms of their effectiveness, their mandate and their overall level of organisation” in the areas comprising their beat. “Their authority” was dependent on “several factors, the most important of which” were:

“The strength of the relationship between an FSP station and local armed groups; the centrality of an FSP station in the work of a local rebel court or other judicial structure; the sophistication and maturity of an FSP station’s overarching command structure.”

‘Direct Engagement’

The leaks further state, “FSP networks enjoy the strongest relations with more moderate Syrian rebel groups.” Yet, chief among “key armed groups that have established relationships with FSP stations” was Nur al-Din al-Zinki. The group was said to have greatly “empowered” FSP offices across occupied Aleppo, establishing the force “as primary policing bodies in towns in which it is strong.” In reality, Nur al-Din al-Zinki didn’t adhere to any meaningful definition of the term “moderate”.

During the initial years of the foreign-fomented Syrian civil war, the group committed countless horrendous atrocities, including beheading a Palestinian teenager in 2016. Its fighters subsequently joined HTS en masse. The readiness of ARK – and by extension British intelligence – to rub shoulders with dangerous armed elements is writ large in another leaked file, outlining potential risks to the project. If “armed actors” denied the FSP “operating space”, ARK would conduct “direct engagement” with the relevant militants to resolve the issue.

Other hazards included almost inevitable submission of “fraudulent invoices” by FSP operatives, and “significant physical risk” to them, “including possible assassination of police or justice actors.” Still, the British were so keen on the project, millions were pumped into the force over many years, with sophisticated communications equipment and vehicles provided. ARK also looked ahead to rebel groups increasing their “influence and territorial reach” in Syria, believing this would “[yield] benefits for the FSP” and expand its sphere of operations.

Fast forward to today, and courtesy of HTS, the British-created FSP is now Syria’s national police force. Ever since Assad’s fall, they have acted accordingly, brutally repressing internal dissent, while standing by as the new government’s militants massacre Alawites and other religious minorities in the country. Just as Inter-Mediate’s office in Damascus’ Presidential palace raises grave questions about the extent of London’s control over HTS, we must ask who all past beneficiaries of “moderate opposition service provision” in the country are truly working for.

As The National reported in February, the White Helmets have been formally invited by Syria’s HTS-run Health Ministry to “run the emergency services countrywide.” The creation of such groups years prior to Assad’s ouster is a palpable example of the ability of “hustlers” in British intelligence to “get ahead of events” in Moore’s phrase, and ensure MI6 has the people, organisations and structures in place to effectively take over countries if and when an enemy government falls.

October 16, 2025 Posted by | Deception, War Crimes | , , , , , | Leave a comment

The Role of Snipers in the Arab Spring and Maidan Protests

By William Van Wagenen | The Libertarian Institute | October 15, 2025

As anti-government protests known as the Arab Spring swept through the Middle East in early 2011, observers felt they were witnessing spontaneous, grassroots calls for freedom against decades of tyranny and dictatorship.

While the demands of the protestors were largely sincere, the protests that erupted in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Libya, and crucially, Syria, were nevertheless the product of an unconventional warfare campaign organized by the Barack Obama administration, including the National Security Council (NSC), State Department, CIA, and allied intelligence agencies.

Rooted in Obama’s Presidential Study Directive 11 (PSD-11), the unconventional warfare campaign sought to spark “democratic transitions” in U.S. allied and enemy states alike. The objective was to replace authoritarian, Arab nationalist rulers with Muslim Brotherhood dominated governments even more friendly to American and Israeli interests.

As I have detailed in my book, Creative Chaos: Inside the CIA’s covert war to topple the Syrian government, Obama’s PSD-11 is an outgrowth of the broader American and Israeli effort to topple the government of Bashar al-Assad that began after 9/11.

The unconventional warfare campaign to spark the Arab Spring involved training local activists to use social media and internet privacy technologies such as Facebook and Tor to organize protests highlighting existing grievances.

Snipers were then unleashed to carry out false flag killings of protestors that could be blamed on government security forces.

The killing of protestors created the “martyrs” needed to fuel the fire of the protests and galvanize Arab populations to call for the overthrow of their governments.

Crucially, the false flag killings gave President Obama the necessary pretext to declare that Arab leaders had “lost legitimacy” by “killing their own people” and to demand their ouster.

As Russian military analyst Yuferev Sergey observed, the sniper phenomenon first appeared in Tunisia and then “smoothly migrated” to Egypt, Yemen, Libya, and finally to Syria.

“At first, I didn’t know why people were protesting. Syria was a rich country. Life was very good,” a Christian from Syria who witnessed the early events of the so-called Arab Spring told this author. “But then the government started shooting protestors. It gave people a reason to protest even more.”

The phenomenon appeared again in 2014 in Ukraine when snipers killed more than one hundred protesters, known as the “Heavenly Hundred,” in Kiev’s Maidan square. The killings led to a U.S.-backed coup that ousted the country’s pro-Russian president.

This paper details the role of snipers in efforts to topple governments in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Syria, and Ukraine.

Presidential Study Directive 11

In August 2010, U.S. President Barack Obama tasked a team of advisors led by National Security Council officials, including Samantha Power, Ben Rhodes, Michael McFaul, and Dennis Ross, to issue a report known as Presidential Study Directive 11.

The report laid the blueprint for regime change in four Arab countries, including Egypt and three others left unnamed.

According to reporting from The New York Times, Obama “pressed his advisors to study popular uprisings in Latin America, Eastern Europe, and Southeast Asia to determine which ones worked and which did not.”

The report, the result of weekly meetings involving experts from the State Department and CIA, then “identified likely flashpoints, most notably Egypt, and solicited proposals for how the administration could push for political change in countries with autocratic rulers who are also valuable allies of the United States.”

The Obama administration was particularly concerned about Egypt due to the expected succession crisis to the rule of the country’s aging and unpopular president, Hosni Mubarak. U.S. officials wanted a way to control who would take Mubarak’s place, rather than leave the outcome to chance or allow Mubarak to place his son in power after him.

The policy advocated assisting the rise to power of Islamist groups, specifically the Muslim Brotherhood.

As David Ignatius of The Washington Post reported in March 2011, after the Arab Spring was well under way, the Obama administration’s “low-key policy” involved “preparing for the prospect that Islamist governments will take hold in North Africa and the Middle East.”

Tacitly endorsing the Brotherhood, a senior Obama administration official argued, “If our policy can’t distinguish between al-Qaeda and the Muslim Brotherhood, we won’t be able to adapt to this change.”

Unconventional Warfare

While states at times engage in direct conflict against one another, they more often wage war covertly through proxies.

To avoid a direct confrontation and the possibility of a nuclear exchange during the Cold War, the United States, Soviet Union, China, France, and the United Kingdom “empowered rebel groups to act as proxies conducting irregular warfare on behalf of the patron state,” wrote Mike Fowler, Associate Professor of Military and Strategic Studies at the U.S. Air Force Academy.

“This empowerment often involved training, equipping, and funding non-state actors to overthrow or undermine governments that supported (whether real or perceived) the opposing power,” he added.

CIA support for Muslim extremists, known as the mujahideen, in Afghanistan to topple the pro-Soviet government in Kabul and to later fight occupying Soviet troops, is well documented.

Turning Members into Martyrs

After the fall of the Soviet Union, American efforts to overthrow post-Soviet states that remained within the Russian sphere of influence involved not only covert military support for “rebel” groups, but also the use of “non-violent” methods to spark anti-government protest movements known as “Color Revolutions.”

The use of non-violence to undermine pro-Russian governments was first theorized by American academic Gene Sharp and implemented by activists from the Center for Applied Non-Violent Action and Strategies (CANVAS) in Serbia.

Inherent to the non-violent strategy is the use of “political jiu-jitsu,” in which activists skillfully make government violence and repression “backfire,” writes Srdja Popovic, the executive director of CANVAS, in Foreign Policy.

Popovic emphasizes that to be successful, a movement must “be ready to capitalize on oppression.”

“Following a repressive act, it’s vital that activists keep the public aware of what has happened and take sustained measures to ensure that they don’t forget. One clever way to achieve this is to turn members of the movement who have faced particular scrutiny by a regime into martyrs,” he explained.

While opposition activists (and the intelligence agencies supporting them) can wait for an oppressive regime to create martyrs to rally around, they can also “create” them through “provocations.”

Employing snipers to carry out false flag killings during protests against an oppressive regime is an effective way to create such martyrs.

Russian analyst Yuferev Sergey stated that the use of snipers is not an effective riot control method for dispersing crowds at protests. If a sniper opens fire at a crowd, demonstrators will not hear or immediately notice the shots. Once they do, they will not know where the shots are coming from, or which way to run to escape them.

But the use of snipers at protests is an effective way to manufacture anger against an existing government or leader.

“[T]he bodies with gunshot wounds to the head or heart are sure to be found by journalists, and all this will go on TV and on the Internet,” Sergey writes. In the confusion of the events, no one will “rush to conduct ballistic examinations, to look for places from which the snipers worked. The answer is ready in advance, and all the blame immediately falls on the head of the ruling regime. This is exactly what the organizers of such provocations are trying to achieve.”

As a result, the presence of snipers has become the “hallmark of unrest” arising in many countries where the United States is seeking to topple an existing government, Sergey adds.

Snipers are used to create the “martyrs” needed by U.S.-trained and funded “non-violent” activists to rally around when calling for a government to be overthrown.

Snipers in Tunisia

The small north African nation of Tunisia was the first country to see its president toppled in the so-called Arab Spring.

The first protests in Tunisia erupted in the city of Sidi Bouzid in December 2010, four months after the Obama administration issued PSD-11.

A few weeks before, on November 28, Wikileaks released more than 250,000 leaked U.S. State Department cables, known as “Cablegate.”

Some of the cables regarded Tunisia, including one from the U.S. ambassador to the country discussing the corruption of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, his wife, and a broader circle of government officials.

The release of cables highlighting Ben Ali’s corruption was not part of a random, arbitrary dump of diplomatic documents later seized upon by Tunisians. It was part of a carefully prepared campaign by Wikileaks, which partnered with Tunisian exiles from the dissident website, Nawaat, to promote the cables.

Al-Jazeera reported that Wikileaks provided the cables in advance to Nawaat, whose activists read the documents, added context, translated them to French, and published them on a special website, Tunileaks, to allow Tunisian readers to understand them.

Thanks to this prior coordination, when Wikileaks was ready to release the cables, Nawaat was ready as well.

“As agreed, the first TuniLeaks went live less than an hour after WikiLeaks had published the diplomatic cables on its own site,” Al-Jazeera wrote.

According to Al-Jazeera, “Nawaat helped fertilize the cyber terrain so that when the uprising finally came, dissident networks were in place to battle the censorship regime. Nawaat amplified the protesters’ voices, sending them echoing across the internet and beyond.”

Al-Jazeera Arabic promoted the contents of the leaked cables as well by discussing them in a series of talk shows, helping to ensure Tunisians knew “their government was being run by a corrupt and nepotistic extended family.”

Tom Malinowski, a senior fellow at the McCain Institute, wrote in Foreign Policy that the cables released by Wikileaks had an important effect.

“The candid appraisal of Ben Ali by U.S. diplomats… contradicted the prevailing view among Tunisians that Washington would back Ben Ali to the bloody end, giving them added impetus to take to the streets,” Malinowski wrote.

“They further delegitimized the Tunisian leader and boosted the morale of his opponents at a pivotal moment in the drama that unfolded over the last few week,” he added.

Because the Wikileaks and Nawaat campaign to highlight corruption in Tunisia took place in the context of the PSD-11, this raises the question of whether Wikileaks participated, whether knowingly or unknowingly, in the Obama administration’s unconventional warfare campaign to topple Bin Ali.

On November 30, 2010, two days after Wikileaks released the massive trove of diplomatic cables, Zbigniew Brezinski, former national security adviser in the Jimmy Carter administration, speculated that Wikileaks was being manipulated by foreign intelligence agencies, which likely “seed” the organization’s releases with information to achieve specific objectives.

In July 2010, founder and editor Julian Assange indicated that, for security reasons, Wikileaks prefers not to know the source of leaks to the organization. “We never know the source of the leak,” he told journalists during an event at London’s Frontline Club. “Our whole system is designed such that we don’t have to keep that secret.”

In the past Wikileaks has relied on and promoted privacy software known as Tor, which allows users to browse websites, communicate, and transfer documents anonymously. Journalist Yasha Levine has documented how Tor, although touted as a privacy tool to counter U.S. government surveillance by Assange and National Security Agency (NSA) whistleblower Edward Snowden, was itself developed by the U.S. military.

Tor proved crucial in helping U.S.-trained activists topple Arab governments during the Arab Spring.

On December 17, 2010, roughly three weeks after the release of the Wikileaks cables, a young Tunisian man, Mohammad Bouazizi, lit himself on fire to protest the confiscation of his vegetable cart by a policewoman. He was taken to the hospital, where he died of his burns two weeks later, on January 4.

Anti-government protests erupted following Bouazizi’s act of self-immolation, which was widely viewed as the primary catalyst for the so-called “Tunisian Revolution” that followed.

However, the protests did not gain the momentum needed to force President Ben Ali from power until after snipers killed more than a dozen protestors in the town of Kasserine in western Tunisia between January 8 and 11.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) was able to find hospital and municipal records for seventeen victims killed during protests in Kasserine.

HRW noted the death of Mohammed Amine Mbarki, a 17-year-old son of a mechanic, as typical of the violence there. Mbarki joined an anti-government demonstration on January 8 at the main roundabout in the Zehour district, the poor neighborhood where he lived. While riot police fired tear gas at protestors from the front of a police station, Mbarki was shot by a bullet in the back of the head.

“We were shocked,” said Mbarki’s friend, Hamza Mansouri, who was with him. Mansouri told HRW that police snipers never before seen in Kasserine did the killing.

“Zehour residents quickly sanctified the roundabout with the name Martyrs Square. Young people readily exhibit videos on their mobile phone of chaos and bloody police violence. One shows a frenzied scene in a hospital emergency room, where a victim is shown with his brain blown out,” Daniel Williams of HRW wrote.

Snipers again opened fire at a funeral procession passing through Martyrs Square the next day, January 9. Witnesses told HRW that five or six people died at the roundabout that day, including at least one during the funeral.

Snipers opened fire again on January 10, before “disappearing” from the city that night. “One of the wonders of the uprising is that the more the police shot protesters, the more determined they became,” Williams of HRW concluded.

Al-Jazeera reported that according to witnesses in Kasserine, several people were shot from behind by “unidentified agents wearing different, slicker uniforms” than the regular police or army.

“From the beginning, [the army was] against shooting at people,” said Adel Baccari, a local magistrate.

The Qatari outlet added that the rifles and ammunition were not of the type used by Tunisian security forces.

Al-Jazeera noted that the killing of protestors by live sniper fire made such an impact that President Ben Ali referenced it in his speech on January 13. “Enough firing of real bullets,” Bin Ali said. “I refuse to see new victims fall.”

The speech turned out to be his last.

Tunisian doctor and activist Zied Mhirsi observed that the sniper killings were decisive in shifting public opinion against Ben Ali and pressuring him to resign and flee the country. Mhirsi says that the day after Ben Ali’s speech, January 14, saw a massive protest in the Tunisian capital that was organized through Facebook and which “everyone joined,” including the country’s middle class.

“And that day was crucial in showing that the public opinion has totally shifted and there was nobody supporting [Ben Ali] anymore. And then also that he lost control because he said no more real bullets on January 13th. And on January 14th there were still bullets in the air and snipers,” Mhirsi explained.

As a result, January 14 “was also the day he left,” ending his twenty-three years in power.

Mhirsi explained further to CBS News’ 60 Minutes program, “The turning point, the real one here was the real bullets… And then here we have the ruler, the government asking its police to shoot its own people using snipers, shooting people with real bullets in their heads.”

In addition to helping activists organize protests, Facebook played a key role in spreading awareness of the sniper killings among Tunisians.

“Facebook was the only video-sharing platform that was available to Tunisians. And seeing videos of people shot with real bullets in their heads on Facebook was shocking to many Tunisians,” Mhirsi added.

Before the “revolution,” young activists from Tunisia had joined others from Egypt, Syria, Iran and other Middle East states in attending conferences to learn how to use new technologies such as Facebook, Twitter, and Tor, for these purposes in the years preceding the Arab Spring.

The conferences were sponsored by the U.S. State Department and American tech companies, including Facebook and Google.

The same day Ben Ali was ousted, the White House issued a statement in which Barack Obama condemned the violence against protesters and welcomed Ben Ali’s exit. “I applaud the courage and dignity of the Tunisian people,” Obama claimed, while calling for “free and fair elections in the near future that reflect the true will and aspirations of the Tunisian people.”

As anticipated by Obama’s PSD-11, a new government came to power in Tunisa led by Islamists.

Ben Ali’s rule was replaced by an interim government which removed the ban on Tunisia’s Muslim Brotherhood-linked Al-Nahda party, leading to what Foreign Policy described as the party’s “meteoric rise.”

After Al-Nahda won 41% of the vote in Tunisia’s first parliamentary elections in October 2011, Noah Feldberg of Bloomberg wrote, “It’s official: The Islamists have won the Arab Spring. And the result was as inevitable as it is promising.”

After Ben Ali was toppled, Tunisians called for an investigation to prosecute the officials of the old regime presumed to be responsible for ordering snipers to kill protestors. However, Deutsche Welle (DW) reported in December 2011 that an investigative committee failed to determine the identities of the shooters.

As a result, the mother of one of the victims denounced what she considered a “cover-up” by the transitional government headed by Beji Caid Essebsi for the “killers of the martyrs.”

DW adds that security men in the Ministry of Interior were also angry after being blamed for the sniper killings by members of the Tunisian military. They organized multiple protests in Tunis demanding “the disclosure of the truth about the snipers,” who they said had also killed some security personnel. The men called for the release of their colleagues who had been arrested but not proven guilty of killing demonstrators during the protests.

Snipers in Egypt

After appearing in Tunisia, the sniper phenomenon emerged again two weeks later in Egypt amid anti-government protests seeking to oust President Hosni Mubarak.

The protests in Egypt were spearheaded by activists from the April 6 Youth Movement, which was a member of the U.S. State Department’s Alliance for Youth Movements (AYM).

The AYM was funded by the from the U.S. government-established National Endowment for Democracy (NED) and organized by Jared Cohen, a State Department official working under Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. In September 2010, Cohen left government service to become the first director of Google Ideas, later known as Jigsaw.

According to PBS Frontline, April 6 members had been coordinating directly with the State Department since at least 2008.

According to a diplomatic cable released by Wikileaks, April 6 member Ahmed Saleh visited the U.S. to take part in a State Department-organized “Alliance of Youth Movements Summit” in New York. While at the summit, he discussed techniques with fellow activists to evade government surveillance and harassment.

After the summit, Saleh held meetings with members of Congress and their staffers on Capital Hill in Washington DC. The meetings involved discussions around his ideas for regime change in Egypt before the presidential elections scheduled for 2011.

During the same period, April 6 activist Mohammed Adel traveled to Serbia to take a course on Gene Sharp’s strategies for nonviolent revolutions from activists from OTPOR, Frontline added.

In 2010, activists from the April 6 Youth Movement chose to focus their anti-government organizing campaign around the death of Khalid Said, a young Egyptian man who was brutally beaten to death by police near his home in Alexandria in June of that year.

April 6 activist and Google executive Wael Ghonim created the “We are all Khalid Said” Facebook page, which he used to help organize the first major anti-government protest, the “Day of Revolt” in Cairo’s Tahrir Square on January 25, 2011.

During the Friday “Day of Rage” protest three days later, on January 28, street battles erupted between demonstrators and riot police at Tahrir Square, with police using violent methods, including beating protesters as well as using tear gas, water cannons, rubber bullets, and lethal shotgun ammunition.

But snipers were also present at the January 28 protest. Amnesty International reports, “According to an eyewitness, a boy and his mother, who found themselves in the midst of this chaos, lifted their arms in the air to demonstrate their peaceful intention. Nonetheless, the boy was shot in the neck and fell back on his mother.”

Amnesty reported further, “According to protesters, by 7pm snipers dressed in black or grey standing on top of buildings, including the Prime Minister’s Cabinet office, were among those firing at peaceful demonstrators. According to eyewitnesses, five or six people were shot on Qasr El Einy Street and many more were injured.”

Kamel Anwar, a fifty-six year old doctor with two children, was shot from behind on Qasr El Einy Street. He said snipers opened fire from the Taawun Petrol Station. He saw a teenage boy falling to the ground and remain motionless before he himself was shot.

Snipers appeared again the following day, January 29, as street battles between protestors and security forces escalated near the Ministry of Interior.

“Snipers in the residential buildings on the street also fired at them, shooting a journalist with a camera in the chest, according to an eyewitness… 12 are believed to have been killed,” Amnesty reported.

Evidence later presented in Cairo’s Criminal Court confirmed that snipers were deployed at the height of the eighteen-day revolution.

Al-Ahram newspaper reported, “Evidence included video footage showing men standing atop the ministry building in Cairo’s Lazoughli district on 29 January firing on protesters using live ammunition.”

“Footage also showed an unarmed protester bleeding to death from a head wound. According to medical reports also presented as evidence, the protester died after sustaining two bullet wounds to the head,” Al-Ahram added.

Just three days later, on February 1, President Barack Obama seized on the killings to call for Mubarak to step down. Obama publicly stated that the transition to a new government “must begin now.”

Earlier in the day, Obama had sent a message to Mubarak through Frank Wisner, a former U.S. ambassador to Egypt, telling him to “step down immediately,” Politico reported. Mubarak agreed to give up power ten days later, on February 11.

The deaths of dozens of protestors killed by snipers on January 29 had given Obama the justification to demand a foreign leader and U.S. ally be removed.

While the perception persisted that the Obama administration had sought to keep their old ally in power as long as possible, Politico later reported that a group of White House aides, including Ben Rhodes and Denis McDonough, “gathered for an impromptu party” after Mubarak stepped down. “It was a euphoric night for us, no doubt,” said Michael McFaul, Obama’s top Russia aide and a participant in the PSD-11 strategy meetings.

A year later, in January 2012, the Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) won the largest number of seats in Egypt’s first democratic elections. In June 2012, Muslim Brotherhood candidate Mohammed Morsi was elected president of Egypt.

In March 2013, Morsi’s government commissioned a report claiming that Mubarak’s security forces were responsible for killing eight hundred protesters during the revolution.

“According to the leaked report, police were responsible for most of the deaths—many at the hands of police snipers shooting from the roofs surrounding Tahrir Square,” The Guardian reported.

In 2014, after Morsi had been deposed in a coup by Egyptian general Abdul Fattah Al-Sisi, Judge Mahmoud Al-Rashidy acquitted Mubarak’s former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly and six of his aides on charges of inciting and conspiring in the killing of protesters during the January 25 revolution.

Mada Masr reported that Judge Rashidy said he knew the verdict would “shock many” and therefore released the 280-page judgment to make the evidence of his conclusions public. “The testimonies admitted to the use of live ammunition only around police stations or other strategic buildings [between January 28 and 31], which the judge argues is self-defense and also outside the scope of the case, which specifies the killing of protesters in public squares,” Mada Masr wrote.

Rashidy argued that the Muslim Brotherhood was behind the violence. “It became evidently certain for the court that the group that targeted those security spots occupied by officers and employees went there with a conceived plan by an organized group that hides behind religion to tamper with the security and stability of the country,” the judge stated.

Rashidy’s investigation explains how protestors were confirmed killed by government forces in some places, but not others. This suggests that the Egyptian police may have been responsible for killing protesters with live ammunition to protect ministry buildings, while snipers from unknown parties were killing protestors who died elsewhere, such as at Tahrir Square and on Qasr El Einy Street.

Snipers in Libya

Just one week after Mubarak fell, the sniper phenomenon again appeared, this time in Libya, when protestors took to the streets for another “Day of Rage.”

On February 17, the Human Rights Solidarity campaign group told The Telegraph that snipers on rooftops in the city of Al-Baida had opened fire, killing thirteen protesters and wounding dozens more.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) reported that according to protestors, sixteen attending the demonstrations were killed by gunshot in Al-Baida, while another seventeen were shot and killed in Benghazi, mostly near Abdel Nasser Street.

As in Tunisia and Egypt, it was immediately assumed by western journalists and human rights activists that government security forces were responsible for the killings. “It is remarkable that Gaddafi is still copying the very same tactics that failed Hosni Mubarak so completely just across the border,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East and North Africa director at HRW, in response to the sniper fire.

On February 18, Salon reported that in Benghazi, snipers killed at least fifteen mourners leaving a funeral for demonstrators killed the day before. “Snipers fired on thousands of people gathered in Benghazi, a focal point of the unrest, to mourn 35 protesters who were shot on Friday,” a hospital official said.

Two weeks later, President Obama again seized on the killing of protestors and repeated the same demand he had made to Mubarak. “Colonel Qaddafi needs to step down from power,” the president said in a press conference at the White House on March 3. “You’ve seen with great clarity that he has lost legitimacy with his people.”

The United Nations passed a resolution for a no-fly zone over Libya two weeks later. Member states voting for the resolution claimed that Qaddafi was “on the verge of even greater violence against civilians,” and “stressed that the objective was solely to protect civilians from further harm.”

NATO then used the UN resolution authorizing a no-fly zone over Benghazi to launch a bombing campaign in support of Al-Qaeda-linked militants on the ground who were seeking to topple Qaddafi.

Members of the February 17 Martyrs Brigade, which was formed by Muslim Brotherhood members, captured the capital Tripoli on August 23. The brigade was led by Abdul Hakim Belhadj, former commander of the Al-Qaeda-linked Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG).

Unlike Bin Ali and Mubarak, Qaddafi had refused to step down. When he attempted to escape the city of Sirte before it was overrun on October 20, French warplanes bombed his convoy, killing up to ninety-five, including many who burned alive. Qaddafi survived but NATO-backed “rebels” quickly found him hiding in a pipe. He was either murdered on the spot or died while being transported in an ambulance.

The door was now open for the Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamist groups to seek power in a future government, as envisioned by PSD-11.

After Qaddafi’s fall, the country was temporarily governed by the National Transitional Council (NTC), which had been established on February 27, 2011 to act the “political face of the revolution.”

Elections were planned for June of the following year to establish a General National Congress, which would write a constitution and establish a permanent government. In November, the Muslim Brotherhood in Libya held a public conference in Benghazi to restructure its organization, elect a new leader, and form a political party, the Justice and Construction Party (JCP).

The LIFG formed the Libyan Islamic Movement for Change (LIMC), whose members split into two political parties.

U.S. State Department documents obtained under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) revealed details of the Obama administration’s support for the Muslim Brotherhood in Libya.

The documents showed that in April 2012, U.S. officials arranged for the Brotherhood’s public relations director, Mohammad Gaair, to visit Washington and speak at a conference hosted by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. The conference was entitled, “Islamists in Power.”

An undated State Department cable noted that the ambassadors of the United States, United Kingdom, France, and Italy visited Mohammad Sawan, Chairman of the Brotherhood’s JCP party at his office in Tripoli.

The State Department cable noted, ‘‘On their part, the Ambassadors praised the active role of the [JCP] Party in the political scene and confirmed their standing with the Libyan people and Government despite its weaknesses and they are keen to stabilize the region.”

Ahead of the parliamentary elections in July 2012, The New York Times reported that leading Islamists in Libya had predicted that their parties would win as much as 60% of the seats in the congress. However, the “Islamist wave” that swept through Egypt and Tunisia was broken, the Times noted, when a coalition led by Mustafa Abd al-Jalil, the chairman of the NTC, won the most votes.

Jalil’s success in defeating the Brotherhood owed in part to his own promise to make Islamic law a main source of legislation for the new constitution and through the backing of his tribe, the Warfalla, one of the largest in the country.

Snipers in Yemen

After Libya, the sniper phenomenon soon appeared in Yemen as well, where Arab Spring demonstrations erupted to challenge the rule of President Ali Abdullah Saleh, who had ruled the country for over three decades.

On Friday, March 18, 2011, tens of thousands of protestors gathered in the Yemeni capital of Sana at a large traffic circled dubbed “Taghyir Square” or “Change Square.” The Associated Press (AP) reported, “As snipers hidden on rooftops fired methodically on Yemeni protesters Friday, police sealed off a key escape route with a wall of burning tires, turning the largest of a month of anti-government demonstrations into a killing field in which at least 46 people perished.”

“Many of the victims, who included children, were shot in the head and neck, their bodies left sprawled on the ground or carried off by other protesters desperately pressing scarves to wounds to try to stop the bleeding,” the AP added.

The AP then quoted Mohammad al-Sabri, an opposition spokesman, who immediately attributed the killings directly to President Saleh. “It is a massacre. This is part of a criminal plan to kill off the protesters, and the president and his relatives are responsible for the bloodshed in Yemen today,” Sabri said.

President Obama followed by saying, “Those responsible for today’s violence must be held accountable.”

However, like Ben Ali and Mubarak, President Saleh denied at a press conference that government forces were involved, claiming that the gunmen may have been from among the demonstrators themselves.

The New York Times noted that the sniper massacre would harm the Yemeni president, who had just begun Saudi-brokered negotiations to share power with Yemen’s opposition coalition, which was” dominated” by the Muslim Brotherhood-linked Islah Party.

“It’s not in Saleh’s interest at all to have people get shot,” the Times quoted Charles Schmitz, a Yemen expert at Towson University, as saying. “That fact deepened the mystery over the shootings,” the paper concluded.

The advantage gained by the opposition from the massacre was confirmed by a protestor, Abdul-Ghani Soliman. “I actually expect more than this, because freedom requires martyrs,” said Mr. Soliman. “This will continue, and it will grow.”

In the wake of the massacre, American and Yemeni officials stated that the Obama administration “quietly has shifted positions,” concluding that Saleh “must be eased out of office,” despite his role as a U.S. partner in the so-called Global War on Terror.

“The Obama administration has determined that President Ali Abdullah Saleh, who had his supporters fire on peaceful demonstrators, is unlikely to bring about required reforms,” the Columbus Dispatch wrote, even though “Saleh has been considered a critical ally in fighting the Yemeni branch of al-Qaida.”

The Dispatch wrote further that negotiations for Saleh to hand over power to a provisional government “began after government-linked gunmen killed more than 50 protesters at a rally on March 18, prompting a wave of defections of high-level government officials the following week.”

Notably, the Obama administration was now pushing Saleh to share power with the Muslim Brotherhood-linked Islah Party, which had a relationship with Al-Qaeda.

The Brookings Institution observed that as a result of the transition to a new, post-Saleh government, “Islah enjoyed new opportunities for institutional power,” and “initially seemed ascendant” until it experienced difficulties due to opposition from the Shia Zayid party, Ansar Allah (also known as the Houthis).

The New York Times later noted that Islah was led by Abdul Majid al-Zindani, a onetime mentor to Osama bin Laden who was named a “specially designated global terrorist” by the U.S. Treasury Department in 2004. During protests at Change Square in Sana in March, Zindani gave a speech in which he declared, “An Islamic state is coming!” the Times noted.

Brookings highlighted the relationship as well, writing that Islah’s “murky relationship” with extremist organizations like Al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) and the Islamic State (ISIS) also “proved an obstacle to maintain power.”

Snipers in Syria

Arab Spring protests in Syria began in March 2011 after Deraa residents were angered by the detention and alleged torture of several young teenage boys who had written slogans against President Bashar al-Assad on the wall of a school.

Syrian activists and the Arab media promoted exaggerated accounts of the teenage boys’ mistreatment to help spark protests.

“The ‘Daraa children,’ as they were dubbed in the media, weren’t children, and many had nothing to do with the writing on the walls, but tales of their harsh treatment in custody (real and embellished) sparked protests for their release, demonstrations that ignited the Syrian revolution in mid-March and christened Daraa as its birthplace,” Time journalist Rania Abouzeid, who reported from within Syria for several years during the war, noted.

On March 18, the same day snipers killed forty-six in Yemen, protestors gathered at the Al-Omari Mosque in the southern Syrian town of Deraa, for the first large anti-government demonstration in Syria. Four protestors were killed in murky circumstances that evening.

In his book, The Past Decade in Syria: The Dialectic of Stagnation and Reform, Muhammad Jamal Barout reports that according to Abd al-Hamid Tafiq, the Al-Jazeera Damascus bureau chief, “a group of masked militants riding motorcycles opened fire on the demonstrators, killing four people between the hours of six and eight in the evening, including Ahmad al-Jawabra, who was considered the first martyr.”

And who were the masked militants riding motorcycles? Barout takes for granted that they were from the government side. But it is unclear why the government would resort to using masked men on motorbikes in Deraa to suppress protests.

One possibility is that the masked men on motorcycles were “saboteurs” or “infiltrators” from a third party seeking to create martyrs needed to stoke anger, and further protest, against the government.

Five days later, on March 23, Reuters reported the presence of snipers amid the killing of ten more protesters in Deraa, including at a mosque and at the edge of the city during a protest march. “Snipers wearing black masks were seen on rooftops,” Reuters wrote, assuming they were from the government side.

“You didn’t know where the bullets were coming from. No one could carry away any of the fallen, one Deraa resident said.

“Bodies fell in the streets. We do not know how many died,” another witness told the news agency.

Snipers later appeared in the town of Douma in the eastern Ghouta area of the Damascus countryside. The killing of protesters in Douma, coupled with the strong Salafist beliefs of many of its residents, made the town a center of the protest movement in the country.

In his book, Syria: A Way of Suffering to Freedom, Al-Jazeera analyst Azmi Bishara observes that Douma residents organized a small anti-government protest of about one thousand people on Friday, March 25 to show solidarity with demonstrators in Deraa.

AFP reports that six civilians were shot and killed a week later, on April 1, when about three thousand protestors gathered at the Great Mosque in Douma for another protest. Of these events, Bishara writes that, “snipers on the buildings overlooking the square fired live bullets at the protesters, resulting in six martyrs.”

Bishara observed further that, “This was the first time that live bullets were used to suppress protesters in the Damascus countryside” and that it “immediately turned into a catalyst” that pushed the residents “to rise up against the regime” and participate further in demonstrations.

A funeral (and de facto protest) for the martyrs was held two days later, on April 3. This time, huge crowds turned out, which Bishara attributes to the work of the snipers, assuming them to come from the government side.

“The scene of the funeral of the martyrs of Douma on April 3, 2011, in which about 60,000 citizens participated, illustrates the adverse effect of the precise solution that the regime followed in confronting the uprising,” Bishara wrote.

In contrast, Syrian state media insisted that an unknown armed group opened fire on the protestors in Douma, killing both civilians and security personnel. However, the killings had a strong effect on how Syrians perceived the chaotic events, turning many against the government.

Yusuf, a Christian from the neighboring town of Irbeen in eastern Ghouta, told this author, “The snipers helped light the fire of the Syrian revolution. After many protestors were killed, the demonstrations got bigger, and more people were against the government.”

Protests spread to many more cities and towns the following week, as did the killings.

On April 8, dubbed the “Friday of Steadfastness,” large demonstrations took place in Deraa and several surrounding villages.

In Deraa, twenty-seven people were killed, Al-Jazeera reported, citing medical sources and witnesses. One witness claimed the security forces opened fire with rubber-coated bullets and live rounds to disperse stone-throwing protesters.

In contrast, state-run SANA news agency reported that nineteen members of the security forces were killed and seventy-five people wounded by “armed groups” in Daraa using live ammunition.

Syrian sociologist Mohammad Jamal Barout stated that demonstrators blamed government affiliated gangs (shabiha) for the killings, while the government blamed “infiltrators.”

Many on the government side began to accept the opposition narrative of government responsibility.

The Deraa representative in the People’s Assembly, Syria’s parliament, held the security services responsible for the killings, while the editor-in-chief of the official Tishreen newspaper was dismissed from her position after questioning the government denial that the snipers came from among its security forces, Barout explained.

During the April 8 demonstration in Deraa, some protestors gathered in front of the Palace of Justice. Most were from the Al-Musalma, Al-Radi, and Aba Zaid families. They were the same families of the protestors killed on March 18 by the masked “motorcycle riders,” Barout noted.

By this time, not only peaceful protestors were being killed, but also armed opposition militants and army soldiers engaged in gunbattles with one another. However, to obscure the nature of the violence and blame it on the government, opposition activists began claiming that dead opposition militants were actually civilian protestors, and that government soldiers were not being killed by the opposition militants, but by fellow soldiers for refusing to fire on protestors and trying to defect.

In one notable case, snipers killed nine soldiers traveling in a bus on the coastal highway near Banias on April 9, the day after the Deraa protests. Opposition activists attempted to blame the army for killing its own soldiers, allegedly for refusing to fire on protestors. But one soldier who survived the attack said he was not shot at by fellow soldiers. He stated that he did not have orders to fire on peaceful protestors, but only at anyone shooting at him first.

By this time, some prominent opposition activists began to acknowledge “infiltrators” may have been behind the killing of some protestors, journalist Alix Van Buren of Italy’s la Repubblica newspaper reported on April 12.

When Van Buren asked eighty-year-old lawyer Haythem al-Maleh, the “father of civil rights” in Syria, about the possibility of “infiltrators,” Maleh spoke of “those who want to poison the relationship between the people and the regime: those who shoot at demonstrators and soldiers, to spread terror.”

On Monday, April 18, opposition activists took the decision to march to the square of the new clock tower in the center of Homs, Syria’s third largest city, and to establish a sit-in there resembling that established in Egypt’s Tahrir Square previously. The sit-in would set the stage for another alleged massacre that was used to suggest that the Syrian government was using appalling levels of violence to suppress peaceful dissent.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) released testimony from an alleged defected intelligence officer who claimed that dozens and dozens of people were killed and wounded at the sit-in in over thirty minutes of shooting by Air Force security, the army, and Alawite gangs.

Shortly after the massacre, “earth diggers and fire trucks arrived. The diggers lifted the bodies and put them in a truck. I don’t know where they took them. The wounded ended up at the military hospital in Homs,” the alleged defector told HRW.

Al-Jazeera similarly reported claims by activists of a “real massacre,” and that “shooting was being carried out directly on the demonstrators.”

Time journalist Rania Abouzeid reported that the alleged clock tower massacre “was a turning point in the struggle for Homs, although years later some of the men present that night would admit that claims of a massacre were exaggerated, even fabricated, by rebel activists to garner sympathy.” But news of the fabricated massacre made an impact on Syrians who believed it to be true.

Ahmed, a man from Homs who owned a shop near the clock tower during the period of the early protests, told this author that when the protests began in 2011, Assad was “beloved.”

However, after seeing that so many protestors had been killed, he became an opponent of the government and joined a Free Syrian Army (FSA) group in Homs. After fighting against the government for two years, he fled to opposition-controlled territory in Idlib to resume his life as a shop owner.

The chaos and killings continued in the weeks after the alleged massacre in Homs. Syrian security forces allegedly killed 103 people across the country during “Great Friday” demonstrations four days later, on April 22. Syrian activists speaking to Al-Jazeera called it the “bloodiest day” of the revolution so far.

In response to the killings, President Obama issued a strong statement, saying the “outrageous use of violence to quell protests must come to an end now.” On May 19, Obama demanded further that Assad either lead the transition to democracy “or get out of the way.”

Snipers soon also appeared in Hama, Syria’s fourth largest city and the site of traditional Muslim Brotherhood opposition to the Assad government, dating back to the events of 1982. On June 4, opposition activists claimed snipers opened fire on protesters gathered in Hama’s old quarter and the nearby Assi Square, killing at least fifty-three.

“The firing began from rooftops on the demonstrators. I saw scores of people falling in Assi square and the streets and alleyways branching out. Blood was everywhere,” one witness told Reuters. “It looked to me as if hundreds of people have been injured but I was in a panic and wanted to find cover. Funerals for the martyrs have already started,” he added.

Finally, on August 18, 2011, President Obama publicly called for Assad to “step aside” while imposing sanctions on the Syrian government, The Washington Post reported.

In a nod to the Muslim Brotherhood, the Post noted that in Syria, the “Sunni majority, however, has an Islamist strain long repressed by the Assads that could demand a larger role in the next government.”

In December 2011, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton declared that the United States viewed the Syrian National Council (SNC) as a “leading and legitimate representative of Syrians seeking a peaceful transition,” after meeting with leaders of the group residing outside Syria.

Reuters later noted that although the public face of the SNC was the secular, Paris-based professor Bourhan Ghalioun, the organization was in fact controlled by the Muslim Brotherhood. “[T]here is little dispute about who calls the shots,” the news agency stated.

As in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen, the bodies of the dead protestors in Syria were paraded on TV and the internet, but no one rushed to conduct a ballistic analysis of who was shooting them.

Instead, the answer was “ready in advance,” and all the blame immediately fell “on the head of the ruling regime,” as the Russian analyst Yuferev Sergey predicted.

However, as journalist Kit Klarenberg observed, “If peaceful protesters were killed in the initial stages of the Syrian ‘revolution,’ the question of who was responsible remains unanswered today.”

Evidence that the Syrian government did not order the killing of protestors in this early period is found in the minutes of the meetings of the Syrian government’s Central Crisis Management Cell, which was organized by Assad to manage the response to the protests.

The Crisis Cell minutes were revealed in the “Assad files,” a massive cache of documents smuggled out of Syria. The documents were preserved by a European funded NGO, the Commission for International Justice and Accountability (CIJA), for the purpose of gathering evidence of the involvement of top government officials in war crimes.

Contrary to what was claimed, the documents do not show that senior Syrian security officials issued orders to shoot protestors. Instead, they contain numerous orders instructing the security forces to avoid shooting civilians, and to only use live fire in cases of self-defense, as the soldier in Banias claimed.

Klarenberg writes that in the days leading up to the mid-March protests, Crisis Cell officials issued explicit instructions to security forces that citizens “should not be provoked.”

Another order from the Crisis Cell states, “In order to avoid the consequences of continued incitement… and foil the attempts of inciters to exploit any pretext, civil police and security agents are requested not to provoke citizens.”

Klarenberg notes further that on April 18, the Crisis Cell ordered the military to only “counter with weapons those who carry weapons against the state, while ensuring that civilians are not harmed.”

In his discussion of the Crisis Cell documents, analyst Adam Larson notes that an order from April 23 states security forces should be “Focusing on arresting inciters, especially those shooting at demonstrators (snipers or infiltrators).”

Because these are internal communications that were never expected to be made public, the Syrian leadership would not have hesitated to discuss orders for snipers to shoot peaceful protestors to suppress the demonstrations, if that had been their strategy.

But they recommended the opposite, perhaps as result of seeing what had already happened in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen.

To supplement the protests, the CIA launched an Al-Qaeda-led insurgency to topple Assad’s government, as detailed in this author’s book, Creative Chaos. War engulfed Syria over the next fourteen years, killing hundreds of thousands and displacing millions.

Known as Operation Timber Sycamore, the CIA effort was finally successful in December 2024 when former Al-Qaeda and Islamic State in Iraq commander Abu Mohammad al-Jolani was installed as president of Syria by the governments of the United States, Israel, the United Kingdom, Russia, and Turkey.

Advisors assigned to Jolani by British intelligence quicky helped him rebrand as Ahmad al-Sharaa, who was warmly greeted by U.S. President Donald Trump in Saudi Arabia in May 2025. The former Al-Qaeda leader then sat down for an intimate talk with a former CIA director, David Petraeus, in New York, not far from the site of destroyed World Trade Center towers, on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in September 2025.

Snipers in Ukraine

The sniper phenomenon appeared again years later, this time in Ukraine, during U.S.-backed protests in Kiev to topple the pro-Moscow government of President Viktor Yanukovych in February 2014.

Months before, in November 2013, Ukrainian politician Oleg Tsarev accused the U.S. embassy in Kiev of preparing a coup.

While speaking on the floor of the parliament, Tsarov said the U.S. embassy had launched a project called “TechCamp,” which prepares activists for information warfare and to discredit state institutions using modern media. Multiple conferences were organized to train “potential revolutionaries for organizing protests and the toppling of the government,” Tsarov explained.

During the conferences, “American instructors show examples of successful use of social networks to organize protests in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya,” he added.

State Department emails released by Wikileaks report that Alec Ross, the State Department’s Senior Advisor for Innovation, played a key role in organizing the Ukraine Tech Camps.

Along with Hillary Clinton’s State Department advisor, Jared Cohen, Ross had helped train activists from the Middle East to use Facebook and other technologies to organize protests in advance of the Arab Spring.

As part of a delegation of Tech executives, Ross and Cohen visited Syria in 2010 to discreetly explore ways to use new technologies to “create disruptions in society that we could potentially harness for our purposes.”

Shortly after the Syria trip, Fortune magazine noted that Cohen “advocates for the use of technology for social upheaval in the Middle East and elsewhere.”

In December 2013, a month after Ukrainian parliament member Tsarev accused Washington of preparing a coup, activists established a protest camp at Maidan Square in the center of the Ukrainian capital.

On December 13, as anti-government protests were underway, the late U.S. Senator John McCain told CNN during a live interview from Kiev that a U.S. delegation in Ukraine is seeking to “bring about” a “transition” in the country. He expressed how “pleased” he was that Undersecretary of State Victoria Nuland was present in Kiev with him, attempting to achieve the same goal.

Protests continued in the following weeks, with demonstrators maintaining an encampment surrounded by barricades at Maidan Square amid the freezing winter weather.

However, on February 18, deadly clashes between police and anti-government protesters in Maidan left at least twenty-five people dead and hundreds injured, the Associated Press reported.

The following day, February 19, Obama said he was watching the violence in Ukraine “very carefully.”

“We expect the Ukrainian government to show restraint and to not resort to violence when dealing with peaceful protesters,” Obama said.

At the same time, Senators McCain and Chris Murphy (D-CT) announced they were preparing legislation that would impose sanctions against Ukrainians who have committed, ordered or supported acts of violence against peaceful protesters. “There must be consequences for the escalation of violence in Ukraine,” they said in a statement. “Unfortunately, that time has now come.”

Unmentioned by Obama, McCain, and Murphy was the fact that thirteen of the victims killed the day before were not protestors, but members of the police.

As Libertarian Institute Director Scott Horton details in Provoked, his exhaustive study of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, false flag snipers from the opposition opened fire on protestors at Maidan just one day after Obama and McCain’s warnings.

The Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ) later described the events of that day as “a cold-blooded bloodbath.”

“On February 20, a Thursday, the confrontation reaches its climax. Shots lash over the barricades. People collapse… The masked men fire for minutes at anyone who comes into their sights,” reported the FAZ.

Over the course of several days at Maidan, snipers assumed to be from President Yanukovych’s Berkut police units killed 103 protestors. The victims were quickly branded as the “Heavenly Hundred” at a mass funeral the following day.

The “martyrs” needed to topple the pro-Russian Ukrainian government had now been created.

Social media tools promoted at the U.S.-funded TechCamp, in particular Google-owned YouTube, played a key role in publicizing the deaths and establishing the narrative that the Yanukovych government was responsible. “That same day, video images sealing Yanukovych’s fate circulate on YouTube: masked gunmen in police uniforms fire into the crowd,” the FAZ wrote.

Amid the ensuing outrage over the killings, the Ukrainian president fled Kiev to the city of Kharkiv near the Russian border. “Yanukovych was overthrown the very night of the following day, on February 21. The images of the carnage were his downfall,” the German newspaper noted.

Amid attempts by European Union leaders to broker a deal with the opposition that would have kept Yanukovych in power until elections in December, Reuters reported that one of the protestors gave an emotional speech that same night demanding the president be removed in response to the killings.

Speaking at Maidan Square with open coffins behind him, Volodymyr Parasuik stated, “Our kinsmen have been shot, and our leaders shake hands with this killer. This is shame. Tomorrow, by 10 o’clock, he has to be gone.”

As Scott Horton observed, Parasuik publicly mourned the dead at Maidan and accused Yanukovych of their killing, even though he was the same man who commanded snipers to shoot police, and likely fellow protestors, on the morning of February 20 from the Music Conservatory.

The day after Parasuik’s speech, February 22, Ukraine’s parliament passed a resolution stating Yanukovych “is removing himself [from power] because he is not fulfilling his obligations,” and voted to hold early presidential elections.

Just one day later, February 23, Ukraine’s acting interior minister said Yanukovych was wanted for “mass murder,” Reuters added, while calling Parasuik the “toast of Kiev.”

Political scientists Samuel Charap of the Rand Corporation and Timothy Colton of Harvard University note that the U.S. ambassador to Russia at the time, Michael McFaul, later told an audience at the German Marshall Fund in Washington DC that he received numerous “high-five emails” from colleagues in the days after the coup.

As noted above, McFaul participated in the PSD-11 planning meetings as an NSC staffer and celebrated with colleagues when Egypt’s President Mubarak was overthrown.

On May 25, pro-U.S. candidate Petro Poroshenko was elected President of Ukraine. President Obama called Poroshenko the same day to congratulate him on his victory and to “commend the Ukrainian people for making their voices heard.”

Charap and Colton also pointed to the “jubilation in Western capitals” following the coup, as Ukraine’s new government was determined to reverse Yanukovych’s “relatively Russia-friendly foreign policy” and move closer to the EU.

After the successful coup, questions soon arose questioning the identity of the snipers at Maidan.

Scott Horton notes further that in early March, Estonian Foreign Minister Urmas Paet told the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security, Catherine Ashton, that he was receiving “disturbing” reports from a doctor who treated victims at a first aid station at Maidan.

The doctor said that of the first thirteen gunshot victims brought in, all were shot to the “heart, to neck, to lung.” Crucially, the doctor stated that the bullets that killed protestors were of the same type as those that killed police.

“The evidence appeared to show that the people who were killed by snipers [were] from both sides, among policemen and people in the street. That they were the same snipers killing people from both sides,” Paet stated in a leaked phone call with Ashton.

“So that there is now stronger and stronger understanding that behind the snipers, it was not Yanukovych, but it was somebody from the new coalition,” the Estonian minister concluded.

Just as in Tunisia and Egypt, the new government that came to power courtesy of the snipers showed little interesting in investigating the killings. “And it’s really disturbing that now the new coalition, that they don’t want to investigate what exactly happened,” Paet added.

Commenting on these killings one year later, UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary, or arbitrary executions, Christof Heyns, similarly stated that he was “concerned by the apparent shortcomings of the investigation into these events.”

Years later, Ivan Katchanovski, a Ukrainian professor of Political Science at the University of Ottawa in Canada, conducted a detailed forensic investigation of the killings using video and photographic evidence filmed by journalists and protestors and broadcast on TV and on social media.

He concluded that the protestors were not killed by police units loyal to Yanukovych, but by snipers from a far-right opposition group’s occupying positions in the Music Conservatory and upper floors of the Hotel Ukraina above Maidan Square.

“This was the best documented case of mass killing in history, broadcast live on TV and the internet, in presence of thousands of eyewitnesses. It was filmed by hundreds of journalists from major media in the West, Ukraine, Russia, and many other countries as well as by numerous social media users,” Katchanovski wrote. “Yet, to this day, no one has been brought to justice for this major and consequential crime.”

While the Ukrainian and Western governments and mainstream media promoted a narrative placing blame on the Yanukovych government, Katchanovski’s work “found that this was an organized mass killing of both protesters and the police, with the goal of delegitimizing the Yanukovych government and its forces and seizing power in Ukraine.”

The 2014 sniper operation led in part to the current war raging between Ukraine and Russia.

In April 2014, just one month after the Maidan protests, Ukraine’s interim President Olexander Turchynov, launched an “anti-terror” operation to crush ethnic Russian separatists in Donbass in eastern Ukraine who rejected the coup against Yanukovych.

A civil war ensued, leaving 14,000 Ukrainians, civilians and combatants, from both sides dead. The civil war then contributed to Russia launching its invasion in 2022. Hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian and Russian soldiers have since died.

Though the evidence of who killed the Heavenly Hundred at Maidan is clear, the Ukrainian government continues to hide the truth and commemorate them each year as martyrs for the so-called “Revolution of Dignity.”

The Western press also refuses to acknowledge the real culprits, instead blaming Russia.

To commemorate the Maidan events in 2024, Luke Harding of The Guardian wrote that the 103 protesters were killed by “pro-Putin government forces.”

During a trip to Ukraine following the Russian invasion in in 2022, this author had a conversation with a Ukrainian woman, Luba, which illustrated how an unconventional warfare campaign involving false flag killings can influence the political views of the population of a target country. Despite being born in Crimea to ethnic Russian parents and speaking Russian as a first language, Luba was militantly pro-Ukraine and believed that Russian President Vladimir Putin’s 2022 invasion was part of an effort to commit genocide against Ukrainians. Luba said she attended the protests in Maidan in 2014 and that the killing of the protestors by snipers strongly influenced her beliefs about Russia.

Like many Ukrainians, she believed the narrative that police loyal to Yanukovych had killed the protestors. She said she believed the snipers may have even been Russian special forces, sent by Moscow to help Yanukovych suppress the protests to stay in power.

Conclusion

In August 2010, the Obama administration issued Presidential Study Directive 11, calling for “democratic transitions” in Middle East states, including in U.S. allies, that would lead to Islamists from the Muslim Brotherhood taking power. In the following months, protests erupted in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, and Syria, demanding that long-time autocratic rulers be toppled.

The protests were organized and led by activists trained in the use of social media and other technologies, including Tor, Facebook, and YouTube, by the U.S. State Department in cooperation with U.S. technology firms.

In each instance, the phenomenon of the snipers appeared, targeting protestors with precise shots to the head and neck.

The killings were quickly attributed to government security forces, providing the “martyrs” needed to fuel the protestor’s anger further. The protests snowballed as more and more people turned against the Arab rulers they had previously supported.

In each case, the sniper phenomenon gave President Obama the pretext to call for these rulers to leave power, saying the killing of protestors had caused them to lose legitimacy. As a result, opposition movements led by the Muslim Brotherhood either took power, or nearly took power, in each country as well.

Three years later, the same pattern emerged in Ukraine.

In each case, the false flag killings and accompanying activist-backed social media campaigns deeply impacted the views of many people in the target countries. In the cases of Syria and Ukraine, the unconventional warfare campaigns launched by elements within the U.S. government led to major conflicts that have killed hundreds of thousands of people.

Civilians and soldiers in Syria and Ukraine have suffered from crimes carried out by all sides in those conflicts, crimes which would not have occurred had covert measures to effect “democratic transitions” not been implemented by planners in Washington.

October 16, 2025 Posted by | Deception, Timeless or most popular | , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

How an Israeli-backed firm spied on US churches to push propaganda

Al Mayadeen | October 15, 2025

A new firm called Show Faith by Works has launched a geofencing campaign targeting Christian churches and colleges across the American Southwest with pro-“Israel” advertisements, a covert operation exposed in a striking investigation by Nick Cleveland-Stout, a Research Associate in the Democratizing Foreign Policy program at the Quincy Institute, and published by Responsible Statecraft.

The operation appears to be conducted without the awareness or consent of many pastors and congregations, some of whom have expressed alarm over the use of such invasive digital targeting by “Israel”.

According to the company’s filing under the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA), the project aims to “geofence the actual boundaries of every Major (sic) church in California, Arizona, Nevada, and Coloardo (sic) and all Christian Colleges during worship times,” allowing the firm to “track attendees and continue to target [them] with ads” on behalf of “Israel”.

The geofencing component forms part of a broader $3.2 million contract, which also involves recruiting celebrity endorsers and compensating pastors to create pro-Israel content.

No knowledge of campaign

Responsible Statecraft contacted hundreds of churches listed as potential targets in the campaign; none reported prior knowledge of it. “We were not aware of that, no—you are the first to bring that to our attention,” said the press office of Bethel Church in Redding, California.

Project manager Chad Schnitger told RS via email that the advertisements may include “invitations for Christians to visit one of our upcoming Mobile Museum exhibits, or to go to our website to learn more about the program, or to visit Israel with your church.” The firm’s pitch deck reportedly described the ads as “pro-Israel and anti-Palestinian.”

The Mobile Museum referenced by Schnitger is a traveling exhibit housed in a trailer that visits churches and Christian colleges. It displays footage of Israeli occupation forces describing the “difficulty of fighting bad guys in hostile territory with civilians.” Schnitger said the first exhibit will begin touring within a month.

Privacy nightmare

Geofencing, the technology underpinning the campaign, allows marketers to identify and target mobile devices within a defined geographic area. When users enter or leave a specific boundary, they can receive targeted advertisements, texts, or in-app notifications, a tactic long used by commercial brands to reach nearby customers.

Megan Iorio, Senior Counsel at the Electronic Privacy Information Center, described geofencing as a “privacy nightmare”. In an interview for RS, she explained that data brokers collect location data from apps and sell it to marketing firms or use it to deliver hyper-targeted ads. “For example,” she said, “a user might see an H&M ad simply by walking within a certain distance of one of its stores.”

While Schnitger defended the campaign as a “one-way ad push” and said media coverage had been “sensationalized”, Iorio emphasized that the practice remains “incredibly invasive”. She added, “The fact it has become so common and that foreign governments are now using it for targeted, precise influence campaigns shows how much we need regulation to stamp down on the practice. It is so invasive and has national security implications.”

‘Warfare language’

Community members listed as potential targets share those concerns. Micah, a mechanical engineer from Colorado Springs, said he has been warning local pastors and news outlets after discovering that seven area churches appeared in the firm’s geofencing documents. “What jumps out immediately is how the entire document talks about Christians as targets to be manipulated. This isn’t respectful outreach, it’s warfare language,” he wrote in a memo obtained by RS.

Micah also raised concerns about the firm’s plan to pay pastors for producing content. The firm’s proposal includes stipends for “individual guest pastors, bilingual pastors, or pastors who match target demographics to record messages based on content creation targets.” According to Micah, this “creates financial conflicts of interest where religious leaders become financially dependent on foreign government messaging, compromising their independence and integrity.”

His brother Asa, who attends Scottsdale Bible Church in Arizona, one of the listed churches, agreed, saying the initiative reflects “Israel’s” waning influence among young Americans. “This entire project is an attempt to regain the attention and hearts/support of Gen Z through the use of religious manipulation,” he said. Both brothers requested anonymity for security reasons.

Schnitger, however, expressed confidence that the campaign would help sway public opinion. “For those who dislike Israel, maybe some of these exhibits and materials will change your mind,” he said, adding that the firm’s messaging highlights how “[P]alestinian and Iranian goals are not land-focused, but genocidal.”

‘Project 545’

Not all responses were positive. Timothy Feldman, a software engineer from Plano, Texas, said he was “disgusted” to learn his church was listed among “Israel’s” potential targets. “I am disgusted that a genocidal apartheid state is attempting to whitewash its atrocities by propagandizing the good people of Christ United Methodist Church,” Feldman told RS in an email.

Although churches in Texas were included in the pitch deck, Schnitger clarified that the firm “is not doing anything in Texas at this time.” A church worker in Prescott, Arizona, whose church was also listed, told RS that community reaction is uncertain. “The demographics in Prescott tend to be pro-Israel, so it’s hard to know how the church leadership will react to this. All we can do is make people aware of it,” he said, requesting anonymity.

Oversight of the campaign reportedly falls to Eran Shayovich, Chief of Staff at “Israel’s” Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Shayovich is leading “Project 545”, described as a campaign to “amplify Israel’s strategic communication and public diplomacy efforts.” He also serves as a contact for Brad Parscale, former campaign manager for Donald Trump, who is said to be coordinating efforts to train ChatGPT and integrate pro-“Israel” messaging into conservative media.

Some US states have begun restricting geofencing and the trade of location data. Oregon passed a law in June banning the sale of precise geolocation information, following Maryland’s earlier legislation. At the federal level, former FTC Chair Lina Khan prohibited several major data brokers from collecting or selling location data from sensitive sites, such as churches and military bases, without explicit consent. However, thousands of smaller firms still operate freely, leaving places of worship vulnerable to digital tracking and manipulation.

October 15, 2025 Posted by | Deception | , , , | Leave a comment

Jacques Baud: Borderless Israel & Gaza Pause

Glenn Diesen | October 14, 2025

Colonel Jacques Baud is a former military intelligence analyst in the Swiss Army and the author of many books. Baud discusses the temporary pause in the Gaza conflict and the absence of a new status quo and clear Israeli borders.

October 15, 2025 Posted by | Ethnic Cleansing, Racism, Zionism, Illegal Occupation, Video | , , , , , | Leave a comment

Hungary cannot meet energy demands without Russia – FM

Hungarian Foreign Minister Peter Szijjarto. © Getty Images / Sefa Karacan; Anadolu
RT | October 15, 2025

Hungary cannot meet its energy needs without Russian oil and gas and has no intention of abandoning supplies, Foreign Minister Peter Szijjarto has said. Speaking at the Russian Energy Week forum in Moscow, Szijjarto stressed that Hungary’s energy security depends on existing supply routes and long-term contracts with Russian companies.

Brussels has repeatedly demanded that all EU members cut off ties with Moscow and stop purchasing Russian energy. Szijjarto said Hungary has been pressured to refuse Russian deliveries in the name of “diversifying” its imports, but dismissed the argument as “insane” and “completely illogical.” He questioned how abandoning one source of energy could possibly be described as diversification.

The minister warned that if Hungary were cut off from Russian gas supplies, it “will not be able to ensure the necessary fuel supplies.” He said the same applies to Russian crude oil delivered via the southern branch of the Druzhba pipeline. According to Szijjarto, other hydrocarbon routes cannot currently replace the volumes provided through the TurkStream gas pipeline and the Druzhba network.

Szijjarto praised Hungary’s cooperation with Russian energy companies, noting that they have never failed to meet contractual obligations. “If we needed more, they provided more; if we needed less, they provided less. Contract terms have always been honored, so why should we suddenly sever these relations?” he said. The minister added that thanks to its partnership with Russia, Hungary remains in a secure position regarding energy supplies.

The EU has called for a complete phase-out of Russian energy imports by 2027, though several member states, including Hungary and Slovakia, continue to rely on Russian crude delivered via Druzhba. In recent months, Ukrainian attacks on energy infrastructure connected to the pipeline have intensified, worsening tensions between Kiev and Budapest.

Szijjarto has said the strikes on Druzhba amount to an attack on Hungary’s sovereignty and urged the EU to ensure the security of the bloc’s energy supplies.

Moscow has described Brussels’ efforts to abandon Russian energy in favor of more expensive US alternatives as “suicidal.”

October 15, 2025 Posted by | Russophobia | , , , | Leave a comment

NATO must buy more US arms for Ukraine – Pentagon chief

RT | October 15, 2025

European NATO members should purchase more American-made weapons to sustain Ukraine’s war effort against Russia, US War Secretary Pete Hegseth said on Wednesday ahead of a meeting of the bloc’s defense ministers.

Moscow has repeatedly stated that Western arms shipments cannot change the balance of power on the battlefield, arguing that Ukraine’s chronic manpower shortage, fueled by mass draft avoidance and desertion, undermines any material advantage.

Speaking alongside NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, Hegseth praised the Prioritized Ukraine Requirements List (PURL) initiative and said the European members must spend more funds through it.

“Our expectation today is that more countries donate even more, that they purchase even more to provide for Ukraine,” Hegseth said. Rutte noted there was “firepower coming out of our defense industry” to bolster Ukrainian forces.

US President Donald Trump recently claimed that with European funding for American weapons, Ukraine could still achieve its territorial goals – a reversal of his earlier assessment that the county had “no cards” to play. Trump is expected to soon announce whether the US will approve deliveries of long-range Tomahawk cruise missiles to Kiev, a move Moscow has warned would mark a serious escalation but would not significantly alter the frontline situation.

The Russian government has accused European backers of Kiev of prolonging the conflict at the expense of Ukrainian lives, arguing that the former are unwilling to admit the failure of their strategy.

Meanwhile, European NATO members continue to bear the economic fallout of their sanctions policy against Russia. Having rejected affordable Russian energy, many EU economies have faced surging production costs and widespread industrial bankruptcies, while the US has benefited from increased investment inflows and higher sales of liquefied natural gas to Europe.

October 15, 2025 Posted by | Economics, Militarism | , , , | Leave a comment

Warsaw demands halt to Nord Stream sabotage probe – FT

RT | October 14, 2025

Germany is acting against NATO’s interests by continuing a criminal investigation into the Nord Stream pipeline sabotage, Poland’s national security chief, Slawomir Cenckiewicz, has claimed, urging Berlin to shut down the probe.

The Nord Stream pipelines, which carried Russian gas to Germany under the Baltic Sea, were severely damaged by underwater explosions in September 2022. Russia, which led the pipeline project, called the incident an act of state terrorism, while Western states including Poland applauded the bombings.

German prosecutors have attributed the sabotage to a group of seven Ukrainian nationals who allegedly used a small rented yacht to carry out the attack. Moscow has dismissed that version as “ridiculous,” maintaining that the scale and complexity of the operation point to state involvement.

Several suspects have so far been detained across the EU, including one in Poland and another in Italy, for allegedly blowing up the pipelines. However, Warsaw has refused to extradite the suspect held in Poland to Berlin.

Cenckiewicz told Financial Times it was in Poland’s interest to protect anyone connected to the operation, calling the German probe “a clear contradiction in interests between Poland and Germany.” He said the investigation “doesn’t make sense, not only in terms of the interests of Poland but also the whole [NATO] alliance.”

Cenckiewicz argued that pursuing the cases “serves Russian injustice” and demanded an end to the probe, adding that Poland will not extradite the detained Ukrainian suspects.

Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk has also opposed extradition, saying “the problem with Nord Stream 2 is not that it was blown up, the problem is that it was built.”

Meanwhile, Russian officials have insisted that a state actor was likely behind the sabotage and have accused Germany of concealing evidence and excluding Moscow from the inquiry.

In 2023, veteran American journalist Seymour Hersh published a report alleging that the US, under then President Joe Biden’s orders, orchestrated the sabotage using Navy divers with Norwegian support during the NATO exercise BALTOPS 22. Washington and Oslo have denied the claim.

October 14, 2025 Posted by | War Crimes | , , , | Leave a comment

Talk of Sending Tomahawk Missiles to Ukraine is Calculated Psy-Op to Pressure Russia

By Ekaterina Blinova – Sputnik – 14.10.2025

The US won’t allow strikes on Russian refineries, says Alexander Mikhailov, head of the Bureau of Military-Political Analysis.

Psy-op in the Making

“I don’t see any military prospects for using Tomahawks against Russia, except for attempts at informational blackmail and political pressure,” Mikhailov tells Sputnik.

No Tomahawks have been sent or launched, yet Western media frenzy suggests a pressure tactic.

It’s all connected:

  • Washington raises the stakes by hinting at sending Tomahawks to Russia
  • Western media, aligned with Washington, hype the story — discussing targets, launches, and control
  • The impression is the missiles are already on their way

A Tomahawk launcher might even be rolled out at a test range somewhere simply for PR videos, Mikhailov suggests. But it would be similar to the Taurus missiles Germany promised: hyped by the media – yet still absent from Ukraine.

Washington Isn’t Suicidal

The Kremlin has repeatedly said Ukraine cannot launch Tomahawks on its own.

“Every Tomahawk fired at Russia from a US-made system by American crews would mark the start of a war between the US and Russia,” Mikhailov says.

  • The idea of US-made Tomahawks striking energy infrastructure inside Russia is a fantasy
  • Such an act would cross a red line that would trigger a response the US is 100% not ready for
  • Russia’s updated nuclear doctrine explicitly states that a massive cruise missile attack (like a volley of Tomahawks) can be met with a NUCLEAR response
  • Are the Americans ready to “collectively die” for this? The expert is clear: “I am absolutely sure, no.”

What Does the West Want?

The real target would be the “shadow fleet” moving Russian oil, according to the pundit. To that end, NATO holds provocative Baltic drills and tries to seize Russian ships.
The Nord Stream sabotage exemplifies economic attacks to choke Russia’s energy exports abroad.

October 14, 2025 Posted by | Deception, Militarism | , , , , | Leave a comment

West weaponizing laws to silence pro-Palestine activism: Study

Al Mayadeen | October 14, 2025

The right to protest is facing increasing restrictions across the West, The Guardian reported on Monday, citing a new study by the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), which accuses governments of criminalizing pro-Palestine activism and using counter-terrorism and antisemitism laws to stifle dissent.

The report focuses on the UK, US, France, and Germany, accusing authorities in these countries of “weaponizing” national security and anti-hate legislation to silence criticism of “Israel” and suppress demonstrations supporting Palestinian rights in Gaza and the occupied West Bank.

“This trend reflects a worrying shift towards the normalization of exceptional measures in dealing with dissenting voices,” Yosra Frawes, head of FIDH’s Maghreb and Middle East desk, told The Guardian.

Compiled from open-source data, witness accounts, and institutional reports gathered between October 2023 and September 2025, the study was released just one day after a US-brokered Gaza ceasefire that secured the release of all living Israeli captives and around 2,000 Palestinian detainees.

According to FIDH, restrictions on speech and assembly have extended beyond protests, impacting journalists, academics, and public officials who express solidarity with Palestinians.

In the United Kingdom, the organization found that protest rights have eroded under both Conservative and Labour administrations. The report points to the 2024 anti-protest law introduced by the Conservatives, later deemed unlawful, and to what it calls the Labour government’s continuation of “official narratives” justifying support for “Israel”.

It highlights former Home Secretary Suella Braverman‘s branding of pro-Palestine rallies as “hate marches”, arguing that this rhetoric “stigmatized support for Palestine and Palestinian resistance movements” and “worked to discriminate against Muslims and other racialized groups in the UK.”

FIDH says the change in government in July 2024 “did little to change official government narratives,” claiming Labour has linked criticism of “Israel” with “violent antisemitism” while continuing to target Muslim and racialized communities.

The tensions have been further inflamed by the Labour government’s ban on the activist network Palestine Action and its proposal to expand police powers at protests.

FIDH draws parallels across the Atlantic, where US authorities have detained demonstrators and pursued legal actions against individuals expressing solidarity with Palestine. In France, the government has faced criticism for banning pro-Palestine demonstrations in several cities and for dissolving the rights group Urgence Palestine.

Meanwhile, in Germany, protests have drawn thousands, but police tactics and restrictions on slogans deemed antisemitic, for the mere criticism of “Israel”, have been widely condemned as excessive. The report argues that Germany’s actions reflect a “collective discomfort” in balancing free expression with its postwar responsibility to combat what it classifies as “antisemitism”.

Freedom crisis

The federation recommends that the UK establish an independent oversight body for policing demonstrations and amend key legislation, Section 12 of the Terrorism Act 2000 and Section 11 of the Public Order Act 2023, to protect political speech and prevent arbitrary searches.

“Ultimately, the crackdown on solidarity with Palestinians reveals a profound crisis, not only of human rights in the occupied territories but of freedom itself, in societies that claim to be democratic,” the report concludes.

FIDH says that while legal frameworks vary among the UK, US, France, and Germany, the trend toward restricting Palestinian solidarity movements represents a global pattern of shrinking civic space, one that calls into question the credibility of Western nations as defenders of democratic freedoms.

October 14, 2025 Posted by | Civil Liberties, Full Spectrum Dominance, Solidarity and Activism | , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

How Zionist Influence in New York Gave Rise to Zohran Mamdani

By Matt Wolfson | The Libertarian Institute | October 14, 2025

Coverage of Zohran Mamdani’s run for New York City mayor is focused on the outsized politics at play in the race: democratic socialism, Islam, state-owned grocers, former Governor Andrew Cuomo, until recently incumbent Mayor Eric Adams, and President Donald Trump. But this risks missing the real story in New York, which is the decades-long creation and maintenance of a financialized, factionalized city of free market distortions and middle class displacement at the hands of powerful Zionists and their allies that led to backlash and Mamdani’s rise. Rewinding Mamdani’s catapault to politcal stardom reveals that New York’s current situation—its transition from a city hospitable to the working and middle classes and genuine free exchange of goods and services to a feudal one of government-backed financiers and service workers—is in many ways the work of a little more than a dozen Zionist financiers who twisted government to their ends.

Zionism in New York was part of a shift in the city begun by establishment-connected WASPs away from government by wards and organizers and toward rule by government-connected finance. The originator was Nelson Rockefeller, John D. Rockefeller’s grandson and the governor of New York from 1959 to 1973, who floated New York City’s bills by arranging for banks like Chase Manhattan (run by his brother David) to buy bonds. These new bonds covered the old bills even though the bonds were not backed by actual assets of the city’s but by anticipated returns; e.g. “tax anticipation bonds,” “bond anticipation notes,” and “moral obligation bonds.” This meant the city borrowed from the bankers, paid a portion of the interest, and borrowed again, while having no long-term way to pay back the full amount of ever-increasing debt.

The fix to this problem created by financiers came from financiers: a consortium set up in 1975 by Nelson Rockefeller, now vice president, to “solve” the city’s $6 billion debt. The consortium operated through various vehicles with names like the Municipal Assistance Corporation and the Emergency Financial Control Board and it achieved this “fixing” in a predictably self-interested way. It cut out of influence the city’s old political power brokers—Jewish, Irish, Italian, Puerto Rican, and black politicians with connections to their communities. It then executed a bait-and-switch. It cut city funds from supporting welfare and unions in the name of small government while actually redirecting those funds to support financial development via investing in a real estate boom driven by a handful of connected players that attracted new “talent” to the city.

The main beneficiaries were rising Wall Street power brokers, the most notable ones Zionist, for whom the 1980s was a kind of heyday. The roster included Laurence and Robert Tisch, Maurice “Hank” Greenberg, Michael Steinhardt, the Bronfmans, Michael Milken, Stephen Schwarzman, and high-end retailers like Victoria Secret’s Leslie Wexner and Leonard and Ronald Lauder, the sons of Estee Lauder and heirs to her fortune. One difficulty of critiquing a cohort like this is that the conflation of “Jewish power” and New York is an old trope, in part because New York has been, since the early twentieth century, a Jewish city. So it should be emphasized that this cohort was small and highly specific. It was distinct from older generations of New York Jews—not just Jewish ward players like Abraham Beame, New York’s last mayor under its old power dispensation, but Jewish financiers like Felix Rohatyn, who played a major role in stabilizing the city’s debt in the 1970s.

Players like Beame and Rohatyn had planted their stakes firmly in America and nowhere else. Having experienced the rise of the Nazi Party in an economically cratered Germany as a childhood reality, they were committed to creating the conditions for what they hoped would be lasting social peace. Zionists, by contrast, had their eye on the military-corporate apparatus and its ties to Israel, and they were not especially concerned with the effects of their actions on the ground. They also rejected what would become the mores of the majority of Jews and especially Jews of a later generation: intermarriage, mixing, diverse assimilation. Their style was self-consciously distinctive and gloves off, and beginning in the 1980s they executed an aggressive reinvention not just of the financial markets but of New York.

Part of this reinvention was done, much as the Rockefellers’ rise to influence in New York had been done, through philanthropy, but at a much greater scale. Among these Zionist players’ direct bequests were the Steinhardt Conservatory at the Bronx Botanic Gardens, the NYU Steinhardt School of Culture, Education, and Human Development, the NYU Tisch School of the Arts, NYU Langone’s Tisch Hospital, the Tisch Galleries at the Metropolitan Museum, the Tisch Children’s Zoo in Central Park, the Leonard Lauder Galleries at the Metropolitan Museum and the Museum of Modern Art, Ronald S. Lauder’s Neue Museum, and the NYU Bronfman Center.

Another part of this reinvention was done through real estate, which, like Wall Street, was increasingly dominated by Zionists. Perhaps most notable among them was Lawrence D. Ackman of Ackman-Ziff, the firm which redeveloped West 34th Street, West 42nd Street, and Madison Avenue on the Upper East Side in the 1970s and 1980s and turned portions of 9th Avenue into the high-end Chelsea market in the 1990s.

So far, government had been indirectly incentivizing development; then, in the 2000s, government got directly involved. Philanthropy and real estate became direct tools of government with the mayoralty from 2002 to 2014 of Michael Bloomberg, the billionaire financial services provider and the man most connected to this class by Zionism and finance. Bloomberg’s projects pushed in one direction: using government policy and finance capital to redevelop the city to create a tourist and tech mecca. His opening gambit was re-zoning 40% of the city. He then filled those rezoned spaces with public-private projects—parks, high-rises, high-end department stores—displacing middle and working class New Yorkers and driving up rents for everyone else.

This was not a free market experiment, where the best contractor gets the development job or the philanthropic bequest. This was explicitly a project of wealthy and connected Zionists with ties to the mayor. As Leonard Lauder told it to The New York Times some years later, “When Mike Bloomberg was the mayor, he was the ultimate power broker. He would call me up on the phone and say, ‘I need this and this and this, OK?’” Hollywood Zionists who came East were mobilized too, notably the media executive Barry Diller and his wife, the designer Diane von Furstenburg, and the music producer David Geffen. So was a new generation of real estate Zionists like Steven M. Ross of Related Companies, the developer of Columbus Circle, and Gary Barnett of Extell Development Company, the son of a rabbi and former diamond trader with significant holdings in Israel. So, finally, was a new generation of Zionist financiers like the hedge fund operators Daniel Loeb and Bill Ackman, Lawrence Ackman’s son.

Development proceeded from there. Bill Ackman’s first wife Karen Herskovitz and Laurence Tisch’s niece Laurie Tisch were major backers of the public park The High Line and the High Line’s anchor building, the relocated Whitney Museum of American Art. This was Bloomberg’s pioneer re-development project: a park built on former railway lines that cut through the Lower West Side to Midtown West, from 4th to 34th Street. Barry Diller and Diane von Furstenberg provided the funds for Little Island off West 13th Street west of the High Line, which “replace[d] the dilapidated Pier 54, envisioning an extraordinary new pier combining public Park and performance space.” Stephen M. Ross, facilitated by Bloomberg and later backed by an infusion from the Saudi Public Investment Fund, developed Bloomberg’s culminating project: the mega-mall Hudson Yards on West 34th Street at the top of the High Line. Stephen Schwarzman donated $100 million to the New York Public Library. David Geffen donated $100 million to refurbish the New York Philharmonic, with the help of Leonard Lauder and Bloomberg confidante (and Zionist) Barbara Walters.

Then there was real estate. A bevy of “supertall” skyscrapers which cast shadows over the surrounding buildings and streets were developed by Gary Barnett’s Extell, among the most prolific developers in Manhattan. (The occupants of Extell’s and other supertall developments were mostly financial workers and Saudi princes, who complained when the buildings leaked from the inside and swayed in the wind.) Smaller versions of Extell’s developments appeared in Brooklyn neighborhoods, built with cheap materials and generally agreed by locals to be eyesores meant for purchase by out-of-towners. Imitators of these projects abounded, thanks to Bloomberg’s largesse via not just re-zoning but also his provision of incentives to developers and his personnel intercession to make some projects happen. During his mayoralty, seven of the twenty tallest buildings in the city were built, along with smaller towers in areas ranging from downtown Manhattan and Brooklyn to Harlem.

In all of these spaces, the natural circulation of neighborhoods, which depends on small businesses and schools and places of worship, was replaced by “excursion destinations” constructed with enormous capital investment from powerful financiers with access to government. These high rises, parks, and cultural centers and the luxury apartments surrounding them also functioned as surveillance spaces, with manicured lawns for “relaxation” flanked by buildings which were easy to watch and patrol. And they functioned as class filters, siphoning from Manhattan the middle income earners priced out by rising rents and replacing them with finance workers or wealthy foreign nationals looking for second apartment homes. These new arrivals, in turn, relied for their needs on a growing number of service workers working low-wage shifts in restaurants or at Doordash—many of them undocumented.

This finance-and-philanthropy-based surveillance-and-extraction model is quite similar to the fundamentals of the “Raze-and-Rebuild” program being pushed by prominent Zionists for Gaza: a space meant to be serviced by undocumenteds and inhabited by financiers and tourists once the “locals” are “relocated.” It is also quite similar to the cities of authoritarian regimes in West Asia and the Gulf States that rose in the 2010s. And there is past precedent for it in the developments of Paris and Berlin at the hands of authoritarian regimes of the nineteenth century—developments which immiserated the working and middle class of these cities and seeded the ground for the cycle of revolt and reaction that created fascism.

But these explicitly feudal parallels have gone almost completely unremarked on in New York, probably because Zionist financiers have also assumed positions at the helms of the city’s education system and media nexus.

At the hands of Laurence Tisch’s daughter-in-law Merryl Tisch, as Chair of the Board of Regents (in charge of education in New York state) she and her allies Andrew Cuomo and Michael Bloomberg put a focus on standardized testing in the name of “merit.” This functioned to place “high achieving” outer borough students into private or “special” schools in Manhattan rather than giving outer borough schools the resources to help these students represent their communities. At the hands of the longtime presidents of New York University and Columbia, the city’s two most powerful universities have expanded their footprints off the real estate boom and muted critiques of the crony corporatism behind it. Successive Zionist executives and op-ed editors of The New York Times and Conde Nast, which is owned since the 1980s by the Zionist Newhouse Family and publishes Vogue and Vanity Fair and The New Yorker, media coverage of New York has celebrated expansion, “modernization,” modernizers, and the celebrities and fashion innovations these shifts bring to the city. So has CBS News, owned by first the Tisches in the 1980s and 1990s and then the Redstones, another Zionist family, from the 1990s to the 2020s. Despite the quiet admonitions of older players like Felix Rohaytn against the dangers of this insularity, the fantasy of empire management has turned New York into something closer to nineteenth century Europe than anything Americans might recognize.

This project only continues faster today. Zionists like New York Times columnists Thomas Friedman and Ezra Klein are backing the “Abundance Agenda,” a spate of policies to fast-track building permits in urban areas across the nation to combat housing scarcity, which will accrue to the benefit of governmentally connected developers and financiers able to manage large-scale projects. Academics from MIT, the site of lavish donations from New York Zionist financiers like Jeffrey Epstein and Stephen Schwarzman, have been calling for New York to become a “leisure city” catering to tourists and younger workers in the finance industry.

Of course, just as there is backlash to colonization abroad, there is backlash to it at home. In the 1980s and 1990s, the backlash came in the form of crime, boycotts, and riots, and protests from leftwing activists and the leadership of black and Hispanic communities whose influence had waned after the 1970s. In the 2010s, these marginalized figures received a new infusion of outside energy from political progressives who had built up their power in universities and the arts using state grants, in effect commandeering parts of the institutions Zionists had funded to enhance their own control. These players brought media sophistication and an ideological agenda to the on-the-ground communal left which had been rudderless. Meantime, the on-the-ground left brought to the table a close connection to the communities at the stick end of Zionists’ policies. The realization of the success of this synthesis was the mayoralty of the progressive Bill De Blasio, who within three months of beginning his first term was publicly criticized by allies of Zionist philanthropists for failing to give them the attention they felt they were due.

Then, in the 2020s, came De Blasio’s successor, Zohran Mamdani, a more effective progressive (as De Blasio freely admits) on every level. Where De Blasio talked about a “tale of two cities” and universal Pre-K, Mamdani talked, over and over and in original ways, about affordability, and took direct aim at the enemies of affordability in New York, finance, and Zionism. Historically, as I have reported elsewhere, socialism and its ideological cousin redistributionism have occurred in America after long periods when finance twisted around the state and distorted its functions. At a certain point in these processes, Americans respond to a program pushing for government money to flow not toward financial firms or weapons contractors but directly to them. Indeed, Mamdani’s victory speech when he won the primary, which emphasized returning the city to serve the interests of the working people who make New York run, was an emblem of exactly what New Yorkers appear to be looking for.

Bill Ackman, Dan Loeb, and other members of the club of Zionist financial elites have sounded the alarm of creeping socialism since Mamdani’s victory, but they have not blamed themselves for creating the distortive conditions that led to it. In fact, they’ve done the opposite. They’ve turned to a characteristically Zionist—which is to say colonialist—solution to rising discontent. This is a solution which they’ve slowly been developing since the 1990s and which had its antecedents or parallels in nineteenth century Europe and the twenty-first century Middle East: techno-military law enforcement to control “restive populations.” As I will show in a coming report, if Andrew Cuomo wins on November 4, the militarist play being run by Zionists will continue without any meaningful check, since Cuomo is both a close Zionist ally and not known for his concern for civil liberties. If Mamdani wins, there may be checks on this militarism, but these checks will not be absolute. Instead, some measure of militarized law enforcement will coexist with socialist government expansion. Together, these could lead New York on a path toward government control across sectors: security, economy, politics, society.

October 14, 2025 Posted by | Economics, Ethnic Cleansing, Racism, Zionism | , , , | Leave a comment