IRAN GOT NOTHING FROM the MoU – Nima Alkhorshid
Daniel Davis / Deep Dive – July 10, 2026
Press TV – July 13, 2026
The United States has struck two water pumping stations in Iran’s southwestern Khuzestan and southern Bushehr provinces, temporarily disrupting water supply to Kharg Island, Iranian officials say.
One person was killed and four others injured after a US projectile struck an agricultural water pumping station in Mahshahr, Khuzestan province, according to a provincial official on Monday.
Abbas Sadrianfar, managing director of the Khuzestan Water and Electricity Organization, said the RMD drainage pumping station in Hendijan, located between the cities of Mahshahr and Hendijan, was targeted by “the American-Zionist enemy” in the early hours of Monday.
Shaker Mohseni, an employee of the Zohreh and Jarrahi irrigation network operation company, was killed in the attack, Sadrianfar said. Another worker was wounded and is receiving medical treatment, he added.
The facility plays a key role in managing and draining agricultural wastewater in the region, and its continued operation is essential for maintaining the efficiency of irrigation and drainage networks, the official said.
A senior Iranian water industry official condemned the U.S. strike on the pumping station as a “clear example of a war crime.”
Issa Bozorgzadeh, spokesman for Iran’s water industry, said the early morning strike on the RMD drainage pumping station in Hendijan was an attack on “life, health and people’s livelihoods.”
“Water holds a sacred place in all international documents and rules, as well as in Eastern and Iranian culture and civilization, and aggression against it is an aggression against the fundamental rights of human beings,” Bozorgzadeh said in a statement.
“The martyrdom of this servant of the water industry is another testament to the nature of this act – an act that targeted not only civilian infrastructure but also those serving the people,” he said.
Bozorgzadeh described the attack as a sign of “helplessness and desperation in thought and action,” adding: “When the enemy targets water facilities, it is in fact displaying its own inability. This behavior is neither honorable nor a military achievement; it is a manifestation of wickedness in thought and action.”
He said the strike was aimed at disrupting operations at the facility, but that water industry personnel had been working since the early hours to manage the situation and minimize damage.
“Targeting water facilities and the guardians of water is a clear example of a war crime,” Bozorgzadeh said. “The international community and responsible bodies must react seriously to these actions and hold the perpetrators of this crime accountable.”
Several locations across Khuzestan province—including Ahvaz, Omidiyeh, Mahshahr, Behbahan, Dezful, Andimeshk, Abadan, and areas around Shadegan—were targeted by U.S. projectiles in the early hours of Monday, authorities said, adding that assessments of the damage are ongoing.
Iranian media also reported that two sites on the outskirts of Ahvaz were hit, while rejecting reports that Ahvaz International Airport had been struck.
In a statement, the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) cited the attack on the water pump, saying that military infrastructure belonging to the US Army in Bahrain, along with an FPS long-range air surveillance radar and a maritime surveillance radar in the Sultanate of Oman, had been destroyed in retaliation.
“Beloved and resilient people of Iran, the decisive and powerful operations carried out by your sons in the Armed Forces have driven the child-killing US military into desperation. The American aggressors, in their latest acts of aggression, once again demonstrated their anti-people nature by targeting an agricultural water pump in Mahshahr County,” the IRGC statement said.
“Your courageous sons in the heroic Naval Force of the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps, in addition to targeting US military facilities and infrastructure in Juffair, Bahrain, where towering flames are rising, struck and destroyed an FPS long-range air surveillance radar and a maritime surveillance radar in the Sultanate of Oman with powerful missile and drone attacks during the fifth phase of the retaliatory operation.”
The strikes on water infrastructure follow last month’s US attacks on water supply facilities in Sirik County, Hormozgan Province, which left more than 20,000 residents without access to drinking water amid scorching summer temperatures. Those attacks targeted the distribution network for the town of Kuhestak and 10 villages in the Bemani district.
The United States escalated tensions after Iran’s Navy foiled illegal vessel movements in the Strait of Hormuz that violated a previously signed memorandum of understanding between Tehran and Washington. Iranian authorities subsequently announced the closure of the Strait of Hormuz to all transit following US military movements in the region.
Al Mayadeen| July 13, 2026
The Islamic Revolution Guard Corps (IRGC) has destroyed long-range radar systems in Oman, among other US military assets and installations, as part of the fifth phase of its retaliatory operations.
In a statement published on Monday, the IRGC said that its naval forces carried out missile and drone strikes targeting an FPS long-range early warning radar and a ship-detection radar in Oman, destroying both systems. Concurrently, IRGC forces struck US military installations in the Al-Juffair area of Bahrain, where fires remain active.
“The decisive and powerful operations carried out by the Iranian armed forces have rendered the American military, which we have described as the aggressor, incapable,” the IRGC Public Relations Department stated.
US aggression reveals true anti-people nature: IRGC
The IRGC also condemned the sustained US aggression on Iran, asserting that American forces targeted an agricultural water pump in the city of Mahshahr.
“Targeting a farming water pump in Mahshahr reveals the true anti-people nature of the US military,” the statement said.
The IRGC further tied the status of international shipping in the Strait of Hormuz to US military behavior, declaring that “the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz to shipping traffic is contingent upon stopping US military interventions in the strait and respecting the sovereignty of nations over their territorial waters.”
The IRGC issued a direct warning on global energy security, stating that “the continuation of these interventions will lead to greater repercussions for the global oil and gas sectors.”
Iran responds to US aggression, strikes US assets in Kuwait, Jordan, Bahrain
Meanwhile, Iran’s Islamic Revolution Guard Corps announced a series of retaliatory strikes against US military facilities in Jordan, Bahrain, and Kuwait, responding to continued US attacks on Iranian positions.
The IRGC said its Aerospace Force targeted fuel depots, missile storage sites, air defense systems, radar installations, and command centers across multiple US-linked bases in the region.
In its first operation, missiles and drones struck Jordan’s Prince Hassan Air Base, setting fire to fuel tanks and ammunition depots, following US attacks on Iranian coastal positions.
A second wave targeted the Sheikh Isa base in Bahrain, destroying helicopter maintenance facilities, a P-8 reconnaissance aircraft hangar, and the US drone command center at the site.
The third phase hit Kuwait’s Ali Al-Salem Airbase and Ahmed al-Jaber Airbase, destroying fuel tanks, Patriot systems, and strategic radar, while the IRGC vowed further action and asserted Iran’s authority over the Strait of Hormuz.
The fourth phase struck two HIMARS missile launch platforms and ammunition depots filled with missiles at the US base in Kuwait.
Press TV – July 12, 2026
Six American soldiers were killed and dozens more wounded when an Iranian drone struck a poorly defended US logistics base at Port Shuaiba in Kuwait on March 1, the second day of Washington’s illegal war of aggression against Iran, according to a report.
According to detailed accounts from survivors and witnesses reported by the Washington Post, the precision strike by a Shahed drone on the operations center of the Army’s 103rd Sustainment Command delivered a devastating blow to American forces, revealing the arrogance, incompetence, and criminal negligence of US commanders who ignored repeated intelligence warnings that the facility was a vulnerable target.
Seconds after the drone slammed into the center of the building, Brig. Gen. Clint Barnes reportedly scrambled from the floor, grabbed his protective gear, and ordered a soldier to flee with him to a nearby bunker, leaving dozens of troops behind amid fire, smoke, and shrapnel.
Survivors described the chaos: troops hurled against walls, computers and lights exploding, and pieces of metal and glass turning into deadly projectiles. One soldier who tried to return to help the wounded was reportedly told by the general to stay put.
“We shouldn’t have run out of the f—ing building,” the soldier later recounted, his voice trembling with emotion. The general did not go back to assist.
The attack killed six soldiers, including Chief Warrant Officer Robert M. Marzan, Maj. Cody A. Khork, Master Sgt. Noah L. Tietjens, Master Sgt. Nicole M. Amor, Sgt. Declan J. Coady, and Maj. Jeffrey R. O’Brien. More than 30 others were injured, some seriously. The strike stands as one of the costliest single incidents for US personnel in the Trump administration’s reckless war.
US troops and internal assessments had repeatedly warned that Port Shuaiba was inadequately protected against Iranian Shahed drones. The base lacked proper overhead cover, had insufficient anti-drone systems, and its “Big Voice” warning system was initially non-functional. Force-protection reports reportedly recommended against stationing personnel there.
Despite classified briefings confirming the base was on an Iranian target list, generals Clint Barnes and Maj. Gen. John Hinson proceeded with the deployment. Soldiers described the move as dangerous and urged changes to the plan, but their concerns were dismissed.
The Pentagon’s decision to scatter troops across smaller, less defended facilities in an attempt to evade Iranian retaliation ultimately backfired spectacularly.
Leadership reportedly pressured troops to return to the operations center despite ongoing threats, with some soldiers forced to wait hours in bunkers before an “all clear” was issued. About 30 minutes later, the Iranian drone struck with devastating accuracy.
Survivors said they did not see the generals assisting in the immediate rescue efforts. While troops carried out the dead and wounded, Barnes and Hinson were reportedly seen near a bunker, with Hinson appearing dazed and bloodied.
The generals were later medically evacuated, but accounts indicate they did not lead the on-site response as claimed by US military statements.
Wounded soldiers had to evacuate themselves to hospitals in Kuwait City and later faced disgraceful treatment. Many arrived in Germany without proper medical evacuation status, were turned away from full care at Landstuhl Regional Medical Center, and were forced to wait in barracks as outpatients despite serious shrapnel wounds and potential traumatic brain injuries.
An internal US military investigation into the incident is widely expected to result in no accountability for the generals or the decision to place troops in a known vulnerable location. Soldiers expressed deep skepticism, with one stating that if mistakes are not acknowledged, the same tragedy will repeat for another unit.
This deadly strike is the direct result of Washington’s unprovoked aggression against Iran. The US and its Israeli allies launched a massive aerial campaign against Iranian targets, prompting Iran’s legitimate and proportionate response in self-defense. Iranian forces demonstrated both precision and resolve in targeting the aggressor’s exposed positions.
The human cost lies squarely with the reckless US regime and its commanders who valued operational plans over the lives of their own troops. As more details emerge of ignored warnings and abandoned soldiers, the American public is increasingly questioning the wisdom of a war that has already proven costly and counterproductive.
Al Mayadeen| July 12, 2026
Iran’s retaliatory operation against US military positions across the region has inflicted damage on several strategic facilities, with satellite imagery privately acquired and later published by multiple OSINT accounts on X showing impacts at major US bases in Qatar, Bahrain, and Jordan following a wave of ballistic missile and drone strikes.
The strikes, launched in response to renewed US aggression against Iran and escalating military activity in the region, targeted key nodes of the US military presence, including air bases, naval infrastructure, radar facilities, and drone operations centers.
Iranian missiles penetrate defenses, strike Al Udeid Air Base
Satellite imagery indicates that Iran’s missile and drone strikes reached Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar, one of the largest US military installations in West Asia and a central hub for American air operations.
According to the account, Egypt’s Intel Observer (@EGYOSINT), enhanced Sentinel-2 imagery shows damage to a hangar inside the base, with impact marks visible on the upper rear section of the structure. Additional ground disturbances and suspected burn scars were also identified across multiple areas of the facility.
Further imagery analysis revealed additional strike locations near US military accommodation buildings and other sections of the base, suggesting that the Iranian barrage reached multiple points within the installation.
The reported impacts highlight the ability of Iranian long-range strike systems to penetrate heavily protected military zones and reach critical US infrastructure despite the presence of advanced air defense systems in the region.
US Navy’s Bahrain headquarters struck
Iranian projectiles also reportedly struck a facility inside the US Navy’s 5th Fleet headquarters at Naval Support Activity Bahrain.
Satellite imagery identified damage to a warehouse located within the naval complex, marking a direct hit against a key command and logistics hub responsible for supporting US maritime operations throughout the Gulf.
The strike came amid heightened tensions surrounding naval movements in the Strait of Hormuz, where Iran has repeatedly warned against actions it views as threatening regional security.
MQ-9 drones in Jordan’s Prince Hassan Air Base targeted
Iran’s Islamic Revolution Guard Corps (IRGC) announced that its forces struck Jordan’s Prince Hassan Air Base with multiple ballistic missiles, targeting command-and-control infrastructure and facilities used to house US MQ-9 Reaper drones.
Satellite imagery from the base showed significant damage, including a destroyed hangar and widespread disturbances across the aircraft apron, where military assets are typically stored and maintained.
Imagery analysts also identified signs of burning and continued activity at the site following the strike, raising questions over the status of assets stationed at the facility.
The base has been associated with US unmanned aerial operations, including the deployment of advanced surveillance platforms, making it a key target in Iran’s strike campaign.
Possible MQ-4C destroyed in Jordan
A costly mystery is unfolding at Jordan’s Prince Hassan Air Base. After Iran targeted the base, analysts noticed that the facility is home to the US-made MQ-4C Triton, a $240 million high-altitude surveillance drone that had reportedly been moved there from Al Dhafra Air Base due to its proximity to Iran.
According to an OSINT X account, MenchOsint (@MenchOsint), the IRGC said it struck MQ-9 drone hangars, but satellite imagery later appeared to show damage to a drone facility, with smoke still visible after the strike. While there is no confirmation yet, speculation is growing that a rare MQ-4C Triton may have been destroyed, which would represent a significant loss.
For now, the fate of the Triton remains unconfirmed, but the strike has raised questions about whether Iran managed to hit one of the US military’s most advanced surveillance assets.
Press TV – July 12, 2026
The section of the 14-point memorandum that emphasizes the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz under “Iranian arrangements” has become the focal point of confrontation, driven primarily by hostile US actions and its repeated, explicit breaches of commitments.
The exchange of fire between Iran and the US early Sunday once again demonstrated that Washington is not only unwilling to honor its commitments but has effectively blocked any path toward a diplomatic resolution through hostile actions and repeated violations.
Under the 14-point memorandum signed between Iran and the US, Article Five explicitly assigns the management of the Strait of Hormuz to Iran, giving Tehran responsibility for its future administration and maritime services in consultation with Oman.
The inclusion of the phrase “under Iranian arrangements” in the memorandum reflects recognition of Tehran’s central role in governing this strategic waterway.
The text of the memorandum, which was also published by the White House, states that Iran “will guarantee the safe passage of commercial vessels, free of any tolls or charges, for a period of 60 days between the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman”.
It says that the Islamic Republic “will consult with the Sultanate of Oman regarding the future administration and maritime services of the Strait of Hormuz.”
The wording, according to this interpretation, makes clear that responsibility for administering the strait initially rests with Iran, while Oman assumes a consultative and coordinating role.
Immediately after the memorandum was signed, the United States, in coordination with Oman, unveiled a southern shipping corridor designed as an alternative to the Iranian route through the strait.
In a statement, the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) described the newly announced route as “unacceptable and extremely dangerous,” adding that it had been established “without prior notification or coordination with the Islamic Republic of Iran.”
As indicated, the actions of the United States and Oman constitute a clear violation of Article Five of the memorandum, which assigned management of the Strait to Iran.
According to unofficial reports, Oman has declined to fully align itself with Iran and continues to insist that maritime traffic should operate in both directions.
This suggests that Oman, under US pressure, has moved away from its neutral position and begun acting in ways that undermine Iranian interests.
Oman’s foreign minister told a meeting of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council that Muscat, as a littoral state, bears a special responsibility and stressed that any future arrangements for the strait should not include transit fees.
This position comes despite Article Five of the memorandum, which designates Iran as the principal authority responsible for administering the strait, while assigning Oman only a coordinating role.
The corridor violation is not the only breach by the US of the memorandum’s provisions. The list of America’s overt and repeated violations since the signing of the memorandum clearly shows that Washington has never been committed to its obligations:
1. Violation of Article One (Ending the war on all fronts): The United States had committed to ending hostilities across all fronts, including Lebanon, and to securing the withdrawal of Israeli forces from occupied territories.
However, Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared that Israeli troops would remain in Lebanon for as long as necessary. According to this account, Washington neither enforced this provision nor acted to prevent the continued occupation.
2. Violation of Article Two (Respect for sovereignty and non-interference): The United States had pledged to respect the sovereignty of the Islamic Republic of Iran and refrain from interfering in its internal affairs.
However, the military attacks last night on Iranian cities, as well as the attacks of previous nights—all of which originated from or were facilitated by American bases in Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Bahrain, the UAE, and Kuwait—constitute a gross violation of this clause.
3. Violation of Article Four (Lifting the maritime blockade): Washington had committed to ending the maritime blockade and restoring shipping traffic to full capacity within 30 days. Not only was the blockade maintained, but US officials also threatened to intensify it.
President Donald Trump reportedly told Axios that he would not lift the blockade on Iranian ports because doing so would deprive Washington of its principal source of leverage over Tehran.
4. Violation of Article Six (Economic reconstruction): The United States had committed to guaranteeing a comprehensive reconstruction program for Iran backed by at least $300 billion in financing. No meaningful steps were ever taken to fulfill that commitment.
5. Violation of Article Seven (Lifting sanctions): Washington had pledged to terminate all sanctions imposed on Iran. Instead, sanctions remained in place, while the US Treasury warned that if Oman assisted in establishing a toll collection system, it would face “aggressive” sanctions.
6. Violation of Articles Ten and Eleven (Oil export waivers and release of frozen assets): The United States had committed to immediately issuing waivers for Iranian crude oil exports, petrochemical products, and all related services, while also releasing Iran’s frozen assets.
Through pretext and hostile actions, the US refused to deliver Iran’s $24 billion in blocked assets and revoked Iran’s oil sales license, citing Iran’s actions against unauthorized vessel movements through the Strait of Hormuz—a justification that stemmed from Washington’s own breach of the memorandum.
7. Threats of regime change and assassination of Iranian officials: Despite its explicit commitment not to interfere in Iran’s internal affairs, US officials have continued to issue statements advocating regime change.
More importantly, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio openly rejected the prospect of Iranian administration of the Strait of Hormuz, stating: “We will not tolerate that.”
Before the US and Israeli terrorist attacks against Iran, the Strait of Hormuz remained open, and Iran had no interest in controlling it. Today, however, Tehran is determined to maintain control over the waterway in the future to ensure that the United States can never again use the Persian Gulf as a staging ground for attacks against Iran.
The strikes carried out last night and on previous nights were launched from or facilitated by US bases in Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, and Kuwait. As long as the United States and Israel pose a threat to Iran’s national security, Tehran will maintain a heavy presence in the Strait of Hormuz.
A crucial legal point is that the Strait of Hormuz lies entirely within the territorial waters of Iran and Oman and under international law, no part of it constitutes international waters open to unrestricted passage.
Unlike certain international waterways, the Strait of Hormuz is not part of the high seas but a coastal passage where navigation is governed by the regulations of the littoral states. This legal reality strengthens Iran’s position in administering the strait and challenges US claims regarding freedom of navigation.
Iran, based on its defense doctrine, views control of the strait not as an economic instrument but as a vital requirement for its survival and national security.
Parliament Speaker Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf summarized Tehran’s position: “The era of one-sided deals is OVER. We told you: keep your word or pay the price. Reality is knocking.”
By Larry C. Johnson | SONAR21 | July 12, 2026
It has been a busy week with the US making a full-break with the MoU, and it centered on the language in paragraph five of the MoU:
Upon the signing of this MoU, the Islamic Republic of Iran will make arrangements using its best efforts for the safe passage of commercial vessels, with no charge for 60 days only, from the Persian Gulf to the Sea of Oman, and vice versa.
Did not say one thing about the US or Oman or any other country bordering the Persian Gulf… Only Iran. In accordance with this language Iran established the Persian Gulf Strait Authority (PGSA) protocols, which delineated how ships could pass safely thru the Strait. Instead of accepting this, the US engaged in a series of provocations designed to challenge Iran’s authority. On July 6–7, Iran struck at least three commercial vessels in/near the Strait of Hormuz (e.g., Marshall Islands-flagged M/T Al Rekayyat, Saudi M/T Wedyan, Liberian M/T Cyprus Prosperity) who tried to circumvent the PGSA protocols. The United States claimed this was a violation of the ceasefire — it was not — and proceeded to launch attacks on Iranian positions along the Strait of Hormuz. Iran responded by launching attacks on US targets in Kuwait and Bahrain.
The tit-for-tat exchange continued through Thursday, following Iran interdicting additional wayward ships and the US hitting targets in and around Bandar Abbas and Qemsh Island. There was no activity on Friday, but Trump issued an ultimatum to Iran: i.e., Declare the Strait of Hormuz open and stop using force against ships that violate Iran’s PGSA protocol. When I heard that I predicted that the US would attack within 24 hours… And that is what happened. Some more ships connected to Western interests tried to breach the Strait and Iran hit them. The US responded, once again, with strikes that reportedly included ATACM and HIMARS missiles.
As I write this Iran has launched missiles at Kuwait, Bahrain, the UAE, Qatar (i.e., Al Udeid AFB) and Jordan’s Muwaffaq al Salti airbase. So what will happen next? If the past is any guide Trump is likely to issue a statement on Sunday, or early Monday morning, designed to calm the financial markets and halt the spike in the price of oil. While I cannot rule out that this current exchange could escalate and continue for several days, let me remind you of what has happened since April 7, 2026.
Working through the post-April 7 timeline day by day, the strict pattern — US strikes on Iranian sites Friday/Saturday, followed by a Trump progress-in-talks statement Sunday or early Monday — shows up twice cleanly, with three more near-fits. In other words, this may be deja vu all over again — a quote attributed to Yogi Berra. Here are the details:
May 23–24 (Sat–Sun): Trump declared on Saturday May 23 that the agreement was “largely negotiated,” repeating it May 24 — explicitly “despite ongoing U.S. military strikes in the area”. Progress statement on the weekend amid active strikes.
May 30–31 → Monday, June 1. CENTCOM confirmed strikes on Iranian radar and drone sites at Goruk and on Qeshm Island carried out Saturday and Sunday, in response to the shootdown of a US MQ-1 over international waters. Then on Monday June 1, with Iranian state media saying talks were suspended, Trump contradicted this and said talks were continuing at a “rapid pace,” touting a “very productive call” that day.
June 13–14: The memorandum to end the war was announced on Sunday, June 14. The preceding days featured what mediators called a “tit-for-tat situation” with “volleys of strikes”, though Trump had announced Thursday June 11 that he was canceling scheduled strikes.
June 20–22: Iran declared Hormuz re-closed Saturday June 20, Trump threatened to “take over” the strait, then Sunday-overnight talks in Switzerland concluded “constructively” with a Monday joint statement praising the “positive and constructive atmosphere”. Here the weekend kinetics were mostly Iranian/Israeli.
June 26–28 → Monday, June 29. The US struck Iranian military targets over the weekend in response to Tehran’s attacks on shipping, with hostilities running a fourth consecutive day by Sunday, June 28 (Friday June 26 and Saturday June 27 both saw exchanges). On Sunday a senior US official said technical talks were “on track” and both sides would “stand down,” and on Monday, June 29, Trump posted “IRAN HAS REQUESTED A MEETING. IT WILL TAKE PLACE TOMORROW IN DOHA!” — with Rubio and Witkoff briefing Congress on an initial peace deal that same Monday. Notably, Trump had spent Saturday threatening that Iran “will no longer exist” before pivoting to the Monday talks announcement. The talks did not take place.
It is now early morning on the East coast and the Iranian response to the US attacks continues. The ball is now in Trump’s corner… once again. If he chooses to respond with force to the Iranian attacks, Iran will launch even more attacks. Despite Trump’s belligerent threats, the US cannot afford to return to a full-scale military operation. Stocks of key US weapons, which include Tomahawk and JASSM missiles, are running low and cannot be quickly replaced because the US lacks the industrial scale and is crippled by supply chain shortages of rare earth minerals.
Interview with Sulaiman Ahmed who is alive and well in Tehran.
Press TV – July 11, 2026
The Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) Navy has announced the closure of the Strait of Hormuz “until further notice,” saying the waterway will remain closed until the United States ends its intervention in the region.
In a statement on Saturday, the IRGC Navy said the measure had been taken “in light of the security situation resulting from the unlawful intervention of foreign powers.”
“The Strait of Hormuz has been closed until further notice and will remain closed until the United States ends its intervention in the region. No vessel will be permitted to transit the strait,” the statement said.
Warning against further enemy aggression
The IRGC Navy warned against any additional military aggression against the Islamic Republic under the pretext of the closure of the waterway, for which the enemy, itself, has been responsible.
“Should the aggressor enemy exploit this development, which it, itself, has caused, as a pretext for committing another act of aggression against us, it will be met with a forceful response, and additional enemy bases in the region will be targeted,” the statement added.
It added that responsibility for the consequences would lie with the United States, the Israeli regime, and countries hosting military facilities used for violations against Iran.
Earlier, the IRGC Navy reported having been forced to fire a warning shot at a vessel after several ships ignored its instructions regarding navigation through the strait.
Describing the incident involving the trespassing vessel, the force said the ship had switched off its onboard systems, therefore, posing a threat to maritime safety.
The force, meanwhile, reminded how it had previously warned that “foreign interference and unlawful designation of shipping routes in the Strait of Hormuz would prompt a decisive response from us and disrupt the increasing volume of maritime traffic through the strait.”
Iran shut down the chokepoint to enemies and their allies after February 28, when the US and the Israeli regime began their latest bout of wholesale unprovoked aggression against the Islamic Republic.
It began exercising far stricter controls after Donald Trump announced continuation of an illegal naval blockade of Iranian vessels and ports in spite of a ceasefire that the US president, himself, had declared on April 7.
In May, Iran officially launched a new mechanism for governing maritime traffic through the strategic strait, with the Islamic Republic warning vessels against refusing to coordinate their pending transits with Iranian authorities and using routes other than the supervisory management zone defined by Tehran.
In June, Iran and the United States reached an understanding aimed at ending the cycle arising from the unprovoked aggression. Washington then alleged to have lifted the blockade, but would still continue military interference in the waterway.
Al-Manar | July 11, 2026
Iran has firmly rejected speculation that it initiated negotiations with the United States, while doubling down on its pledge to meet any American violation of commitments with immediate and reciprocal countermeasures.
Foreign Ministry Spokesman Esmaeil Baqaei categorically dismissed claims of a unilateral Iranian request for dialogue with Washington during a televised interview on Friday. However, he acknowledged that Tehran did engage with a Qatari delegation in the northeastern city of Mashhad—but clarified that the meeting occurred solely at the behest of a regional mediator seeking to facilitate discussions on recent developments, not as a US-directed overture.
Reaffirming the Islamic Republic’s steadfast doctrine of “commitment for commitment,” Baqaei stressed that Iran will not implement any obligation without corresponding action from the American side. He accused Washington of serial infractions, noting that the United States has breached the recently signed memorandum of understanding multiple times within just 22 days of its endorsement.
Specifically, Baqaei cited newly announced US restrictions on Iranian oil sales and the imposition of additional sanctions as flagrant violations of the agreement’s core articles. “Iran has already activated the necessary reciprocal responses, and this approach will continue with full force,” he declared.
Turning to multilateral forums, the spokesman dismissed the recent United Nations Security Council session on Iran’s nuclear file—convened at the request of the United States, Britain, and France—as entirely inconsequential. He argued that UN Security Council Resolution 2231 expired on October 18, 2025, rendering any subsequent reports on its implementation legally invalid and devoid of merit.
Baqaei also condemned persistent Western calls for inspections of Iranian nuclear facilities that were damaged in attacks by the Israeli regime and the United States. He criticized the international community for its failure to condemn those strikes, asserting that the silence constitutes a blatant disregard for clear violations of international law.
In a separate development, Baqaei confirmed that Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi is set to travel to Oman on Saturday for high-level consultations focused on the Strait of Hormuz and regional maritime safety. The visit follows several rounds of technical discussions between Tehran and Muscat aimed at facilitating secure navigation and finalizing arrangements for maritime services in the strategic waterway.
A shorter declaration masks deeper tensions, as Washington pushes to reshape NATO’s role from Europe to West Asia and Asia-Pacific.
By Mehmet Ali Guller | The Cradle | July 11, 2026
The six-point final declaration of the NATO Ankara Summit is among the shortest in recent years, similar to last year’s five-point declaration from The Hague. In contrast, the 2021 Brussels Summit declaration contained 79 points, Madrid in 2022 had 22, Vilnius in 2023 included 90, and Washington in 2024 featured 38.
The sharp reduction reflects ongoing tensions between the US and Europe. The declaration is brief because areas of agreement remain limited. The debate over NATO as a “paper tiger” has not been resolved, only set aside.
In the declaration, this issue is temporarily addressed through the slogan “a stronger Europe in a stronger NATO.”
Ankara Declaration targets Russia and Iran
The first article of the six-point Ankara declaration reaffirms commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty, while the final article offers thanks to the host country.
The remaining four articles center on Russia, outline a $70 billion support package for Ukraine, expand defense spending, reference $50 billion in arms deals, and briefly touch on Iran.
The Donroe Doctrine and NATO 3.0
Washington is seeking to adapt NATO to what it frames as a new strategic phase, described here as NATO 3.0. The so-called Donroe Doctrine centers on consolidating dominance in the Western Hemisphere, shifting more responsibility onto allies in Europe and elsewhere, and encircling China in the Asia-Pacific through partnerships.
In practice, this takes three forms:
The political economy of NATO 3.0
Washington views militarization as the lever for the transformation of NATO 3.0. It has two key objectives: raising NATO members’ defense spending to 5 percent of GDP and building a new arms production chain. The first step was initiated in The Hague last year, and the second advanced in Ankara.
Pushing defense spending to 5 percent would generate a vast financial pool within a few years. Including NATO partners such as Japan would further expand the scale, creating a market that draws broad interest. The US aims to distribute this pool in a way that sustains the NATO 3.0 framework.
Alongside this sits the effort to construct a new arms supply chain. The approach is to retain control over core components while distributing subcomponent production across allies, linking them to one another and ultimately to Washington.
The $50 billion arms deals referenced in the declaration mark an initial step. The $10 billion NATO–South Korea agreement, which grants Seoul access to NATO’s joint defense procurement market, fits within this model.
A new military-industrial economy
For the Erdogan government, securing a share of expanding defense spending has become a priority. Ankara sees this as an opening for its defense sector, particularly through the state firm ASELSAN and the private company BAYKAR.
The Defense Industry Forum, long held as a side event at NATO summits, was included in the official program in Ankara for the first time, reflecting that shift.
Countries seeking a share of this expanding market and Washington’s effort to allocate that share in line with its strategy have converged.
The idea of a NATO Defense Bank is also on the agenda. Nine countries laid its groundwork during the Ankara summit. If realized, it would tie a military-industrial model more closely to financial capital.
Turkiye 3.0: NATO’s central frontline state
For Turkiye, NATO 3.0 also signals a new phase.
NATO 1.0 covers the period from the alliance’s founding to the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. In that time, Turkiye was integrated into US strategy, diluting its founding emphasis on independence and anti-imperialism, eroding aspects of its secular character through the Green Belt project, and absorbing its human capital within anti-communist programs.
NATO 2.0 spans the period from 1991 to 2026. In these years, NATO expanded toward Russia, dismantled Yugoslavia, and intervened across West Asia. Turkiye’s role was again shaped within US strategy, this time through “moderate Islamism.”
NATO 3.0 is defined by Europe taking on security responsibility against Russia, the pursuit of a West Asian order under Israeli dominance, and a strategic shift toward the Asia-Pacific.
Within this framework, Turkiye is positioned as a security enforcer for Europe, encouraged to normalize relations with Tel Aviv to secure a place in the regional order, and drawn into efforts aimed at countering Iran.
In effect, Turkiye is being placed at the center of NATO’s frontline. The naval command under construction in the Bosphorus is directed toward Russia, while the new NATO Corps headquarters in Adana is oriented toward West Asia and Iran.
Washington’s ‘Asian NATO’ objective
NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte effectively represents US leadership within the alliance. His statements reflect Washington’s position rather than Europe’s.
His remarks before and during the summit pointed to a longer-term objective. Rutte argued that Russia was working closely with North Korea, China and Iran, adding that NATO “cannot be naive” and had to remain united.
At its core, NATO 3.0 reflects an effort to use the alliance first against Beijing’s partners—Russia and Iran—and, over time, against China itself. The push to reorient NATO toward Asia follows from this.
For the past four years, leaders of the IP4 countries have been invited to NATO summits. In Ankara, discussions with these states focused on expanding cooperation in defense industries and advanced technologies.
Washington is pressing these partners toward closer military alignment, at times resembling a sub-alliance—an “Asian NATO.” Proposals to open a NATO liaison office in Tokyo—though contested, notably by France—form part of this effort.
Washington, however, has continued to push for a broader NATO role in Asia. As Rutte put it, “The security of the Euro-Atlantic and the Indo-Pacific are closely interconnected,” reinforcing efforts to extend the alliance’s focus beyond its original geographic remit.
Expectations from NATO 3.0
Following the Ankara Summit, NATO 3.0 is expected to serve different priorities:
For countries across the Global South, NATO is widely viewed as an outdated military alliance whose role has run its course.
Daniel Davis / Deep Dive – July 10, 2026
Daniel Davis / Deep Dive – July 10, 2026
Press TV – July 10, 2026
US President Donald Trump’s plan for post-genocide Gaza, which called for a 20,000-strong multinational “peacekeeping” force to secure the besieged territory, is now struggling to recruit even an initial group of up to 20 troops, according to a Wall Street Journal report.
The exclusive report reveals that the security framework meant to underpin Washington’s vision for Gaza after the genocide remains far from realization. The proposed initial deployment has faced repeated delays and sharply diminishing international support.
The original proposal envisioned a large multinational force of around 20,000 personnel. However, regional instability, political disagreements among potential contributors, and ongoing military tensions have drastically scaled back the project.
Daniel Shapiro, a former US deputy assistant secretary of defense for the Middle East, told the newspaper that the recent joint US-Israeli war of aggression against Iran has not only delayed decisions on the force but has also eroded many countries’ willingness to participate.
Indonesia, once expected to be one of the largest contributors, suspended its involvement in March, citing the worsening regional security situation. Indonesian officials have confirmed that the country’s participation remains on hold.
According to the report, only Morocco, Albania, Kosovo, and Kazakhstan are currently expected to make formal commitments.
The first Moroccan contingent, originally scheduled to deploy in June, has been delayed and is now expected to arrive in the coming months. Instead of entering Gaza immediately, these troops will first be stationed at a newly built logistics hub in Israeli-occupied territory near the Kerem Shalom crossing.
This dramatic downsizing highlights the mounting political, security, and diplomatic obstacles facing Washington’s so-called “day after” strategy for the blockaded Palestinian territory. The difficulties confronting the proposed international security force (ISF) underscore the broader failures of the Trump administration’s Gaza plan.
The ISF was intended as a central pillar of the US-backed post-genocide framework, which envisioned a phased political transition in Gaza. Under the plan, Israeli occupation forces would withdraw, and the international force would take over security responsibilities while a US-led Board of Peace oversaw reconstruction and political implementation.
Meanwhile, the Hamas resistance movement announced this week that it would dissolve the emergency committee administering Gaza but declined to disarm its military wing. Palestinian resistance groups have made clear that surrender is not an option in the face of the US-led effort to reshape Gaza’s future.
Reconstruction has barely begun across most of Gaza, with only a fraction of the estimated $17 billion in pledged funds actually secured. Wealthy donors have largely refused to finance projects in areas still under Israeli control, viewing such efforts as legitimizing the occupation.
The Israeli genocide has already killed more than 73,000 Palestinians, wounded over 171,000, and destroyed around 90 percent of Gaza’s infrastructure, according to Gaza authorities.
By Harrison Berger | The American Conservative | July 5, 2026
Amid record-high public hostility toward Israel and the wars taxpayers are financing on its behalf, the Israel lobby has mobilized to pass a National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) for 2027 which includes language designed to sustain the years long wealth transfer from Americans to Israelis and cement that relationship in ways that would be less transparent and more difficult to challenge through democratic processes.
At the same time, a coalition led by outgoing Rep. Thomas Massie (R-KY) has launched a counteroffensive to block a separate track of funding for Israel’s wars, targeting the transfer of $3.3 billion to Israel embedded within the National Security, Department of State, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 2027, which is also up for vote this summer.
The first bill—the NDAA—was highlighted by The American Conservative earlier this month. It includes language within its Section 224 (since renumbered Section 219 in the House) that would direct the Pentagon to identify Israeli-origin technologies “for potential integration into United States systems and programs of record” and to build “United States-based co-production or manufacturing partnerships with Israeli industry.” Section 219, if enacted, “would be unprecedented,” Annelle Sheline of the Quincy Institute told TAC. “No other foreign country has an executive agent in the Pentagon to integrate our military industrial complex with theirs.”
Along with merging Israeli and American weapons technology and data, Section 219 would shift funding for Israeli weaponry from Congress to the Pentagon’s murky procurement system.
“This so clearly seems to be an attempt to shield money from cratering public opinion,” Sheline said. She noted that “Americans do not want to fund a country engaged in genocide and which led us into the Iran War,” adding that, rather than representing public opinion and cutting off Israel’s funding, Congress has moved to conceal it.
Such a merger carries inherent national security risks. The presence of foreign components in U.S. systems raises the threat those systems’ integrity will be compromised, a danger heightened in this case by Israel’s demonstrated capability and willingness to weaponize supply chains, as exhibited in their 2024 attack that involved the detonation of thousands of pagers which had been engineered into remote-controlled bombs. Joe Kent, the former director of the National Center for Counterterrorism, argues similarly that “the dangers of allowing any other nation to access our sensitive military technologies are obvious, including the fact that back doors and spyware can be installed that will most certainly be used by the Israelis to influence U.S. policy.”
But Section 219 of the NDAA would hinder American national security in much more immediate ways, principally by reducing the leverage Washington currently maintains to influence Israeli behavior in the region. “At present,” Sheline explains, “Israel is dependent on U.S. weapons and components, particularly their air force.” That U.S. support has enabled the Israelis to perpetrate a genocide in Gaza, ethnically cleanse southern Lebanon, and launch two wars against Iran, with Israel’s defense minister recently threatening a third.
“The U.S. could at present use leverage to change that Israeli behavior,” Sheline says. But by merging U.S. and Israeli weapons development, “this legislation would reverse it so that the [Israelis] could do that to us.”
Despite the various threats to American national security posed by the provision, section 219 this week moved closer to its expected final passage, with the House Rules Committee on Monday rejecting a bipartisan amendment introduced by Reps. Ro Khanna (D-CA) and Thomas Massie (R-KY) that would have stripped the “United States-Israel Defense Technology Cooperation Initiative” from the NDAA.
Massie’s efforts to stop a separate track for Israel funding attached to the State Department’s spending bill may be more successful. His other amendment—which seeks to eliminate $3.3 billion in annual funding for Israel tied to a 10-year, $38 billion MoU—has reportedly provoked panic among House Democrats, who face pressure from constituents with record-low views of Israel.
Punchbowl News reported that House Democrats “expressed alarm” in a closed meeting and were “begging for leadership guidance” on how to vote while Axios reported on Wednesday that Democrats “fear intense backlash from their base if they oppose” Massie’s amendment to halt Israel funding. Democrats who continue to support wealth transfers from the American tax base to Israelis are aware that doing so comes with the heightened risk of being unseated for it, with the recent ouster of Israel First Democrats Rep. Dan Goldman (D-NY) and Rep. Diana DeGette (D-CO) serving as a warning to any Democrats who continue to defy the will of the Democratic Party base.
The Massie amendment to cut off funds for Israeli offensive weaponry “may end up being the last time these sorts of votes are meaningful,” says Sheline. “If we proceed with defense industrial integration (Section 219), congress won’t be able to vote on it again.”
Harrison Berger is a correspondent at The American Conservative. He has contributed to Drop Site News, The Nation, and Responsible Statecraft. Previously, he was a researcher and producer for System Update with Glenn Greenwald. His work focuses on civil liberties and U.S. foreign policy. He studied Political Science and Russian Studies at Union College (NY).