Moldovan Opposition Leader Shor Calls for Joining Union State of Russia and Belarus

Sputnik – 06.06.2024
Moldova should grow closer to Russia, so it would be worth discussing the possibility of joining the Union State of Russia and Belarus, Moldovan opposition politician Ilan Shor, the leader of “Pobeda” (Victory) political bloc, told Russian media.
“Russia is our friend, our partner; we should move forward together. Moreover, I believe that there is a possibility to expand even the format of the Russia-Belarus Union State. There is a possibility for consideration and for dialogue. This is important,’ Shor clarified.
According to the politician, only by uniting could Moldova and Russia stand against the West, as Moldova itself is needed by the West only for its own purposes.
“Why do they need Moldova? And I’ll tell you – it’s a testing ground. A testing ground of free hands for war. It’s a testing ground to bully. Maybe they’ll send immigrants to us at some point. We have nothing in common with them. Here [with Russia and Belarus] we’ve been in the same family for years, we know each other, we speak the same language. We understand each other, we have common values,” he added.
Most Moldovans believe in a future with the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), Shor said at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum.
“We believe that the only way out for the Republic of Moldova today is to become a full-fledged, full member of the EAEU. We really understand today that we want to become a participant of the platform, a unified platform in the field of economy, in the field of ideology, in the field of foreign policy, in the field of security policy. Today this is more important for Moldova than ever,” Shor emphasized, addressing the SPIEF session “The Greater Eurasian Partnership as a New Pole of Growth: Potential and Prospects”.
Shor claimed that the majority of Moldovan voters have already become disillusioned with the European Union and European values, as politicians who entered power on these slogans are closing opposition television channels in the republic and removing unwanted politicians from elections.
“We clearly understand that today the majority of the people of Moldova believe in a future with the EAEU… We have had enough of fairy tales and carrots on sticks for the last 20 years. Today we want real friendship, cooperation and mutual understanding and relations,” he declared.
Half of Moldovans Say Gov’t Policy on Gagauzia Wrong, Over 50% Distrust NATO – Poll
Sputnik – 23.05.2024
CHISINAU – Half of Modova’s residents consider the government’s policy toward the autonomous region of Gagauzia wrong, while more than half do not trust NATO, Moldovan social research company IMAS found in a fresh survey published on Wednesday.
Asked what they thought of the policy of the ruling Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS) toward Gagauzia, 50% or respondents said it was wrong, 29% said it was right and 21% said they could not answer the question.
Respondents were also asked to evaluate their level of trust in various international institutions, including the World Health Organization, NATO, the European Parliament, the European Union, World Bank, the UN and others. Speaking of NATO, 18% said they had “little” trust, 42% said they had “no to very little” trust, 21% said they trusted the military alliance and only 9% said they trusted it a lot. Additionally, 2% of Moldovans said they they’d never heard of NATO and 8% said they could not give an answer.
The poll was conducted among 1,088 people from May 2-19 with a maximum margin of error of 3%. Its results were broadcast live on the Realitatea website.
Gagauzia, where most people speak Russian as well as Gagauz, a Turkic language, declared independence from Soviet Moldova in 1990 but was integrated into the newly-established Republic of Moldova in 1994. The Gagauz people are Orthodox Christians of Turkic origin. Gagauzia has traditionally favored rapprochement with Russia, while Chisinau has set a course toward European integration.
According to the country’s constitution, Moldova has neutral status, but from 1994 it has been cooperating with NATO, and with the accession to power of PAS, which is informally led by President Maia Sandu, military exercises involving the US, the UK, German and Romanian military have become more frequent. Sandu has told local media that Moldova should continue discussing rapprochement with NATO, as this allegedly helps strengthen the country’s defense capabilities.
Moldova about to escalate tensions with Russia
By Lucas Leiroz | March 11, 2024
Tensions in the post-Soviet space are escalating. Moldova recently signed an important military cooperation agreement with France, which tends to generate serious consequences for the stability of regional security, considering Paris’ interest in fomenting war against Moscow. In this context, many analysts fear that new violence could emerge in the pro-Russian separatist region of Transnistria, as Russia would be forced to intervene in such a conflict.
On March 7, Moldovan President Maia Sandu signed a military pact with France during a visit to Paris. On the occasion, French President Emmanuel Macron promised “unwavering support” on security and defense issues. Both sides agree that increased defense cooperation is a necessary step to confront what they call the “Russian advance.” According to them, if Moscow is not contained in Ukraine, the Russian government will launch new military actions in neighboring countries to gain more territories and zones of influence. In this sense, increasing French military cooperation would be a way of ensuring that the war “does not spread” towards Moldova.
The agreement establishes military cooperation in several sectors, mainly in arms supply contracts. Furthermore, French troops are expected to train the Moldovan armed forces. Moldovan officials have said recently that the country needs immediate help to reform its military structure to be ready for a possible conflict. Alone, Moldova is unable to overcome its current military weakness, which is why it is seeking Western help.
In parallel to this, Macron’s France has been marked by the constant attempt to further militarize the post-Soviet space and foment destabilization in the Russian strategic environment. Paris has been the main agent of disruption in Russian-Western relations recently, mobilizing “war preparation” efforts against Moscow in Europe. This is part of President Macron’s personal project to designate himself internationally as a “leader of all of Europe”, but it is also a reflection of the strategic irrationality that has today become a central aspect of Western foreign policy.
Previously, France had already started a similar project to fuel conflict in the post-Soviet space through Armenia. Paris has been endorsing the Pashinyan regime and stimulating anti-Russian sentiments in the Caucasus. The French government is playing a fundamental role in NATO’s plan to control both sides of the Armenia-Azerbaijan crisis, creating both an alliance between the US, EU and Yerevan and an alliance between Turkey and Baku. The aim of all this is simply to increase NATO’s presence in the Caucasus and generate military pressure on the Russian strategic environment.
Now, by encouraging Moldova to militarize, France is taking a step further in its anti-Russian destabilization project. Moldova has an extremely fragile domestic security architecture, as since 1992 the country has faced a separatist problem in the Transnistria region. Civil conflict has been frozen for decades – largely due to the presence of Russian peacekeepers in the region, dissuading the Moldovan government from launching a military offensive. However, like any other frozen conflict, hostilities could resume at any time if relations between the sides continue to deteriorate.
Moscow never recognized Transnistria as an independent country. For the Russians, it belongs to Moldovan territory, but both sides are required to reach a common agreement. As a region with a strong presence of ethnic Russians and Ukrainians, where the Russian language is considered native by citizens, the region deserves a special status in Moldovan politics, as well as autonomy rights must be created for the local people. Moscow has already stated that if such peace conditions are established, Russian troops will leave the region. More than that, Russia has also made it clear that it is even willing to destroy the Soviet-era weapons depots that remain in Transnistria, advancing regional demilitarization.
However, instead of seeking demilitarization, pro-Western sectors in Moldova prefer to increase ties with NATO and create even more problems with Russia. For Moldovan elites, Russia is an enemy country that must be approached with hostility. For this reason, since 2022, the West has tacitly encouraged Moldova to seek a military solution in Transnistria. The calculation is simple: the hope is to force Moscow to send troops to protect the Transnistrian people, creating a new proxy conflict and opening yet another flank for Russia.
There has been an internal balance in Moldova. Some political sectors continue to object to considering Russia and Transnistria as “threats”, but the rapprochement with France indicates that pro-war groups are gaining momentum in national politics. It is important for Moldovans to remember that they are not part of NATO, and are therefore not protected by the American military umbrella – which means that, if there really is a conflict, they will be abandoned by the West and used as mere cannon fodder, precisely as happened with Ukraine.
Lucas Leiroz, journalist, researcher at the Center for Geostrategic Studies, geopolitical consultant.
‘Novorossiya’ rising from ashes like phoenix

Russian President Vladimir Putin took a meeting on development of southern/Azov sea regions, Moscow, March 6, 2024
BY M. K. BHADRAKUMAR | INDIAN PUNCHLINE | MARCH 10, 2024
The Russian President Vladimir Putin’s meeting on Wednesday in Moscow with top officials of economic ministries and leaders of the southern and Azov sea regions — ‘Novorossiya’ historically — signifies a significant initiative in the Kremlin’s geo-strategy, with global ramifications, as the conflict in Ukraine meanders toward a new phase.
What lends poignancy to the occasion at once is that Putin is beating swords into ploughshares at a juncture when the US and its allies are sounding bugles. Indeed, one way of looking at Wednesday’s meeting is that it is a riposte to the fanciful conjecture 10 days earlier by French President Emmanuel Macron that European armies might march into Ukraine to push back Russians.
Putin signalled something profound — that war cries to defeat Russia is already time past. With the capture of the strategic town of Avdiivka and the rapid advance further west since then, cities like Pokrovsk, Kostyantynivka and Kramatorsk are now facing a fast-approaching front line, littered with signs of an approaching Russian army.
As the Russian forces gain more momentum in the Donetsk region, the question of where they will stop is becoming increasingly difficult to answer. There is much unfinished business still. A big concentration of Russian military facing Kharkov is ominous. Odessa is also in Russian sights.
The progress of Russian operations may seem ponderous. In the past month, Russian forces gained only around 100 square kilometres of Ukrainian territory (according to Belfer Centre’s latest Russia-Ukraine War Report Card) but then, in a war of attrition, the tipping point comes most unexpectedly, and before one catches their breath, it’s all over. The Wall Street Journal wrote that Ukraine has few remaining military strongholds in Donbass, which means that with each Russian advance, Ukraine must retreat to often underprepared positions.
A New York Times report on Thursday titled Mutual Frustrations Arise in U.S.-Ukraine Alliance ended on a sombre note citing Western officials and military experts that “a cascading collapse along the front is a real possibility this year.”
President Joe Biden was conspicuously taciturn in passing judgement on the war in his State of the Union Address at the US Congress on Thursday, except to warn the Kremlin rhetorically that “(we) will not walk away. We will not bow down.” The cryptic remark could mean anything, but he did acknowledge that “Overseas, Putin of Russia is on the march…”
Importantly, Biden put in cast iron his past commitment not to send troops to participate in the war in Ukraine. And his focus was on the Bipartisan National Security Bill in the pipeline that would resume large-scale military aid to Ukraine whose future is now even more uncertain what with Donald Trump’s unstoppable surge as the candidate of the Republican Party.
The fear that the US is walking away from the war is gut-wrenching for Europeans. The French President Emmanuel Macron’s remark last week on Monday on the dispatch of Western ground troops to Ukraine was reflective of belligerence and bravado that often accompanies frustration. Earlier this week, Macron urged Ukraine’s allies not to be “cowardly” in supporting Kiev to fight Russian forces; on Thursday, he went further at a meeting with party leaders to advocate a “no limits” approach to counter Russia.
But there is a big picture, too. On Thursday, Macron met with Moldovan President Maia Sandu, pledging France’s “unwavering support” for her ex-Soviet country as tensions mount between Chisinau and pro-Russian separatists in the breakaway province of Transnistria. During the Macron-Sandu meeting, the two signed a bilateral defence deal, as well as an “economic roadmap,” although no details were provided.
The timing of France’s defence deal with Moldova, which follows a security pact with Ukraine last month, hints at geopolitical considerations to get a toehold in that vital region — where Dniester River rising on the north side of the Carpathian Mountains and flowing south and east for 1350 kms drains into the Black Sea near Odessa — to challenge the rise of Novorossiya, which is in the throes of renewal and regeneration.
For more than three decades, Transnistria has been considered a possible flash point for a conflict. The endgame in Ukraine has a domino effect on Moldavia, which, encouraged by the West, step by step, is strategically defying Russia to “erase” its influence, and move into the EU and NATO camp. Russia has been watching closely but patience is wearing thin.

Sandu is a semi-finished American product — an ethnic Romanian who got transformed as a graduate of John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard and had a stint in the World Bank and was pitchforked into the top rungs of Moldavian politics, eventually as the pro-European candidate in the Moldovian president election in 2016.
Sandu has the same genetic make-up as another colourful figure in the post-Soviet space whom the US groomed for “regime change” in Tbilisi — Mikheil Saakashvili who was the president of Georgia for two consecutive terms from 2004 to 2013 following a colour revolution stage-managed from Washington. The strategic calculus both in Georgia and Moldova basically aims at NATO’s expansion into the Black Sea which has been historically a Russian sphere of influence.
Therefore, Macron’s recent remarks on western combat deployment in Ukraine must be understood properly. He is by no means spiting the Biden Administration — nor is Germany differing from him — as he pushes the envelope and hopes to salvage victory out of the jaws of NATO’s defeat in Ukraine. The Biden administration will be quietly pleased with Macron’s tantrums against the Russian windmill in the regions of Novorossiya and the Black Sea.
The startling disclosure recently of the discussion between two German generals regarding the logistical complexity of lethally destroying the Crimean Bridge shows that Berlin is very much part of the Ukraine project despite the fault lines in the Franco-German axis.
France tasted blood in pushing a similar strategy in Armenia, which has virtually moved out of the Russian orbit and is jettisoning CSTO membership while seeking EU and NATO membership. Its focus will be to evict Russian military presence in Transnistria.
Reacting to the West’s thickening plot in Moldova, Transnistria has sought protection from Moscow. There is a big population of ethnic Russians in that region. The response from the Kremlin has been positive and swift. Shades of Donbass!
At Wednesday’s meeting in the Kremlin on the economic and infrastructure development in the new territories, Putin stressed the modernisation of the Azov-Black Sea road modernisation plans. He said, “we have big plans to develop roads in the Azov-Black Sea region.”
Of course, infrastructure development and strengthening of transportation networks will be an important template of Russia’s counter-strategy. Moscow is not waiting for a conclusive end to the conflict in Ukraine for the integration of the new territories into its economy from a long term perspective.
The crux of the matter, in geopolitical terms, is that Novorossiya is rising from the ashes like the phoenix and becoming, as Catherine the Great envisaged, Russia’s most important all-weather gateway to the world market connecting its vast untold mineral resources and huge agricultural potential. George Soros knows it; Wall Street knows it; Biden knows it. For France and Germany too, it is invaluable as a resource base if it is to ever regain its economic dynamism.
But in immediate terms, the challenge lies in the politico-military sphere — that “Russia cannot be allowed to win in Ukraine,” as Russia’s First Deputy Permanent Representative to the United Nations Dmitry Polyansky summed up. Russia has requested a Security Council meeting on Ukraine for March 22. Polyansky said Russia will expose the diabolical plots of France, Germany and the US.

‘Novorossiya’: The alternate reality of Ukraine
Transnistria Seeks Russia’s Help in Wake of Economic Blockade by Moldova
Sputnik – 28.02.2024
Predominantly Russian-speaking Transnistria, 60 percent of whose ethnic population are Russians and Ukrainians, declared its independence from Moldova during the collapse of the Soviet Union.
Transnistrian lawmakers have asked Russia for assistance over mounting economic pressure from Moldova.
The legislators put forward a request to both the Federation Council and State Duma of Russia, urging them to implement measures to safeguard Transnistria, especially in light of Moldova’s growing pressure. This request is backed up by the fact that over 220,000 Russian citizens reside in Transnistria.
The bill’s authors pointed to the unique and positive experience of Russia’s peacekeeping work in the region and highlighted that Moscow has served as a mediator in negotiations.
“The critical situation requires urgent and maximum active international intervention in order to prevent an escalation of tensions and not allow the situation to develop into a crisis,” the document says.
As of January 1, 2024, Moldova launched a compulsory customs duty on goods imported to Transnistria. In reality, this amounts to multimillion-dollar losses for export-import companies operating in Transnistria, since they are required to pay a double tax: one to Transnistria and the other to the Moldovan budget.
EU-aspiring president to punish opposition-controlled cities
RT | December 9, 2023
Moldovan municipalities controlled by “anti-European” forces will be deprived of funds provided by the EU, the country’s President Maia Sandu has said.
The president issued the threat on Saturday while speaking at a forum in Chisinau that brought together some 500 mayors, although the gathering was boycotted by certain opposition parties.
“Regarding European money, I want to ask you: those mayors who are against the EU, do you think that the European Union should give you money if you do not support the EU? Where is the logic here?” Sandu stated.
All municipalities will receive “state funds,” yet only those supporting Moldova’s EU aspirations and “European values’’ will be provided with money coming from “from the EU and taxpayers of EU countries,” the president explained. Sandu also accused Eurosceptic politicians of populism, stating that some of them use “anti-European rhetoric to collect votes,” while a “simple analysis shows that Moldova has survived and even begun to develop only thanks to the support of our external partners.”
In recent weeks, the Moldovan president has repeatedly threatened to slash funding to opposition-controlled municipalities. The hostile rhetoric comes in the aftermath of local elections held in early November when 898 mayoral positions were contested across the country.
Sandu’s ruling Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS) failed to score a decisive victory, winning 291 races, with the main opposition force, the Party of Socialists, led by ex-President Igor Dodon taking 144. The rest were taken by either minor parties or independents. PAS suffered losses in key localities, including the country’s capital of Chisinau and the second-largest city of Balti.
Earlier, Dodon dismissed Sandu’s threats to slash funding to opposition controlled municipalities as “absurd,” stating that the external support to the country has not exactly been coming for free.
“The loans that the government is now actively taking from EU countries, in an attempt to plug the holes that have emerged due to the failures in the country’s governance, will have to be paid back by all citizens of the republic, including those who, according to Sandu and members of her party, voted incorrectly,” Dodon stated.
Europe worries about the rise of “populism”, but real specter haunting EU is “maidanization”
By Uriel Araujo | November 27, 2023
In the Netherlands, the PVV (Freedom Party), led by controversial politician Geert Wilders, often described as “far-right” and “populist”, won about 37 of the 150 seats in the Dutch parliament. While talks have started to form the new government, Wilders and his party are now in a leading position. Predictably, much is being written now about the rise of “populism” in Europe, while Western discourses try to link it to far-right Nazi-Fascism.
Whether one likes the “populist” wave or not, this being an umbrella term for a variety of movements, it would be simply inaccurate to equate all such groups with Fascism in general. The supposed connection to Russia in turn only appears “sinister”, thanks to a wave of Russophobia, if one suffers from memory loss: as recently as 2021, the (now gone) Nord Stream 2 German-Russian pipelines project was being completed to deliver Russian gas directly to Western Europe. It had been opposed from the very start by Washington, while Berlin resisted American pressures all the way to almost completion – and then pipelines got blown up in a sabotage explosion, just as US President Joe Biden himself on February 7 had promised would happen, when he said: “If Russia invades (…) there will be no longer a Nord Stream 2. We will bring an end to it.”
According to Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Seymour Hersh, the sabotage was indeed carried out by Washington. However, thus far, the only voices that vehemently demand an active investigation about such an act of terrorism come from the populist camp, such as the Die Linke and the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) political parties in Germany. It is no wonder then that populism is on the rise in the continent.
Notwithstanding any valid criticism one may have of the current Russian military campaign in Ukraine, the roots of today’s conflict lie on this energy angle and American interests – as much as they also lie on US geopolitical goals pertaining to “encircling” Russia and to NATO’s enlargement for the sake of maintaining unipolarity.
This month Moldova, a country which is trying to join the European Union (EU), banned a “pro-Russian” party (the Chance Party) from taking part in local elections, two days before the vote, on the basis of “national security” concerns. The measure is in line with the latest European trend, which can only be described as Neo-Mccarthyism: in France, Marine Le Pen, who vowed to pull Paris out of NATO’s military command last year, was questioned for four hours, on June, during what was described as a witch trial, and her Rassemblement National party was described as a “communication channel” for Russia by a report published by the French government.
The same month, Poland’s President Andrzej Duda signed a law allowing Warsaw to conduct political repression against the opposition, the justification being, of course, “to investigate Russian influence on Polish politics”. The commission created for that purpose can ban people from public office for a decade. Such measures, as I wrote, mirror post-Maidan Ukraine’s own anti-Russian initiatives pertaining to banning vaguely defined “pro-Russian” political parties (at least 11 thus far) and the opposition. The Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has also been advancing moves to outlaw (Russian) Orthodox communities, something which even the head of the Ukrainian Catholic Church, Archbishop Sviatoslav Shevchuk of Kyiv-Halych, has denounced.
France, particularly, had always boasted of being the land of demonstrations, but that has changed. Last month, the country’s Interior Ministry banned all pro-Palestinian rallies nation-wide. Violent clashes between police and defiant protesters ensued, and organizing such demonstrations can now lead to arrest. Similarly, protests have also been banned or restricted in Germany, the United Kingdom, Switzerland, Hungary, Poland, and Austria, among other European nations. Esther Major, Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for Research in Europe voiced the organization’s concern, stating, on October 20, that “in many European countries, the authorities are unlawfully restricting the right to protest (…) In some cases, protests have been banned altogether.”
According to Julia Hall, Amnesty International’s expert on counter-terrorism and human rights (in Europe), “what people can say and do is narrowing by the day”, with France proposing to “criminalize people who criticize Israel”, which is “something new”. She adds that “free speech in Europe has been narrowed in record time. It is leaving victims without any voices. I do not think this will be a one-off.” The United Nations (UN) rapporteur Clement Voule has also voiced his concern about such “disproportionate and arbitrary” blanket bans on protests and the like setting “a very worrying precedent that could have a great impact on the exercise of our fundamental rights and freedoms” because in times of crisis people should have “space to raise their voices, grievances and solidarity, and calls for peace, justice and security.”
All such measures clearly violate human rights in Europe in Europe’s own terms, in accordance with article 11 of the European convention on human rights, by stigmatizing minorities such as Muslims and others, and by violating the freedom of peaceful assembly and the freedom of expression. The thing is this trend has not started now with the issue of Palestine at all: in fact, this year Germany banned Russian and Soviet flags during its “World War II commemorations” on Victory Day, this being the very day when the Soviet Union defeated Nazi Germany.
While European Establishment voices may try to demonize populism, we are witnessing in fact the “Maidanization” of the continent, with rising anti-Russian neo-McCarthyism, talks about banning political parties and demonstrations, the Western mainstreamization of the far-right and even Nazism (as long as it is not “pro-Russian”) plus Europe agreeing with Kyiv on “no Russian minority” in Ukraine. Rather than expecting Ukraine to adapt to European norms and values, it would seem Europe is changing in such a way that post-Maidan Ukraine will just feel at home if its accession ever materializes.
EU tells Moldova to sanction Russia
RT | November 14, 2023
The European Union expects Moldova to fully implement sanctions against Russia in order to demonstrate “European values,” the bloc’s ambassador in the former Soviet republic said on Tuesday.
If Chisinau truly wants to join the EU some day, it needs to implement all of the bloc’s laws, rules and regulations – as well as foreign policy, Ambassador Janis Mazeiks said in an interview for the Moldovan channel TV8.
“Sanctions are not introduced just like that. For each of them, there was a reason why it was introduced,” the Latvian diplomat who represents Brussels told host Anatoly Golya in the Russian-language broadcast. “Therefore, we expect those countries that want to join the EU to gradually increase their adherence to sanctions.”
Mazeiks was addressing Golya’s claim that Moldova was already 78% in compliance with the bloc’s embargo on Russia, introduced to support Kiev in the Ukraine conflict.
“I hope this percentage will increase, as we look at the Republic of Moldova as a future EU member,” the diplomat said, adding that it was important for Brussels to see the implementation of all EU laws and regulations, “including joining the EU sanctions, since this is also a manifestation of our values.”
Moldova, which is located between Romania and Ukraine, became an independent state in 1991. Its government has been pushing for EU and NATO membership since 2020, going so far as to ban critics and ask Brussels to sanction those opposed.
The policies of President Maia Sandu defy the wishes of the Moldovan people, Russian Security Council Secretary Nikolay Patrushev warned last week, accusing the government in Chisinau of “Romanianization, rejection of sovereignty and national identity,” and making Moldova “a new victim of the Western colonialist policy.”
Sandu’s Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS) faced backlash in the local elections earlier this month, losing almost all major cities and Chisinau itself. The party’s deputy chairman insisted that the “pro-European choice has won confidently across the whole country,” however.
Hungary issues ultimatum to Ukraine
RT | September 25, 2023
Hungary will not support Ukraine “on any issue” until Kiev restores the rights of ethnic Hungarians on its territory, Prime Minister Viktor Orban said in parliament on Monday. Budapest’s backing is vital to Ukraine’s bid to join the EU.
“We will not support Ukraine on any issue in international life until it restores the laws that guaranteed the rights of Transcarpathian Hungarians,” Orban said, adding that “for years [the Ukrainians] have been tormenting” Hungarian schools.
Since 2017, successive laws mandating the use of the Ukrainian language have resulted in the closure of around 100 Hungarian schools in Ukraine. These laws have been harshly criticized by the Council of Europe and by human rights organizations.
According to Orban, the situation has deteriorated with the beginning of a new school year, with management at a school in the city of Munkacs forbidding the singing of the Hungarian national anthem or the wearing of Hungarian national colors on the first day back in the classroom.
Around 156,000 ethnic Hungarians live in Ukraine, most of them in the region of Transcarpathia. Once a part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, this region fell under Soviet control after World War II. It remained in Kiev’s hands when the Ukrainian SSR became modern Ukraine after the fall of the USSR. Ukraine is also home to around 150,000 ethnic Romanians and more than 250,000 Moldovans, and Bucharest has joined Budapest in demanding that the language laws be revised.
Foreign Minister Peter Szijjarto warned in March that Budapest would not support Kiev’s applications to join the EU and NATO until these issues are resolved.
Hungary does not provide any military aid to Ukraine or allow weapons to enter the country via its territory. However, Hungary will have veto power over whether Ukraine can join the EU and NATO due to both bodies requiring the unanimous consent of existing members before admitting new states. The dispute over language rights is just one of several points of contention between Budapest and Kiev.
Orban’s government has also condemned the Ukrainian military’s efforts to conscript ethnic Hungarians into military service and blocked EU military aid to Ukraine over Kiev’s sanctioning of one of its banks due to its lending activities in Russia. More recently, Hungary has blocked the import of Ukrainian grain to protect its farmers from being undercut, prompting Ukraine to threaten a lawsuit at the World Trade Organization.
Is a new conflict brewing near Ukraine? Clampdown on anti-NATO opposition figures has raised tensions

Yevgenia Gutsul of Moldova’s opposition Sor Party, elected head of the autonomous Gagauzia region, at a rally in Comrat, Autonomous Territory of Gagauzia, Moldova. © Sputnik / Rodion Proca
By George Trenin | RT | June 12, 2023
In Moldova, a conflict has broken out between the state authorities and the autonomous region of Gagauzia, where elections were held last month. Disturbed by the fact that two candidates seen as favorable to Moscow competed in the runoff, the Moldovan authorities initiated eight processes on suspicion of illegal financing of the candidates and investigated the activities of the Gagauz Election Commission. Allegations of election violations and threats that the election results would not be recognized by Moldova have caused the authorities of the autonomous region to retaliate. At the end of May, Gagauz politicians delivered an ultimatum to the central authorities and some even expressed readiness to hold an independence referendum.
What caused the conflict between Moldova’s central and regional authorities? And can Ukraine’s neighbor, Gagauzia, really break away from Moldova?
Who are the Gagauz people and what is Gagauzia?
The Gagauz are a relatively small ethnic group (numbering about 250,000 people), most of whom live in Moldova. Historians don’t have a single opinion concerning their origin, but what is known for sure is that the Gagauz people came to their current lands from the Balkans, fleeing from the many wars that shook the peninsula in the 19th century. The Gagauz are Orthodox Christians but their language belongs to the Turkic family. Ethnically, the Gagauz are closer to Bulgarians than to Moldovans and Romanians who make up most of Moldova’s population.
This difference spurred the Gagauz people – who never had an independent republic or autonomous region, even at the time of the Soviet Union – to establish their own state. When Soviet Moldova embarked on a course towards independence and unification with Romania in 1989, the Gagauz people declared their autonomy.
In 1990, together with the better-known Transnistria, the Gagauz did not accept Moldova’s pro-Western and pro-Romanian course. Plans to unite Moldova and Romania sparked a conflict, and the two regions decided to break off and become independent.
While Transnistria engaged in a prolonged armed conflict to defend its independence (and consequently became an unrecognized state), Gagauzia, following a five-year-long political crisis, agreed to be an autonomous region within Moldova. Russia and Turkey helped in this process and acted as intermediaries.
However, such diplomacy and compliance eventually turned against Gagauzia. Some 30 years after the agreements with Moldova were signed, the autonomous region’s authorities became alarmed that Chisinau no longer wished to comply with the pact and intended to terminate it.
Autonomy under siege
“We see that Gagauzia’s authority is being consistently weakened and can no longer just sit and watch this happening,” said the Chairman of the Gagauz Parliament Dmitry Konstantinov on May 24. At the same time, he requested legal confirmation of the region’s autonomous status from Moldova.
The situation was sparked by the harsh reaction of the Moldovan authorities to the elections in Gagauzia, which took place in May. The two top candidates who competed in the runoff both criticized Chisinau’s current political course and proposed strengthening ties with Russia.
The first candidate was Grigory Uzun – a member of the Party of Socialists of the Republic of Moldova (PSRM), who was backed by the party’s leader, Moldova’s ex-president Igor Dodon. Uzun said, “Gagauzia has always gravitated towards expanding ties with its eastern neighbors, but the current Moldovan authorities aim exclusively at partnering with the West, without other options. But this is the wrong approach.” In a pre-election interview, Uzun also added that Moldova and Russia have “a common history, religion, and culture” and the two countries “simply must be friends.”
In the runoff, Uzun’s opponent, 34-year-old Evghenia Gutul, outpolled him by 4% of the vote and won the election. The elected leader was also quite clear about her position regarding Russia. She plainly stated that her party, Sor, is a “pro-Russian party,” promised to open a representative office of the Gagauz Autonomy in Moscow, and to unblock exports of agricultural products to Russia.
For Moldova’s current leaders who actively support a pro-Romanian and pro-Western course, such views held by the head of one of its regions are absolutely unacceptable. Moldova didn’t hesitate to make this known during the election campaign.
On the eve of the elections for the post of bashkan (governor of Gagauz, the highest political position in the region), law enforcement agencies repeatedly raided the offices of the candidates and members of the Sor opposition party. After Gutul’s victory was announced, members of the National Anti-Corruption Center (NAC) raided the building of the Central Election Commission (CEC), located in the capital Comrat. According to reports, during the searches on May 16 the NAC looked for materials confirming the “bribery of voters.”
Immediately after the elections in Gagauzia, Moldovan Prime Minister Dorin Recean said they should not be recognized as legitimate. Moreover, deputies from the ruling Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS) said the elected Bashkan Evghenia Gutul would not become a member of the Moldovan government since they didn’t need her there.
A couple of days later, the Moldovan presidential administration nevertheless stated that President Maia Sandu would sign a decree making the elected bashkan of Gagauzia part of the Moldovan government in compliance with all legal procedures. However, this did not lessen the negativity sparked by the previous statements and actions of the Moldovan authorities.
A nationwide issue
The conflict escalated further. On May 21, representatives of the Sor party and local activists held several rallies in Comrat in defense of the election results. They demanded that authorities stop pressuring the opposition, the media, and all those who criticize and disagree with the central party and President Maia Sandu, and called for the preservation of Moldova’s neutrality and the cessation of its process of withdrawal from the CIS. On the same day, the party’s leader Ilan Shor announced rallies in three cities – Balti, Comrat, and Orhei – where a “referendum on the country’s external vector” would be proposed.
The deep involvement of the Sor party in the regional issue isn’t just tied to the fact that its candidate won the election in Gagauzia. It also has a lot to do with the unprecedented pressure that the Sor party has been dealing with lately.
Just four days before the elections, the court started proceedings on verifying the constitutionality of the Sor party. The decision of the Constitutional Court is supposed to seal the fate of the opposition party and determine whether it should be shut down for the first time in the country’s 30-year history.
At first, the court said it would hear the case on May 17. But since then, the verification has been postponed several times. Eventually, the judges announced that they were going to postpone the hearing until June 12.
In fact, the Moldovan government appealed to the court to consider the constitutionality of the Sor party last year, but the legal proceedings began only a few days before the runoff election. According to the opposition leaders, this was because the Sor party supported and led the protests against rising food and fuel prices. The opposition criticized the ruling coalition for not wanting to negotiate more favorable prices for raw materials with Russia.
However, despite increasing pressure on the opposition in Gagauzia and Moldova, the ruling Party of Action and Solidarity didn’t put forward any candidate of its own to run for the post of governor in Gagauzia.
“Gagauzia is a region that traditionally supports strong ties with Russia and is largely indifferent to the European integration course declared by Chisinau. So it is obvious that the candidate from the Party of Action and Solidarity would have received the minimum number of votes, at best 100 or 200,” Sergei Manastyrli, head of Chisinau’s Balkan Center for Analysis, Research and Forecasting, told RBC.
The European Union is also attempting to exert pressure on Moldovan parties that favor practical relations with Russia. Recently, the EU began forming a “blacklist” of Moldovan oppositionists and oligarchs. Five Moldovan citizens are about to be sanctioned and their assets will be frozen. All of them are accused of supporting the Russian Federation. The list is topped by the chairman of the Sor party Ilan Shor, its deputy chairman Marina Tauber, and the former leader of the Democratic Party of Moldova, oligarch Vladimir Plahotniuc.
The ‘fifth column’
Pro-Russian sentiments in Gagauzia and Moldova in general are largely driven by economic factors – and it’s not just a matter of discounted energy resource prices, which Moscow traditionally offers to friendly states.
Russia has always been the main market for the autonomous region’s exports, mainly for products of the wine industry. While there are restrictions in place on the import of products from Moldova, products from Gagauzia have easier access to the Russian market. Moldova’s ruling party, however, opposes any joint projects with Russia and tries to limit contacts between the autonomous region and Russia. Apparently, Chisinau has totally different views about Gagauzia’s pro-Moscow sympathies.
In light of the recent scandals, the head of the Gagauz Community of the Republic of Moldova, Nikolai Terzi, also had a say in the conflict. He has accused Moldovan President Maia Sandu of considering all Gagauz residents a “fifth column.”
“I attempted to make a number of proposals on bringing the central government and the Gagauzia ATU closer together to work on the development and strengthening of the state of Moldova, and on finding ways to strengthen the central government’s positions in the region. But I was interrupted by the president, who said that Gagauzia is someone’s ‘fifth column.’ In response to my question whether this is true for the whole of Gagauzia, I received an affirmative answer,” said Terzi.
The head of the People’s Assembly of Gagauzia, Dmitry Konstantinov, said he once asked President Maia Sandu why she was in no hurry to visit Gagauzia. According to Konstantinov, her answer was, “We know that you are waiting for the Russians to come.”
Former leader of Gagauzia Mihail Formuzal is skeptical about Evghenia Gutul’s ability to exert considerable influence on the current situation, due to limited authority.
“Even though this position makes her a part of the Moldovan government, she will be a purely decorative element there. She can speak and object, but she has only one vote, while there are 21 people in the government,” he notes. Formuzal adds that “Gagauzia has no real autonomy,” since “Chisinau can control any ministry.” Gagauzia can only speak out about problems within its authority.
He also mentioned that Chisinau could threaten the authorities in Comrat by cutting the funding for road construction.
“Chisinau uses such methods regardless of the government in power. This also happened when I was the bashkan. Some prime ministers did not provide Comrat with money for road construction at all,” Formuzal said.
So far, instead of economic measures, Moldovan authorities prefer to deal with the mounting dissatisfaction in Gagauzia by funding numerous pro-Western NGOs and mass media. According to Formuzal, unprecedented amounts of money are being allocated for these purposes.
“These media resources receive millions of lei in funding. Chisinau is throwing crazy money at this! They harshly criticize the pro-Russian views held by the majority of the Gagauz people, propose joining the European Union and push forward European values. They are very goal-oriented and systematic in their work, which is carried out in both the Russian and Gagauz languages. The staff is selected from among the locals. Generally, they are very successful. I predict that in another eight to ten years of such intensive work, we may have a pro-Western bashkan,” he says.
Despite this, he believes that, presently, the people of Gagauzia are not interested in the ruling party’s pro-European agenda since the standard of living is on the decline.
“Gagauz residents remember how a cubic meter of gas used to cost six lei when the leaders in Chisinau could find a way to get along with Russia. But now we have to pay 30 lei per cubic meter. In such circumstances, how can you explain to people the benefits of liberal democratic reforms? Will they improve your quality of life? Absolutely not!” says Formuzal. He also notes that “people do not see anything positive coming from Chisinau and so treat it with extreme negativity.”
What’s next?
On May 27, a large congress of Gagauz public representatives was held in Comrat. It was attended by local parliamentary deputies of the current and previous convocations, mayors, local councilors, public figures, and the head of the autonomous region.
The congress accused the central authorities, headed by President Maia Sandu, of escalating the situation, violating the rights of Gagauz residents, provoking conflicts, and creating a split in society.
Even the current governor of Gagauzia, Irina Vlah, who is often accused of excessive sympathy towards the central authorities, spoke out in a rather tough manner:
“For the first time in all the years of Gagauzia’s existence, the central government is consistently escalating the situation, provoking conflicts, and setting the Moldovan people against the residents of the [Gagauz] autonomy. The PAS party and President Sandu, set on developing her cult of personality, have split our Moldovan society with their policy. The desire to limit the authority of the autonomous region will lead to an escalated conflict between the central and regional authorities. Starting a fire is easy, putting it out is a lot harder.”
Following the congress, a resolution was adopted that outlined precise requirements for the central authorities. The elected representatives of the Gagauz people demanded several things from Moldova: to give the Law on the Special Legal Status of Gagauzia constitutional status; to align Gagauzia’s autonomous status with the legislation of the Republic of Moldova; to stop illegally blocking the region’s right to exercise authority, as per the Law on the Special Legal Status of Gagauzia; and to stop revoking Gagauz laws in Moldovan courts.
Moreover, the congress wanted Moldova to restore the customs service, the tax inspectorate and other abolished regional structures, to reinstate the prosecutor of Gagauzia as a member of the Supreme Council of Prosecutors, and provide Gagauzia with a quota in the parliament – all within three months.
The most radical demand was to ban the activities of political parties that propose the cessation of Moldova’s status as an independent state. This is a clear hint at the ruling party and President Maia Sandu, who have repeatedly supported the idea of forming a single state out of Moldova and Romania.
The resolution ends with a warning: “We declare that if the central authorities of the Republic of Moldova continue to ignore the legitimate requirement of respecting the competency and authority of Gagauzia and fail to ensure the political and legal status of the Autonomy in the Constitution, the central authorities of the Republic of Moldova will be held fully responsible.”
The resolution did not mention the specific measures that the Gagauz authorities would take, but speaking at the congress, Deputy Nicolai Dudoglo outlined the possible outcome of this conflict:
“Now that all the politicians of Gagauzia are united, Chisinau cannot use them [in its interests]. If Chisinau continues its rhetoric and does not begin a dialogue with Comrat, we should hold a referendum on the independence of Gagauzia. It’s time for a man-to-man conversation.”
The US Officially Regards It As A Sanctionable Offense To Teach Foreigners How To Protest

BY ANDREW KORYBKO | JUNE 7, 2023
The US Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control just sanctioned several Russians who allegedly taught Moldovans how to protest. According to their press release from earlier this week, “These actors provoked, trained, and oversaw groups in democratic countries that conduct anti-government protests, rallies, marches, and demonstrations.” These punitive measures represent the US’ latest repudiation of the same so-called “rules” that it claims to support across the world.
Organizations such as the US-funded “National Endowment for Democracy” and George Soros’ infamous “Open Society Foundations” regularly teach countless foreigners across the world about the late Gene Sharp’s protest-related works such as his 198 methods of non-violent action. These operations are aimed at cultivating anti-government cadre that can then be employed to pressure countries that refuse to comply with the US’ demands of them.
All national models of democracy incorporate a degree of public opinion when formulating policy, which is why training some of their people as professional protesters is such an effective means of influence for their foreign patron who funds these lessons. The subsequent organization of large-scale demonstrations and predictably resultant scuffles with police generate headlines at home and abroad, which in turn piles pressure on the targeted government to do the external state’s bidding.
This cost-effective method of advancing its interests abroad explains why America has done so for decades, especially when remembering that its return on investment is sometimes historically significant such as when US-sponsored protests overthrew the Ukrainian government in 2014. Back then, peaceful demonstrations morphed into violent riots on command after President Yanukovich refused to relent during the first phase of this US-backed Color Revolution, thus leading to February’s coup.
The Ukrainian Civil War that followed was exploited by the US to contain Russia, which set the basis for its special operation after Washington refused to seriously consider Moscow’s proposals for peacefully resolving their security dilemma that emerged in the aftermath of this regime change. Most recently, the case can be made that the US was also behind the planned coup that was just foiled in Kyrgyzstan, which could have opened up a second front against Russia amidst Kiev’s NATO–backed counteroffensive.
It deserves to be said that Russia suspects the US of intending to open another front in Moldova by ordering Chisinau and/or Kiev to attack its peacekeepers in Transnistria. This is the military-strategic context within which Washington just sanctioned several of its citizens for teaching that country’s people how to protest. Unlike the regime change that the US orchestrated in Ukraine, the demonstrations that Russia is accused of organizing in Moldova are meant to avert conflict, not catalyze it.
Another difference is that most Moldovans are aware of the US’ proxy war plans and vehemently oppose them, while few Ukrainians could have countenanced what was to come less than a decade later as a direct result of the anti-government protests that America helped manage back in the day. Had they known the destruction that awaited their country after it was exploited as a Hybrid War proxy against Moscow, then it’s unlikely that “EuroMaidan” would have succeeded.
Considering this, Russia is basically being accused of training Moldovan protesters who want to prevent their country’s involvement in a regional conflict. These activists are concerned that invading Transnistria could backfire, which is a credible fear for them to have since the Russian peacekeepers that their government is plotting to attack will fire back out of self-defense. Not only that, but Chisinau could become the new Kiev if Moscow launches drone and missile strikes against military targets in that city.
The abovementioned sequence of events is easily predictable and not the product of so-called “Russian propaganda”, which is why Moldovans are already protesting on their own without Moscow having to train any of them. In fact, no controvertible proof has ever been publicly presented in support of the claim that Russia is replicating the US’ modus operandi in that country, thus meaning that the entire basis upon which some of its citizens were just sanctioned could possibly be false.
It might even be that the US wants to delegitimize genuinely grassroots anti-war protests in Moldova by concocting another “Russiagate” conspiracy theory for this purpose. That wouldn’t be surprising either since it makes perfect sense for American policymakers to establish the pretext for justifying Chisinau’s potentially violent dispersal of its peacefully demonstrating people in order to ensure that they don’t get in the way of Washington’s proxy war plans.
Whatever the truth may be, it’s hypocritical for the US to sanction Russians for doing the exact same thing that Americans and Europeans have done abroad for decades. Teaching foreigners how to protest isn’t anything new, but it’s now apparently a criminal offense if their government is pro-Western. These double standards are similar in spirit to those applied against Georgia after it sought to promulgate a US-inspired foreign agents law last spring.
America has no problem training other countries’ people to protest and mandating that those of its own citizens who receive foreign funding register with the authorities since these policies serve its interests, but the moment that others do the same in advance of their own interests, it ruthlessly opposes them. This undeniable observation exposes the US’ latest anti-Russian sanctions as a charade intended to prevent peacefully protesting Moldovans from stopping their country’s march towards war.
Sandu targets media freedom in Moldova with new censorship institution
By Ahmed Adel | May 30, 2023
President Maia Sandu announced during a press briefing that a new tax-payer-funded institution intended to supervise and limit press freedom in Moldova would be established. Amid the economic meltdown in the country, Sandu is trying to control the media narrative while also attacking Russia.
“The best antidote against the information war is the development of citizens’ resistance to the real facts. Today I am announcing the legislative initiative to create an institution to combat propaganda and defend citizens from manipulation. I will propose to the Parliament the creation of the National Center for Information Defense and Combating Propaganda, called Patriot. The institution will have two basic responsibilities: to transmit truthful information to citizens and to identify, evaluate and combat disinformation,” Sandu said on May 29.
According to the president, the legislation initiative will be sent to the Parliament by the end of June.
“I know that this announcement will stir the hornet’s nest working against the Republic of Moldova. They will invoke the right to freedom of expression. But this right cannot be a screen for lying and intoxication. I have confidence in the Republic of Moldova, I am sure that we have a chance to build a European state, I want the citizens to have confidence in the Republic of Moldova,” Sandu added.
Her ambition to limit Russian-friendly media to impose a Western narrative monopoly in a dictatorial manner comes as the EU steps up its support for Moldova. 46 EU and European leaders will be in Chisinau on June 1 to offer financial and political solidarity with Moldova and show strength against Russia.
French President Emmanuel Macron initially envisaged the European Political Community (EPC) as a platform for unity across the wider European front. The EPC will meet for the second time in Chisinau, only eight months after its inaugural meeting. The meeting brings together the leaders of the 27 EU member states and Ukraine, Turkey, the UK, and other countries in the Balkans, but not Russia or Belarus.
Security and energy supplies, which have been part-funded by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), are expected to be at the top of the agenda. The EBRD invested €525 million in Moldova in 2022, accounting for 4% of its GDP. The investment comes as Moldova struggles with high inflation and the economic repercussions of the war in neighbouring Ukraine, in addition to problems in Transnistria, a breakaway region and post-Soviet conflict zone with a majority Slavic (Russian-Ukrainian) population.
To assist Sandu’s ambition to sever Russian-Moldovan ties, the EU will provide financial muscle with the help of the EBRD and an €87 million EU contribution to so-called non-military logistical aid. This aid will include a mission in Chisinau, which will staff up to 50 officials. Opening on May 30, the office aims to build Moldova’s resilience against disinformation and cyber-attacks, with support at strategic and technical levels.
Sandu is expected to use the EPC summit to push for quicker EU access, which she claims is the only guarantee against becoming Russia’s next target, even though no such ambitions exist.
“We do believe that Russia will continue to be a big source of instability for the years to come and we need to protect ourselves,” said Sandu, on the sidelines of a Council of Europe summit in Iceland earlier in May. “We do believe that this [EU membership] is a realistic project for us and we are looking forward to see this happening as soon as possible.”
Although accession could take years to achieve, Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia won official candidate status to join the EU. For this reason, Sandu is taking advantage of heightened Russophobia in the West to project it in Moldova, which has a high level of Russophilia. However, this path of serving Western interests to oppose Russia is significantly affecting the economy.
In May, Moldovan Prime Minister Dorin Recean said that before the Ukraine war, his country was 100% dependent on Russia for its gas, but “Today Moldova can exist with absolutely no natural gas or electricity from Russia.”
Moldova is currently struggling to deal with the spillover effects of the war in Ukraine, which has significantly impacted households, the economy, and public finances. The war also oversees a considerable drop in Moldova’s GDP due to the disruptions in trade, remittances, and the energy crisis. Therefore, ordinary Moldovans suffer despite Recean’s boasting of cutting Russian gas.
As Valeriu Ostalep, former diplomat and ex-Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and European Integration for Moldova, said: “Sandu and her Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS) are involved completely in the Western geopolitics of the region; they just copy and paste the West’s rhetoric. It would not be a problem (to take) a position like that, but Sandu and PAS have lost the connection to the real problems of Moldova and the population. They are concentrated exclusively on the ‘fight against Russia’.”
“So we have total support by the West for Sandu and PAS and a complete disaster in the realities on the ground in Moldova, including the growing disdain of the population against Sandu and PAS,” he added.
By establishing Patriot, Sandu attempts to control the media narrative and criticism against her government by inadvertently targeting Russophile media. In fact, for Sandu’s supposed defence of liberalism and universalism, it is proven beyond doubt that these are not values that she defends but only buzzwords used to secure funding and support from the West.
Ahmed Adel is a Cairo-based geopolitics and political economy researcher.
