Palestinian statement of solidarity with Syria
Statement of Palestinian groups and individuals in the occupied homeland, refugee camps and the diaspora about the global war on Syria
July 16, 2015
We are Palestinians and Palestinian organizations that declare our solidarity with the Syrian people in their great historical struggle for survival, now entering its fifth year. We are in a unique position to understand and appreciate the challenges facing our Syrian brothers and sisters, because we face the same challenges.
We understand what it means to have our lands and our property taken by foreign usurpers. We understand what it means for millions of our people to be driven out of their homes and to be unable to return. We understand what it means for our interests and our national rights to become the plaything of the most powerful nations on earth. We understand what it means to suffer and die in defense of our sovereignty and human rights.
We do not pretend to tell Syrians what is right for Syria, just as Syria has respected the Palestinian right to liberate Palestine since the time of the Nakba. However, we declare that the enemies of Syria are the enemies of Palestine, and those who bear arms against the Syrian people and the Syrian army – regardless of their names and affiliations – are mere pawns that serve Israel and its project to divide and control the Arab region. The people who abduct, murder and slaughter in Syria are the enemies of the Arab nation, just like Israel, with which they share goals and criminal nature.
We therefore reject violence and murder against the people and state in Syria, which has nothing to do with any just demands; rather it merely seeks to destroy the Syrian state. Any attack on Syria is an attack on the Arab nation, and that the true national opposition is the one that commits to its country’s principles and flies its flag, and that doesn’t receive orders from abroad.
The Palestinian and Syrian struggles are not religious struggles. We respect a state that guarantees freedom of religion without preference of any faith over any other. Dividing Arab communities into conflicting sects only serves the Israeli regime and allows it to implement its plots for the region.
While Palestinian refugees have suffered and are suffering in many places, Syria has welcomed them and granted them all the rights of Syrians except the right to vote. We are grateful for this policy of brotherhood/sisterhood and can do no less than to reciprocate with our solidarity for Syria in its time of greatest need. It is the least we can do.
The cynical and genocidal policies of NATO and its proxies in the Middle East have as their main policy to destroy the last remaining independent nations and forces that are not compromised by complicity with Zionist and imperialist forces. These nations and forces wish no harm to others, yet their mere existence is intolerable to Zionism and imperialism. It is our duty to stand with Syria and all nations and movements that resist the intruders and seek an independent course and policy for the benefit and interest of our own people and not to become puppets of foreign powers.
We therefore stand with Syria in its efforts to repel the foreign invaders and the countries that are creating, training, financing, arming and supporting the terrorist groups in Syria. We call for the expulsion of these groups back to their own countries, and for their supporters to devote their resources to improving the lives of their own citizens in their own countries rather than destroying the lives of our citizens in our countries. Like the alien and racist Zionist regime, these criminal countries and their leadership must be prosecuted for war crimes and crimes against humanity for waging illegal wars against sovereign states and peoples, including Palestine, Libya, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and Yemen.
Signatures:
1. Mayor Bassam Shakaa (Abu Nidal)
2. His Eminence Theodosios (Atallah) Hanna, Archbishop, Greek Orthodox Diocese of Sebastia, Jerusalem
3. People’s Committee for the Defense of Syria in Palestine
4. People’s Committee for Solidarity with Syria & its Patriotic Leadership, Haifa
5. Sheikh Hassan Foundation for Culture and Science
6. Association of Progressive Arab Women Against War on Syria
7. Cultural Assembly for Democracy in Gaza
8. Palestine Shoruq Organisation, Gaza
9. Kifaah Movement, 1948 Palestine
10. Palestinian Comrades Communist Forum, Occupied Palestine
11. Palestinian Popular Forum, Yarmouk, Syria
12. Coalition Forces of the Palestinian Resistance, Syria
13. Palestinian Youth Organization, Lebanon
14.Union of Palestinian Communities in Europe
15. Palestine Federation of Solidarity Associations, Sweden
16. Yousef Hijazi, Gaza
17. Dr. Sabri Muslim, Al-Khalil “Hebron”
18. Dr. Amal Wahdan, Ramallah
19. Saadah Mustafa Ershaid, Jenin
20. Dr. Munthir Aliwaiwi, Al-Khalil “Hebron”
21. Dr. Mohammed Al-Oweiwi,
Al-Khalil “Hebron”
22. Bashir Abu Omar, Al-Khalil “Hebron”
23. Free Palestine Movement, Syria
24. Yaser Qishlaq, Syria
25. Mahmood Dodeen, Al-Khalil “Hebron”
26. Hisham Al-Sharif, Al-Khalil “Hebron”
27. Abdul-Aleem Da’na, Al-Khalil “Hebron”
28. Dr. Mahmoud Sa’ada, Al-Khalil “Hebron”
29. Dr. Abd Al-Raheem Kettana, Nablus, Palestine
30. Hasan Sarsour, Gaza
31. Raif Diab, Gaza
32. Abdel Moneim Abu Sirdanah, Gaza
33. Murad Mattar, Gaza
34. Noureddine Al Rayes
35. Khaled Souissi, Gaza
36. Anwar Mattar, Gaza
37. Hamid Al-Najjar, Gaza
38. Hind Abu Nijela, Gaza
39. Shareef Samhan, Gaza
40. Yousef Sharkawi, Bethlehem
41. Mohammed Berjeeha, Bethlehem
42. Ibrahim Muzhir, Bethlehem
43. Nidal Abu Aker, Al Dhaishah
44. Imad Abdil Al Aziz, Nablus
45. Mohammed Kayal Albrooh, Acre
46. Ali Isaac, Ramallah
47. Abdel Fataah Ghanem, Ramallah
48. Jamila Aasleh, (Um Aseel), Araba al-Battouf, Acre
49. Hassan Aasleh, (Abu Aseel), Araba al-Battouf, Acre
50. Dr. Adnan Bakriah, Araba al-Battouf, Acre
51. Zuhair Ondrwas, Occupied Palestine
52. Wardih Qasim, Kafr Qasim, Occupied Palestine
53. Salim Salamah, Occupied Palestine
54. Jrais Foul, Occupied Palestine
55. Hussein Zubeidat, Occupied Palestine
56. Mohammed Naamnih, Occupied Palestine
57. Omar Naamnih, Occupied Palestine
58. Imad Shalbak, United States
59. Asaad Quwaiks, Occupied Palestine
60. Labib Ghassan Habib, Occupied Palestine
61. Louay Arafat, Occupied Palestine
62. Tamim Mansour, Occupied Palestine
63. Shawkeyah Arouk Mansour, Occupied Palestine
64. Ali Ghanayem, Occupied Palestine
65. Said Yassin, Occupied Palestine
66. Nizar Kana’ane, Occupied Palestine
67. Mithkal Naamnih, Occupied Palestine
68. Shaker Shbair, Occupied Palestine
69. Jamal Sawaad, Occupied Palestine
70. Rasim Obidat, Occupied Palestine
71. Dr Muslih Awad Muslih, Beit Safafa, Al-Quds “Jerusalem”
72. Ashraf Al-Munawarah, Al-Khalil “Hebron”
73. Dr Ousama Halas, Romania
74. Abu Fadi Farfour, Lebanon
75. Sabri Murshir Alrajoub, Al-Khalil “Hebron”
76. Abid Hakim Samara, Jit, Triangle
77. Abdul Aziz Abu Atwan, Al-Khalil “Hebron”
78. Issa Mahmoud Salah, Bethlehem
79. Khalid Mahmoud Afanah, Salfit
80. Ghazi Al-Sourani, Gaza
81. Ali Al-Jariri, Ramallah
82. Khalil Jabour, Al-Khalil “Hebron”
83. Hanan Bakir
84. Mahmoud Abu Kitah, Al-Khalil “Hebron”
85. Mahmoud Al Sheikh Abdel Fattah
86. Nabil Alizah, Bethlehem
87. Hijazi Abu Shanab, Khan Younis
88. Deeb Hourani, Jenin
89. Ziad al-Sheikh, Damascus, Syria
90. Ashraf Mohammed Amr, Al-Khalil “Hebron”
91. Ghandi Amin, Al-Khalil “Hebron”
92. Hind Abdullah Bandak, Bethlehem
93. Myasir Atyani, Nablus
94. Bassam Shweiki, Al-Khalil “Hebron”
95. Dr. Mohamad Awaineh, Bethlehem
96. Jamal Asleh, Acre
97. Dr. Ali Jariri, Ramallah
97. Mustafa Moisi, Tamra,Galilee
99. Nabil Abu Dayeh, Al-Quds “Jerusalem”
100. Ali Zeibaq, Acre
101. Nida Saadah, Al-Khalil “Hebron”
102. Jihad Saadah, Al-Khalil “Hebron”
103. Fayez Suweiti, Al-Khalil “Hebron”
104. Firas Yaghi, Ramallah
105. Khader Alawneh, Bethlehem
106. Khalid Mohammed al-Madhoun, Al-Khalil “Hebron”
107. Islam al-Tamimi, Ramallah
108. Farid al-Atrash, Esq., Bethlehem
109. Jamal Barghout, Bethlehem
110. Daoud Wazwaz, al-Khalil (Hebron)
111. Abed Jabarin Jabarin, Umm al-Fahm
112. Ali Nassar
113. Osama Abdel al-Halim, Sweden
114. Fouad al-Masri, Caracas, Venezuela
115. Majdi Issa, Nablus
116. Mohammed Salah, Jerusalem
117. Ghassan Khalil Banat, al-Khalil (Hebron)
118. Jamal al-Saadi, Jenin refugee camp
119. Rashed Wadi, Oman
120. Mohammed al-Atawneh, Nablus
121. Maher al-Salaymeh, al-Khalil (Hebron)
122. Dr. Mohammed al-Asmar, Palestine
123. Alaif Sabbagh, al-Boqayaa, Galilee
124. Sheikh Taha al-Qutananeh, Askar refugee camp, Nablus
125. Ayman Yusri al-Heimoneh, al-Khalil (Hebron)
126. M. Ibrahim Abu Shamaa, Tulkarem
127. M. Ahmed Rami, Nablus
128. Dr. Awad Abu Zalata, al-Khalil (Hebron)
129. Louay Hanani, Nablus
130. Awad Ahmed al-Masri, Jerusalem
131. Sufian Sataiti, Jenin
132. Adeeb Qasim, Nablus
133. Samir Mattar, Nablus
134. Jalal Bisharat, occupied Palestine
135. Ahmed Abdel Raouf Abu Ali, Canada
136. Abu Aysar Jaradat, occupied Palestine
137. Azzam Daqqaq, occupied Palestine
138. Khalid Ahmed Saadeddin
139. Nabil Abu Ayyash, Bethlehem
140. Salaam Moussa Jaafar
141. Ziad Hasan al-Saqqa, Jordan
142. Dr. Ramzi Abu Ayyash, Germany
143. Hisham al-Maliki, Stockholm
144. Wissam Abdullah, Jordan
145. Sabri Hajeer, Gothenburg, Sweden
146. Jamal al-Shihabi, Yarmouk Camp, Syria
147. Yousef Mansour, al-Tira, Haifa
148. Omar Atiq, Jordan
149. Nuha Yousef Shomali, Beit Sahour
150. Kamal Maqboul, Sweden
151. Omar Atiq, Oman
152. Sabrina Faqha, Canada
153. Munir Mansour, Majd al-Krum, Galilee
154. Hassan Abdo, Gaza
155. Elham Shaheen, Jerusalem
156. Sama Aweidah, Jerusalem
157. Sheikh Mohammed Omari, Syria
158. Nicola Ibrahim Nicola, Ramallah
159. Nidal Hamed, Norway
160. Ibrahim al-Qudsi, Nablus
161. Nizar Banat, al-Khalil (Hebron)
162. Basem al-Ajjouz, Nour Shams refugee camp, Tulkarm
163. Anis Ghanem, Sakhnin, Galilee
164. Ali Abu Younis, Sakhnin, Galilee
165. Palestinian Youth Movement of Return, Syria
166. Fadi al-Mallah, Damascus, Syria
167. Jazoor News Agency, Gaza
168. Baylist Publishing & Media Agency, Gaza
169. Samer Al-Ghoul, Gaza
170. Nasser Hammad, Gaza
171. Center for Strategic Studies and Documentation, Gaza
172. Hassan Hijazi, Syria
173. Sakhr Abu Zahra, Nablus
174. Ahmed Abu Saud, Gaza
175. Rashad Abu Shawar, Jordan
176. Rasha Maher Anabtawi, Nablus
177. Dr. Nabil Abdel Razek, Jerusalem
178. Lajeen Abdul Haq, Syria
179. Mohammed Adli al-Khatib, Damascus, Syria
180. Baser al-Masri, Syria
181. Mousa Maragha, Syria
182. Ahmed Hilal, Syria
183. Ali Mohammed, Syria
184. Mohammed Jaradat, Syria
185. Mohamed Ezzat, Syria
186. Suleiman Qablawi, Syria
187. Samir Ghasoub, Syria
188. Thaer Massoud, Syria
189. Ibrahim Ibrahim, Germany
190. Democratic Palestine Committees, Germany
191. Majda Khatib, Shafa-Amr
192. Maha Khoury, Haifa
193. Zakaria al-Helou, Jerusalem
194. Tariq Zenati, Lidda
195. Ashraf Wajih Abdullah Hamouda, Oman
196. Nawaf Kabha, Ararah
197. Mohammed Wajih Gharah, Triangle
198. Hussam Khalil, Shefa-Amr
199. Sajid Jaradat, Jenin
200. Amneh Ahmed Ghabariyeh, al-Mushayrifah, Triangle
201. Elham Bushnaq Bakri, Araneh al-Buttouf, Acre
202. Asma Hassouna Mahajna , Umm al-Fahm
203. Abdullah Talaat Saliba, al-Khalil (Hebron)
204. Iyad Mohammed Hmeidat, Deheishe refugee camp, Bethlehem
205. Fayez Khawaja, Occupied Palestine
206. Issa Farrukh, United States
207. Abdul Salam Shahrour, Esq, Tulkarem
208. Majed al-Jandeb, Esq., Tulkarem
209. Azhar Shahroor, Tulkarem, Palestine
210. Fayez Al-Soweity, Al-Khalil “Hebron”, Palestine
211. Kamal Tannous, al-Lid, Palestine
212. Tawfiq Khoury, Shefa-Amr, Palestine
213. Khaled Abdul-Majid, Syria
214. Mohammed Khoder, Lebanon
215. Ali Ayoub, Lebanon
216. Ahmed Yassin, Lebanon
217. Mohamed Ali Ahmed, Lebanon
218. Maher Moustaha, Lebanon
219. Rasha Ali, Lebanon
220. Vida Warde, Lebanon
221. Dalal Ali Aweiss, Lebanon
222. Tariq Awdeh, Lebanon
223. Mohammed Antar, Lebanon
224. Mahmoud Hashem, Lebanon
225. Hussein Hassan Hamdan, Lebanon
226. Deeb Shalabi Issrawi, Lebanon
227. Aref Al Ezzeh, occupied Palestine
228. Talal Abu-Shawish, Lebanon
229. Nabil Diab, Lebanon
230. Alaa Mahmoud, Lebanon
231. Majed Abu Shawish, Lebanon
232. Fares Al-Saad, Lebanon
233. Arif Daher, Lebanon
234. Jamal Al Jamal, Lebanon
235. Basil El Saiqaly, Lebanon
236. Razan Abed Rabbo, Lebanon
237. Hadi Amar, Lebanon
238. Anwar Shabrawi, Lebanon
239. Rana Bishara, Lebanon
240. Nidal al-Khatib, Lebanon
241. Buthaina Saleh, Lebanon
242. Hanan Daher, Lebanon
243. Imad Salameh, Lebanon
244. Fatima Sleiman, Lebanon
245. Jamal Abu el-Saud, Lebanon
246. Abu Mohamed Farid, Lebanon
247. Anwar Abu Takeh, Lebanon
248. Mujib al-Khafsh, Lebanon
249. Bassam Abu Shawish, Lebanon
250. Moataz al-Ezzeh, Dheisheh refugee camp, Bethlehem
251. Mahmoud Abu Zinada, Lebanon
252. Joujo Ali, Lebanon
253. Ernesto Guevara, Lebanon
254. Thaer al-Khatib, Lebanon
255. Omar Abdel-Karim, Lebanon
256. Suhail Abu al-Majd, Lebanon
257. Fatima Matar, slimmed 326
258. Hassan Kanaan, Balata refugee camp
259. Mohammad al-Mahameed, Umm al-Fahm, Palestine
260. Yasser Abu Ahmed, Lebanon
261. Hassouna Taneina, Lebanon
262. Khaled Taha, Lebanon
263. Samir Adib, Ramallah, Palestine
264. Qadri Abu Wassel, Nazareth, Palestine
265. Khairy Hannoun, Tulkarem, Palestine
266. Dhaher Al-Shemali, Ramallah, Palestine
267. Suheil Natour Tarazi, Gaza
268. Beilset National Foundation for publishing and media, Gaza
269. Tariq Al-Moqayed, Gaza
270. Faris Ahmed, Lebanon
271. Ayman al-Qassem, Lebanon
272. Khaled al-Ali, Lebanon
273. Mona Soufan, Lebanon
274. Mayor Abu Samed Alrowaa, Gaza
275. Samer Al-Ghoul, Gaza
276. Nasser Hamad, Gaza
277. Mehdi Essam Hammad, Gaza
278. Ahmed Abu Qamar, Gaza
279. Samer Tarazi, Gaza
280. Dr. Tarek Ghanem, Tulkarem
281. Alaa Taha, Tulkarem
282. Walid al-Jondeb, Tulkarem
283. Bisan al-Jondeb, Tulkarem
284. Rowaa Bushnaq, Kafr Manda
285. Ahmed Ahmed, Nablus
286. Dr. Bassam Raja, Syria
287. Dima Eskandarani, Syria
288. Omar Hamarsheh, Syria
289. Ibrahim Mouemneh, Syria
290. Wassif Abdul Hadi, Syria
291. Omar Jumaa, Syria
292. Essam Shehadeh, Syria
293. Manal Ghobbash, Syria
294. Fadhil Abdullah, Syria
295. Musa Qasim, Syria
296. Mohammed Abdel-Ghani, Syria
297. Khaled Bdeir, Syria
298. Ibrahim Abou al-Layl, Syria
299. Mahmoud Khalili, Syria
300. Yousef Moqbel, Syria
301. Qusay Qudsiyeh, Syria
302. Abdul Ghani Ghareib, Syria
303. Zakaria Sharif, Syria
304. Jamal Nassar, Syria
305. Yassin Maragheh, Syria
306. Walid Dugheim, Syria
307. Fadi Shahin, Syria
308. Mohammed Abu Saada, Syria
309. Asmagheil Shehadeh, Syria
310. Amro al-Khatib, Syria
311. Adnan Abu Seriyya, Syria
312. Hassan Hijazi, Syria
313. Hussam al-Khatib, Syria
314. Abdul Muti Bouzid, Syria
315. Abdel-Fattah Idris, Syria
316. Tahseen Halabi, Syria
317. Yousef al-Sheheb, Syria
318. Moataz Shata, Syria
319. Bassam Abdullah, Syria
320. Ali Jarwan, Syria
321. Ghalib Ragheb, Syria
322. Omar Ajouri, Syria
323. Ibrahim Nazzal, Syria
324. Nayef Hayatleh, Sweden
325. Palestine Beitna Society, Sweden
326. Zakaria al-Helou, Jerusalem
327. Mohammed al-Helou, Jerusalem
328. Abu Hadi Silwani, Jerusalem
329. Hamdi Hamdi, Nablus
330. Zain Aasi, Ramallah
331. Mohammed Mufarjeh, Ramallah
332. Ayad al-Araj Jenin
333. Fadi Abu Kishk, al-Lid
334. Yousef Khatib, Arraba Buttouf
335. Ahmed Subh, Tamra
336. Tayseer Ramadan Abu Irshaid, Oman
337. Hussein Mutawaa, Amman, Jordan
338. Mohammed Khalil Ashour, Gaza
339. Mohammed Miari, Kafr Yasif
340. Yazn Asi, Ramallah
341. Ali Aasi, Ramallah
342. Abdul Aziz al-Salhi, Ramallah
343. Rasha Bani Odeh, Ramallah
344. Heba Ayyad, Jerusalem
345. Esmat Mansour, Ramallah
346. Mira Hammad, Ramallah
347. Bahaa Asi, Ramallah
348. Farah Badarneh, Ramallah
349. Abdul Rahman Jamhour, Ramallah
350. Saji Mafarjeh, Ramallah
351. Mohammed Badr, Ramallah
352. Jihan Arar, Ramallah
353. Karim Abid, al-Bireh
354. Farah Sarua, Ramallah
355. Uday Asi, Ramallah
356. Sonia Jabr, Ramallah
357. Bahaa Asi, Ramallah
358. Arif Amarna, Jenin
359. Ahmed Rayyan, Ramallah
360. Mohammed Mofarjeh, Ramallah
361. Amir Shibley, Ramallah
362. Alaa Mofarjeh, Ramallah
363. Mohamed Ledadoh, Ramallah
364. Mahmoud Aasi, Jordan
365. Leila Jamil, Ramallah
366. Mohamed Mansour, al-Bireh
367. Abdullah Jibril, Turkey
368. Mahmoud Asi, Ramallah
369. Hammad Asi, Ramallah
370. Abdul Karim Asi, Ramallah
371. Ibrahim Al Ghafari, Ramallah
372. O. Ziad Musa, Ramallah
373. Khalid Sheikh, UAE
374. Mohammed Asi, Ramallah
375. Rafik al-Asi, Ramallah
376. Amani Badr, Jerusalem
377. Sindi Badr, Jerusalem
378. Mohammed Badr, Ramallah
379. Ali Badr, Ramallah
380. Ahmed Sorour, Ramallah
381. Ali Annad, Tulkarem
382. Ismail Mofarjeh, Ramallah
383. Jana Jaradat, al-Khalil (Hebron)
384. Ismail Nassar, al-Khalil (Hebron)
385. Ghalya al-Suweti, Ramallah
386. Mohammed Asi, Ramallah
387. Dr. Nabil Talib, Ramallah
388. Handal Mofarjeh, Ramallah
389. Nidal Asi, Ramallah
390. Majed Asi, Ramallah
391. Biraa Badr, Ramallah
392. Qusay Abu Atwan, al-Khalil (Hebron)
393. Sharouq Badwan, Jerusalem
394. Naama Badr, Jerusalem
395. Mamoun Asi, Ramallah
396. Moataz Badwan, Ramallah
397. Ahmed Barnesi, Tulkarem
398. Mahmoud Mofarjeh, Ramallah
399. Safa Abboushi, Ramallah
400. Mohammed Mofarjeh, Ramallah
401. Hamada Asi, Ramallah
402. Mohammed Jummah, Qalqilya
403. Sajid Asi, Ramallah
404. Mohammed Badr, Ramallah
405. Ziad Zahra, Syria
406. Wael Jadallah, Syria
407. George Haddad, Syria
408. Tariq Haddad, Syria
409. Moataz al-Afghani, Syria
410. Rezan al-Malh, Ramallah
411. Zeina Ayyad, Jerusalem
412. Marwa Obaid, Jerusalem
413. Baha Beitillu, Ramallah
414. Osama Badr, Ramallah
415. Amin Asi, Beitunia
416. Lara Awda, Ramallah
417. Jamal Hassan, Ramallah
418. Bilal Asi, Ramallah
419. Imad Asi, Ramallah
420. Alice Abed, Jerusalem
421. Bilal Hamed, Birzeit
422. Ghassan Siyam, Ramallah
423. Yunus Mussa, Ramallah
424. Jamil Musa, Ramallah
425. Sharif El-Assaad, Tulkarem
426. Mahmoud Rayyan, Ramallah
427. Musa Badr, Ramallah
428. Maher Asi, Beitunia
429. Nizar Badr, Ramallah
430. Seraj Asi, Ramallah
431. Ibrahim Arouri, Ramallah
432. Areej Barghouti, Ramallah
433. Mouin Assi, Ramallah
434. Saji Mofarjeh, Ramallah
435. Hamza Musa, Ramallah
436. Dr. Hani Musa, Ramallah
437. Marcel Assi, Ramallah
438. Basil Asfour, Ramallah
439. Moatasem Badr, Ramallah
440. Omar Mofarjeh, Ramallah
441. Dima Barghouti, Ramallah
442. Jihad Abu Safiya, Ramallah
443. Omar Asi, Ramallah
444. Ezzedine al Asi, Beitunia
445. Badr Badr, Ramallah
446. Luna Seif, Ramallah
447. Mohammed al-Haj, Jerusalem
448. Dr. Umm Kulthum Assi, Ramallah
449. Hayman Asi, Ramallah
450. Ihsan Mofarjeh, Ramallah
451. Ayat Mofarjeh, Ramallah
452. Samar Salah al-Din, Ramallah
453. Ashraf Siyam, Ramallah
454. Mohammed Arisha, Syria
455. Yousef Asi, Ramallah
456. Isa Asi, Ramallah
457. Dr. Asem Khalil, Jerusalem
458. Meyser Asi, Ramallah
459. Dr. Rashad Tawam, Jerusalem
460. Reza Jarrar, Beitunia
461. Islam Mofarjeh, Ramallah
462. Qusay Asi, Ramallah
463. Murad Badr, Ramallah
464. Rehwan Abu Asi, al-Bireh
465. Sabreen Asi, Ramallah
466. Ahmed Maswadiyeh, Jerusalem
467. Sarah Khoamilah, Jerusalem
468. Majid Asi, Ramallah
469. Majid Samhan, Ramallah
470. Amir Khoury, Nazareth
471. Hanna Khoury, Jerusalem
472. Amin Badr, Jerusalem
473. Maher Assi, Ramallah
474. Juma Asi, Ramallah
475. Hussein Asi, Ramallah
476. Rabah Asi, Ramallah
477. Anwar al-Asi, Ramallah
478. Najeh Asi, Ramallah
479. Naaman Assi, Ramallah
480. Ribhi Asi, Ramallah
481. Ayed Assi, Ramallah
482. Harb Assi, Ramallah
483. Muaayad Assi, Ramallah
484. Nur Bekri, Jerusalem
485. Yasmin Afanah, Ramallah
486. Yara Afanah, Ramallah
487. Wafa Arouri, Ramallah
488. Hammam Badr, Ramallah
489. Dr. Samir Awad, Jerusalem
490. Dr. Fayez Bukeirat Jerusalem
491. Dr. Mahmoud Dudain, Jerusalem
492. Rifaat Assi, Ramallah
493. Mahmoud Abu al-Sawi, Jerusalem
494. Renad Abdullah, Beitunia
495. Raynad Abdullah, Jerusalem
496. Nili Hamid, Jerusalem
497. Raad Daana, Jerusalem
498. Saleh Daghlowa, Ramallah
499. A. Baher al-Saqqa, Gaza
500. A. Jawad Asaad, Ramallah
501. Qusay Jabr, Ramallah
502. Tawfiq Abu Arqoub, Birzeit
503. Munther Bader, Ramallah
504. Mohammed Nashashibi, Jerusalem
505. Ehab Mousa, Ramallah
506. Nahed Asi, Ramallah
507. Muhannad Asi, Ramallah
508. Muhannad Khafsh, Nablus
509. Mohammed Khafsh, Nablus
510. Jad Khafsh, Nablus
511. Mujahid Khafsh, Nablus
512. Kinan Asi, Ramallah
513. Merjan Asi, Ramallah
514. Razan Asi, Ramallah
515. Taqi Assi, Ramallah
516. Bakr al Assi, Ramallah
517. Haneen Musa, Ramallah
518. Amir Assi, Jerusalem
519. Waad Badr, Ramallah
520. Sufian Barakat, Tulkarem
521. Mohammed Salameh, Tulkarem
522. Abdul Rahman Abu Halawa, Ramallah
523. Amir Suleiman, Ramallah
524. Abu-Jamal Wahba, Lebanon
525. Hassan Zeidan, Lebanon
526. Fatah al-Intifada Movement in Lebanon
527. Mahmoud Saleh, Lebanon
528. Abu Hani Rameed, Lebanon
529. Abu Yaser Diab, Lebanon
530. Ahmed Hazeenah, Lebanon
531. Yousef Hamdan, Lebanon
532. Beirut Hammoud, Lebanon
533. Mohammed Abdel-Fattah, Kowkab Aboul Hija
534. Hossam Andrea, Germany
535. Najib Abbas, Kafr Kanna
536. Palestinian National Centre, Sweden
537. Salah Hammad, Ramallah
538. Mohammed Abu Qesh, Abu Qesh
539. Khadr Asi, Ramallah
540. Mustafa Assi, Ramallah
541. Miraeb Badr, Ramallah
542. Usri Mofarjeh, Ramallah
543. Aisha Abu Qaraa, Ramallah
544. Maryam Jabr, Ramallah
545. Roula Moussa, Ramallah
546. Areej Abu Hamoud, Ramallah
547. Ahmad Ayyash, Ramallah
548. Mohammed Mahasneh, Tubas
549. Rawia Habibi Ghunaderi, Nazareth
550. Saleen Haddad, Syria
551. Saleh Shatila, Lebanon
552. Mohammed Bakri, Lebanon
553. Ghassan Atamleh, al-Reineh
554. Abdul Rahman Jassim, Lebanon
555. Tahani Nassar, Lebanon
556. Amal al-Haj, Nazareth
557. Afrah Daoudi Dajani, Canada
558. Ali Rafi, Haifa
559. Tanseem Fouad al-Janazera, al-Khalil (Hebron)
560. Maysa Ahmed Saleh, al-Khalil (Hebron)
561. Qamar Akram Ghazal
562. Monia Nihad Fatafta, al-Khalil (Hebron)
563. Hiba Rajah Amro, al-Khalil (Hebron)
564. Hidayat Abdeen Halahelah, al-Khalil (Hebron)
565. Fatenah al-Muhtasib, al-Khalil (Hebron)
566. Reham Al-Sharif, al-Khalil (Hebron)
567. Baraa Shaheen, al-Khalil (Hebron)
568. Razan Abed, al-Khalil (Hebron)
569. Leyana Muhtasib al-Khalil (Hebron)
570. Eva Jamil Altora, al-Khalil (Hebron)
571. Shirin al-Atrash, al-Khalil (Hebron)
572. Aya Dudain, al-Khalil (Hebron)
573. Samah Ali Battat, al-Khalil (Hebron)
574. Wajdan al-Adam, al-Khalil (Hebron)
575. Mees Ghassan Idris
576. Rula Awawdeh, al-Khalil (Hebron)
577. Sumatiya al-Sikh, al-Khalil (Hebron)
578. Batoul Namoura, al-Khalil (Hebron)
579. Hana Ezzat Mukharzah, al-Khalil (Hebron)
580. Dina Fahd Adeis, al-Khalil (Hebron)
581. Samah Hannaihin, al-Khalil (Hebron)
582. Marwa Marwan Bakri, al-Khalil (Hebron)
583. Linda Maher al-Shweiki, al-Khalil (Hebron)
584. Shahd Hatem al-Tamimi, al-Khalil (Hebron)
585. Israa Mohammed Tuweihat, al-Khalil (Hebron)
586. Amjad Saleh Abu Kirsh, al-Khalil (Hebron)
587. Tamer Abdullah Junaidi, al-Khalil (Hebron)
588. Asma Jamal al-Masri, al-Khalil (Hebron)
589. Baissan Nader Al-Tameezi, al-Khalil (Hebron)
590. Sarah Shaker Al-Natshe, al-Khalil (Hebron)
591. Hadeel Samir Adeis, al-Khalil (Hebron)
592. Dima Nayef Amro, al-Khalil (Hebron)
593. Amani Omar Mukharzah, al-Khalil (Hebron)
594. Fatima Yusuf Munasera, al-Khalil (Hebron)
595. Zia Tarawah, al-Khalil (Hebron)
596. Rasha Ghuraib, al-Khalil (Hebron)
597. Ala Hani Batta, al-Khalil (Hebron)
598. Esra Adeis, al-Khalil (Hebron)
599. Duaa Badr, al-Khalil (Hebron)
600. Inaam Dweik, al-Khalil (Hebron)
601. Khudra Warasna, al-Khalil (Hebron)
602. Mahmoud Atawna, al-Khalil (Hebron)
603. Inas al-Sweiti, al-Khalil (Hebron)
604. Abdul Qadir Al-Sweiti, al-Khalil (Hebron)
605. Nadim Hashish, al-Khalil (Hebron)
606. Mohammed Janazerah, al-Khalil (Hebron)
607. Farid al-Raei, al-Khalil (Hebron)
608. Nusseibeh Al-Sweiti, al-Khalil (Hebron)
609. Tamam Saadi, al-Khalil (Hebron)
610. Fayez Amro, al-Khalil (Hebron)
611. Hamed al-Haddad, al-Khalil (Hebron)
612. Ala Khalayleh, al-Khalil (Hebron)
613. Tamim Mohammed al-Wahesh, al-Khalil (Hebron)
614. Shahd Quneibi, al-Khalil (Hebron)
615. Asma Arafa, al-Khalil (Hebron)
616. Khalil Atwan, al-Khalil (Hebron)
617. Muhannad Awdah, al-Khalil (Hebron)
618. Ibtisam Srahna, al-Khalil (Hebron)
619. Abdullah Asafrah, al-Khalil (Hebron)
620. Salsabil Zmaarah, al-Khalil (Hebron)
621. Fatima Aamalah, al-Khalil (Hebron)
622. Majdoleen Karajeh, al-Khalil (Hebron)
623. Aisha Hawwawi, al-Khalil (Hebron)
624. Safa Abu Rayan, al-Khalil (Hebron)
625. Meesr Zuhair Natshe, al-Khalil (Hebron)
626. Raneem Ziad Hatatba, al-Khalil (Hebron)
627. Wilaa Talahma, al-Khalil (Hebron)
628. Fadi Lahassouni, al-Khalil (Hebron)
629. Rula Hassan, al-Khalil (Hebron)
630. Jinan Mohammed Odeh, al-Khalil (Hebron)
631. Aya Mahmoud, al-Khalil (Hebron)
632. Fadi Ahmad, al-Khalil (Hebron)
633. Zahi Terman, al-Khalil (Hebron)
634. Sondas Al-Jabri, al-Khalil (Hebron)
635. Aya Farid, al-Khalil (Hebron)
636. Deena al-Oweiwi, al-Khalil (Hebron)
637. Reem Amro, al-Khalil (Hebron)
638. Areen Karki, al-Khalil (Hebron)
639. Musa Qafeeshi, al-Khalil (Hebron)
640. Abbas Hamideh, United State
641. Thaer Abu Hilal, Abu Dis, Jerusalem
642. Mohammed Salah, Abu Dis, Jerusalem
643. Atta Jaffal, Abu Dis, Jerusalem
644. Makhlis Basl, Haifa
645. Mohammed Abu Laban, Ramallah
646. Hani al-Husri, Ramallah
647. Bishop Abdullah Yulio, Ramallah
648. Wasfi Abdul Ghani, Haifa
649. Issam Makhoul, Haifa
650. Nahi Nasser Hanna, Haifa
651. Rudi Abu Saada
652. Hana Al-Essa, Ramallah
653. Leila Jamal, Ramallah
654. Abla Kamal, Jerusalem
655. Isa Salamat, Jaffna, Ramallah
656. Ihsan Rimawi, Beit Rima, Ramallah
657. Ghassan Abbas Rimawi, Beit Rima, Ramallah
658. Akram al-Maliki, Ramallah
659. Ayad al-Maliki, Ramallah
660. Zia Ghazal, Gaza
661. Yousef Shuhaiber, Gaza
662. Hani Shuhaiber, Gaza
663. Dr. Fayez Rashid, Jordan
664. Leila Khaled, Jordan
665. Mohammed Walid Mohammed Ismail, Ein Arik camp, Ramallah
666. Iyad Masrouji, Ramallah
667. Palestinian Community in Norway
668. Safwan Tirbana, Kafr Yasif
669. Maaouya Hajj, Kafr Yasif
670. Salam Marqis, Kafr Yasif
671. Khalid Sharif, Kafr Yasif
672. Nasrat Samara, Kafr Yasif
673. Boulos Rouhana, Isfiya
674. Shadi Choueiry, Kafr Yasif
675. Yousef Khatib, Kafr Yasif
676. Mufeed Saad, Kafr Yasif
677. Jamila Saad, Kafr Yasif
678. Mufeed Basl, Kafr Yasif
679. Abla Amuri, Kafr Yasif
680. Majdi Abdel Hadi Issa, Nablus
681. Fathi Mohammed Tunbour, Nablus
682. Musab Mahmoud Yousef, Jenin
683. Suleiman Fayez Juma, Nablus
684. Wadi Watfa, London
685. Mary Watfa, London
686. Mahasin Adel Dandis, al-Khalil (Hebron)
687. Azhar Seyyaj, al-Khalil (Hebron)
688. Rashad Abdul Rasul, Dura
689. Bushra Fouad al-Janzerah, Halhul
690. Mohammed Abu Asabeh, Halhul
691. Samah Abu Asabeh, Halhul
692. Sarah Abu Asabeh, Halhul
693. Issa Ahmed Zaki Bahr, al-Khalil (Hebron)
694. Hadeel al-Wawi, Halhul
695. Maryam al-Wawi, Halhul
696. Mahmoud Talbishi, al-Khalil (Hebron)
697. Nadeem Manasrah, al-Khalil (Hebron)
698. Nadeen Mahmoud Sarahneh, Halhul
699. Manar al-Banna, Amman, Jordan
700. Dr. Mohammed K. Hamid, United States
701. Jafar M. Ramini, United Kingdom
702. Khowla Ibrahim, Canada
703. Dr. Nazih Khattaba, Canada
704. Angele Semaan, United Kingdom
705. Victor Najjar, United Kingdom
706. Ghassan Najjar, United Kingdom
707. Souha Najjar, United Kingdom
708. Rehab Naseef, United Kingdom
709. Issa Najjar, United Kingdom
710. Suha Ghassan Najjar, United Kingdom
711. Lydia Perio Najjar, United Kingdom
712. Al-Awda, The Palestine Right To Return Coalition, United States
713. Ribhi Rabah, Canada
714. Morteda Abbas, Syria
715. Firas Yaghi, Ramallah
716. Adibanos Khoury-Machool, Jaffa
717. Taghreed Shehadeh, occupied Palestine
718. Azmi Nabali, Ramallah
719. Palestinian popular trend, Ramallah
720. Popular Action Committees, Ramallah
721. Elias Mouin Najjar, Australia
722. Joseph Mouin Najjar, Australia
723. Grace Mouin Najjar, Australia
724. Mousa al-Amelah, Syria
725. Hanna Mouin Najjar, Australia
726. Joseph Nakhla Najjar, Spain
727. Elias Nakhla Najjar, Germany
728. Fahed Awad, Syria
729. Victoria Nakhla Najjar, Canada
730. Anton Nakhla Najjar, Canada
731. Kateba Nakhla Najjar, Syria
732. Sonia Kamel Assaf, Syria
733. Fayez Kamel Assaf, Lebanon
734. Alice Kamel Assaf, Syria
735. Nimr Kamel Assaf, Syria
736. Nabil Elie Semaan, Lebanon
737. Nabila Elie Semaan, Britain
738. Khaled Elie Semaan, Lebanon
739. Suha Elie Semaan, Lebanon
740. Khaled Hassan Semaan, Lebanon
741. Essam Suleiman, Syria
742. Suha Hassan Semaan, Lebanon
743. Noha Hassan Semaan, Lebanon
744. Walid Hassan Semaan, Lebanon
745. Mowni Butrus Sweileh, Dubai
746. Johnny Butrus Sweileh, Seychelles
747. Leonie Butrus Sweileh, Lebanon
748. Mohsen Selim Gideon, Canada
749. Muhasen Selim Gideon, Canada
750. Wisam Selim Gideon, Canada
751. Hassan Esper Semaan, Lebanon
752. Boulos Anis Haddad, Abu Dhabi
753. Samir Anis Haddad, Abu Dhabi
754. Pauline Anis Haddad, Abu Dhabi
755. Selim Fouad Esper, Lebanon
756. Suhaila Esper Semaan, Lebanon
757. Helen Esper Semaan, Lebanon
758. Salwa Esper Semaan, Abu Dhabi
759. Sameera Elie Semaan, Abu Dhabi
760. Shirin Anis Haddad, Abu Dhabi
761. Nadim Assi, Saudi Arabia
762. Yasmin Khamis, Bethlehem
763. Dima Adawi, Nazareth
764. Mohammed Semrain, Jordan
765. Zeidan Semrain, Jordan
766. Gharam Assi, Ramallah
767. Hanan Moussa, Ramallah
768. Haneen Moussa, Ramallah
769. Mervat Assi, Ramallah
770. Nevin Assi, Ramallah
771. Uday Assi, Ramallah
772. Bassam Bader, United States
773. Hisham Bader, Germany
774. Suhail Assi, Russia
775. Elqassam Assi, Russia
776. Wajdi Mousa, Ramallah
777. Aseel Bader, Ramallah
778. Abdel Hameed Bader, Ramallah
779. Jihan Mufarjeh, Ramallah
780. Manar Mufarjeh, Ramallah
781. Anwar Mufarjeh, Ramallah
782. Zuhoor Deifallah, Ramallah
783. Ibrahim Mufarjeh, Ramallah
784. Nawal Moussa, Ramallah
785. Tahrir Assi, Umm al-Sharayet
786. Tuleen Assi, Umm al-Sharayet
787. Ansar Bader, Ramallah
788. Qadees Bader, Ramallah
789. Bilal Bader, Ramallah
790. Abdulqader Bader, Ramallah
791. Moatasem Assi, Sweden
792. Anas Assi, France
793. Maihoub Assi, Ramallah
794. Hadi Assi, Ramallah
795. Mumen Assi, Ramallah
796. Zahi Assi, Ramallah
797. Ezzeddine Assi, Ramallah
798. Tareq Bader, Jerusalem
799. Hamza Badr, Ramallah
800. Dr. Ammar Shibli, Ramallah
801. Faqih Assi, Venezuela
802. Luqman Assi, Venezuela
803. Samah Nasreddine, Jerusalem
804. Abdul Rahman Faraj, Jerusalem
804. Aliya Hameed, Jerusalem
806. Christina Boutran, Ramallah
807. Sala Shehadeh, Ramallah
808. Essam Assi, Ramallah
809. Uday Aboud, Ramallah
810. Karam Bader, Ramallah
811. Narjis Assi, Jerusalem
812. Amjad Assi, Ramallah
813. Yusri Assi, Ramallah
814. Naqqa al-Dadwah, Ramallah
815. Sharouq Assi, Ramallah
816. Imad Assi, Ramallah
817. Sijjud Bader, Ramallah
818. Sanabel Badr, Ramallah
819. Haneen Assi, Ramallah
820. Afaf Assi, Ramallah
821. Afnan Assi, Ramallah
822. Abada Mousa, Ramallah
823. Jameel Shibley
824. Sajid Assi, Ramallah
825. Munadel Assi, Ramallah
826. Rahma Assi, Ramallah
827. Imran Derraj, Ramallah
828. Fatima Mufarjeh, Ramallah
829. Samah Jalal, Ramallah
830. Salabil Assi, Ramallah
831. Salabil Rayan, Ramallah
832. Mervat Mufarjeh, Ramallah
833. Azhar Mufarjeh, Ramallah
834. Yasmeen Mousa, Ramallah
835. Asma Assi, Ramallah
836. Areen Mufarjeh, Ramallah
837. Fuad Moussa, Ramallah
838. Ala Assi, Ramallah
839. Salim Assi, America
840. Alkhansa Assi, Ramallah
841. Asma Obeid, Ramallah
842. Islam Badr, Ramallah
843. Rana Mufarjeh, Ramallah
844. Munther Shibley, Ramallah
845. Munther Mousa, Ramallah
846. Iman Mousa, Ramallah
847. Doaa Badr, Ramallah
848. Mahmoud Hamed, Jerusalem
849. Issa Ahmed, Ramallah
850. Lulea Assi, Ramallah
851. Neesan Assi, Ramallah
852. Neesan Mufarjeh, Ramallah
853. Mohammed al-Hajj, Ramallah
854. Suha Assi, Ramallah
855. Manar Bader, Ramallah
856. Maram Assi, Ramallah
857. Dima Assi, Ramallah
858. Sundos Badr, Ramallah
859. Wafa Assi, Ramallah
860. Saleh Mufarjeh, Ramallah
861. Haneen Assi, Ramallah
862. Ali Bader, Ramallah
863. Hala Seif, Ramallah
864. Mamoun Absi, Ramallah
865. Amir Suleiman, Ramallah
866. Baraa Abu Musa, Ramallah
867. Rahma Njas, Ramallah
868. Ali Dar Ali, Ramallah
869. Sijjud Dar Ali, Ramallah
870. Ola Rimawi, Jerusalem
871. Ala Barhoum, Ramallah
872. Shurouq Hantash, Ramallah
873. Raghad Shaheen, Ramallah
874. Watan Mousa, Ramallah
875. Esra Mousa, Ramallah
876. Razan al-Malh, Ramallah
877. Bissan al-Malh, Ramallah
878. Nasser al-Malh, Ramallah
879. Mohammed Shuraitah, Ramallah
880. May Shuraitah, Ramallah
881. May Batatah, Ramallah
882. Fatima Schumann, Ramallah
883. Rihan Arar, Ramallah
884. Mohammed Rashid, Ramallah
885. Nasreen Saleh, Ramallah
886. Wafa Saleh, Ramallah
887. Mohammed Awad, Ramallah
888. Mohammed Dufesh, Ramallah
889. Haneen Shuraitah, Ramallah
890. Layala Hamouda, Jerusalem
891. Montasser Nahiz, Ramallah
892. Saad Hob al-Rih, Ramallah
893. Hiyam Saleh, Ramallah
894. Anis Hanoun, Ramallah
895. Musaab Hanoun, Ramallah
896. Nermeen Rudaidah, Jerusalem
897. George Abdullah, Jenin
898. Tijan Atwan al-Khalil (Hebron)
899. Wajnan Shamasneh, Ramallah
900. Khalid Sheikh, Ramallah
901. Khaled Qutaishat, Tubas
902. Abdul Rahman Atiq, Ramallah
903. Rashid Shaheen, Bethlehem
904. Walid Mohammed Ismail, Ein Arik camp
905. Ahmed Hassan Khitab
906. Mahmoud Said Sawafiri
907. Tayseer al-Aslina
908. Uday Walid Ismail
909. Saddam Walid Ismail
910. Thaer Ghazi Shukri
911. Haitham Ghazi Shukri
912. Bassam Farid Tabbalah, Ein Arik
913. Ala Ayyash, Jalazoun cmp
914. Nael Masaad, Aboud
915. Raed Massad, Aboud
916. Louay Zakhri Muneed, Ein Arik
917. Thaer Hijazi, Qarawat Bani Zeid
918. Jumaa Hijazi, Qarawat Bani Zeid
919. Louay Arar, Qarawat Bani Zeid
920. Baseel Teem, Qarawat Bani Zeid
921. Mohammed Hanoun, Balata refugee camp
922. Ibrahim Abu Leil, Balata refugee camp
923. Mohammed Hashash, Balata refugee camp
924. Saleh Hashash, Balata refugee camp
925. Nael Halabi, Jerusalem
926. Wadie Farraj, Jerusalem
927. Diana Farraj, Jerusalem
928. Lina Khattab, Beitain
929. Firas Karajeh, Safa
930. Anas Akef Waheed, Tulkarem
931. Rama Ahmad Ayyash Baraka, Tulkarem
932. Mujahid Fadel Samara, N.
933. Zahran Akef Waheed Hamdallah, Tulkarem
934. Akef Waheed Hamdallah, Tulkarem
935. Muhannad Jamal al-Hassan, Tulkarem
936. Mohammed Suhail Abu Shanab, Tulkarem
937. Leilas Akef Hamdallah, Tulkarem
938. Watheq Abdel Fattah Shaib, Nablus
939. Naji Abdel Fattah Shaib, Nablus
940. Zakaria Abdel Fattah Shaib, Nablus
941. Mona Nihad Sebobah, Tulkarem
942. Seif Rifaat Qassis, Nablus
943. Muwaad Ahmed Daamah
944. Khalid Abdul Rahim Katana, Nablus
945. Aalan Mohammed Daraghmeh, Nablus
946. Reem Najjar, Ramallah
947. Majdal al-Jandab, Tulkarem
948. Wajdi Barakat, Tulkarem
949. Mohammed Awad, Tulkarem
950. Abdul Latif al-Sheikh, Tulkarem
951. Iyad Badran, Tulkarem
952. Qasim Bedeer, Tulkarem
953. Rasha Herzallah, Ramallah
954. Nader Hasan, Tulkarem
955. Sobhi Badran, Tulkarem
956. Ibrahim Tabbal, Tulkarem
957. Tareq Ghanem, Tulkarem
958. Baraa Shahrour, Tulkarem
959. Mahmoud Abu Ali, Tulkarem
960. Nabil Abu Khalil, Tulkarem
961. Mumen Awad, Tulkarem
962. Laith Massoud, Tulkarem
963. Haitham Tatour, occupied Palestine
964. Mohammed Khatib, occupied Palestine
965. Mahmoud Barghouti, Ramallah
966. Abed Yasin, occupied Palestine
967. Yara Aghbarieh, Umm al-Fahm
968. Khuloud al-Zinati, occupied Palestine
969. Muaddel Mahmoud, occupied Palestine
970. Mohammed Awawdeh, occupied Palestine
971. Rana Jarban, occupied Palestine
972. Rim Taha, occupied Palestine
973. Nazmi Taha, occupied Palestine
974. Maysan Sobh, Tamra
Yemeni Genocide Proceeds Apace, Enjoying World’s Silence
US and ISIS join efforts to kill Yemenis
By William Boardman | Reader Supported News | July 10, 2015
Turns out the United States and the Islamic State, ISIS, are de facto allies of Saudi Arabia and its alliance of dictator states, all bent on exterminating Yemeni Houthis and pretty much any other Yemeni in the neighborhood. This Yemenicide started in earnest in March 2015. After years of US drone strikes proved too slow and ineffective at wiping out people in the poorest country in the Arab world, it was time to expand the arsenal of war crimes. Rarely, in discussions of Yemen, does one hear much about the violations of international law that have reduced the country to its present war-torn and devastated condition.
Failing to acknowledge a foreign policy disaster in Yemen, the Obama administration has chosen instead to trash international law by supporting the criminal, aggressive war that Saudi Arabia’s coalition of police states launched on Yemen on March 26. Now, despite more than three months of Saudi-American terror bombing, the Houthis remain in control of northwest Yemen, their tribal homeland, as well as much of the southeast of Yemen, having overthrown the internationally-installed puppet government, later “elected” without any opponents, of President Abd Rhabbuh Mansur Hadi.
President Obama praised Hadi as his “successful” partner in attacking terrorists, by which Obama meant he was grateful to Hadi for not objecting to the US drone attacks against his own people. Hadi’s legitimacy always depended on foreign puppeteers, and it still does. Having resigned as president, fled the capital, and rescinded his resignation, Hadi fled again, to Saudi Arabia the day before the Saudi blitz began. The official story is that Hadi requested the undeclared Saudi attack on his own country. Hadi remains in the Saudi capital of Riyadh, free to go nowhere while he pretends to head a government-in-exile that is the presently desired fiction of his captor-protectors.
On July 8, from Riyadh, Hadi reportedly proposed a ceasefire in Yemen to start before the month of Ramadan ends July 17. On July 1, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon had called for a “humanitarian halt” in combat “until the end of the holy month of Ramadan.” So far, Hadi’s Saudi controllers have used the muslim holy month to rain increased terror on populated areas of Yemen, killing hundreds of civilians and Houthi fighters, with no accurate count available. July 7 saw the highest death toll in Yemen since the Saudi bombing campaign began. This bland-seeming coverage of the carnage by Reuters is riddled by propaganda deceits:
The United Nations has been pushing for a halt to air raids and intensified fighting that began on March 26. More than 3,000 people have been killed since then as the Arab coalition tries stop the Houthis spreading across the country from the north.
The Iran-allied Shi’ite Houthis say they are rebelling against a corrupt government, while local fighters say they are defending their homes from Houthi incursions. Sunni Saudi Arabia says it is bombing the Houthis to protect the Yemeni state.
The Reuters perspective represents the mainstream consensus, which also typically includes some of the same threads of deceit as these:
- “The UN has been pushing …” No, it hasn’t. The UN as a body has done little to protect the Yemenis, but the Security Council has done less for a country in which civil war has spanned generations. Security Council resolutions are determinedly “evenhanded” in their equal treatment of aggressors and victims. In June 2015, after two months of Saudi bombing, the Security Council expressed its “full support” for an impossibility: “a peaceful, inclusive, orderly and Yemeni-led political transition process that meets the legitimate demands and aspirations of the Yemeni people.”
- “pushing for a halt to air raids …” No, it hasn’t. The air raids are being carried out by the nine UN member states in the Saudi Coalition, including Security Council member Jordan. The US, a permanent Security Council member, has supported the aerial war crime campaign with logistics, in-flight refueling of bombers, intelligence, air-sea rescue, and naval support for the blockade (which is also an act of war).
- “intensified fighting that began on March 26 …” Intensified fighting began long before March 26. Yemen’s civil war has waxed and waned over several decades. What began March 26 was the war crime nexus of bombing civilian targets by the nine-member Saudi Coalition that includes Egypt, Morocco, Jordan, Sudan, UAE, Kuwait, Bahrain, and Qatar. The Houthi rebellion is more than a decade old and gained intensity in the fall of 2014. The Houthis drove out the Yemeni government and now control the western half of the country, where most of the population lived and most of the bombing takes place.
- “the Arab coalition tries to stop the Houthis spreading across the country from the north …” Reuters is just wrong on this. The Houthi spread was a fact, and the “Arab coalition” failed in an ill-conceived campaign. Faced with an army advancing on the ground, the “Arab coalition” has not deployed ground troops. Without serious objection from the international community, the “Arab coalition” attacks military forces in another country with which they are not at war, as well as terror-bombing that country’s civilians with US-made cluster bombs.
- As for spreading “from the north,” that is at best wrong, if not duplicitous. Saudi Arabia has declared the northernmost province of Yemen, Saada, a military zone in which every civilian is a presumed combatant. This is the same bloodthirsty policy that leads the US to count every drone victim as a combatant until proven otherwise. This is the same moral numbness that led the US to establish free fire zones in Viet-Nam, where every living thing was deemed an enemy. This is total war as waged by the powerful, at a distance, against the weak and almost defenseless. This is as bad as any Nazi onslaught of World War II.
- The absurdity of the Reuters characterization is illustrated by another UN Security Council position in support of a “political solution to Yemen’s crisis in accordance with the Gulf Cooperation Council Initiative.” The Gulf Cooperation Council is an oxymoron, in that it includes six of the seven Arab states (not Iraq) on the Persian Gulf who allied determinedly NOT to cooperate with the other Persian Gulf state, Iran. Further, the Security Council absurdly supports the “Gulf Cooperation Council Initiative” when five of the six Gulf Council members (not Oman) are busily bombing Yemen in violation of international law.
- “The Iran-allied Shi’ite Houthis …” There is no evidence of an alliance between Iran and the Houthis, certainly not in any sense equivalent to the overt alliances waging undeclared war on Yemen. The Houthis are Shi’ite muslims, and Iran has almost surely supported them to some extent, but most claims of Iranian involvement in the current fighting are patently over-stated and lack supporting evidence. Reuters here is parroting Arab, American, and Israeli propaganda about the “threat” from Iran.
- “say they are rebelling against a corrupt government …” Who says? Reuters doesn’t say. This is specious journalism. Yemen has a long history of corrupt government, but perhaps the Hadi government allowing US troops to wage war on Yemeni territory, killing Yemenis at will, raised the corruption bar to a new level.
- “local fighters say they are defending their homes …” is worse than specious journalism, it’s pretty much a lie since the main opposition to the Houthis comprises forces loyal to Hadi, as well as cohorts of both Al Qaeda and ISIS.
- “Sunni Saudi Arabia says it is bombing the Houthis to protect the Yemeni state” would be a laugh line were it not such a dark lie. Saudi bombing is destroying the Yemeni state in order to “save” it. The Saudis may be “protecting” the Hadi government, but only in the sense that the Mafia provides protection in a protection racket. The Saudis have longstanding territorial conflicts with the Houthis along the northwest Saudi-Yemeni border. And the Saudis are acting as if they believe their own demonizing propaganda about Iran. Saudi Arabia is more likely bombing the Houthis because they are defenseless and Saudi Arabia doesn’t dare bomb Iran.
Nobody seems to care about Yemen, not even The New Yorker
The widespread, bland disinterest in the unending victimization of Yemenis facing unrelenting, daily crimes against humanity is hardly unique to obtuse observers like Reuters. The New Yorker, which eventually distinguished itself in opposition to the horrors of Vietnam, last published a piece on Yemen on May 1 (according to a site search). That piece conveys the American denial of its own terrorism with a tone of mild distaste suitable to Eustace Tilley, whose monocled default opinion is to blame the victim, as Robin Wright wrote little more than a month after the Saudi-American bombardment began:
The current Houthi rebellion – the seventh – is only the latest. The Houthi clan are Zaydi Muslims, who make up about a third of Yemen’s twenty-six million people. A once powerful people from the rugged northern highlands, they ruled an imamate for a millennium and deeply resented their reduced influence under [former President] Saleh [now a Houthi ally]. Between 2004 and 2010, they fought six other wars against his government….
The quarter-century experiment in uniting Yemen has definitively failed. There is no military solution, and there are unlikely to be any winners out of such a multilayered conflict, whatever the territorial gains….
Last week, the United States dispatched the aircraft carrier U.S.S. Teddy Roosevelt to supplement seven American warships off the Yemen coast. Washington strongly supports a political solution to the conflict in Yemen, but without interested players the risks of unintended consequences increase.
Rhetorically the US may support a “political solution” (to its own liking) and gullible reporters may accept that as some sort of reality. The reality on the ground (and on the water) is that the US supports and participates in endless terror bombing and a naval blockade. That is to say, the US supports and participates in the war crimes that are leading toward mass starvation and human devastation, what the discreet Ban Ki-moon refers to as a “humanitarian crisis” or a “catastrophe,” as if there were no agency causing it.
An editorial July 7 in The New York Times takes the same concerned-but-oblivious-to-the-genocidal-actors tone that reinforces the general pretense that no one is responsible:
Yemen has now been added to the United Nations’ list of most severe humanitarian emergencies, along with South Sudan, Syria and Iraq. It is a tragic distinction, highlighting the peril to 80 percent of the country’s 25 million citizens. The international community, including the United States, is not doing enough to push for an immediate cease-fire in the war that is ravaging the country to make it possible to deliver aid.
Yemen, a poor country, was deeply unstable even before a coalition, led by Saudi Arabia and backed by the United States, started bombing the Houthi rebel movement in late March. Last week, Ban Ki-moon, the United Nations secretary general, declared the situation a “catastrophe.”
Is it possible to commit a long string of war crimes in self-defense?
Having tiptoed up to the edge of US war crimes, the Times retreated. The rest of the editorial comprises little more than helpless hand-wringing, without even hinting at the most effective way to save Yemeni lives: stop the bombing. That means you, “Saudi Arabia … backed by the United States.” Like most of the rest of the world, the Times settled for asking for a reasonable-sounding impossibility, which it then undercut with another wisp of Saudi reality:
What is needed is a permanent political solution that will ensure the Houthis, who have some legitimate grievances and are unlikely to give up, get a significant role in any new government. Negotiations should be started without preconditions. But Saudi Arabia and its allies have appeared intent on forcing the Houthis to surrender, no matter what the cost to civilians and Yemen’s cities and villages.
Well, “Saudi Arabia and its allies” includes the US and others. The Times needs to look in the mirror without flinching. Saudi Arabia and its allies need to stop their bombing.
Ironically, they are not bombing Al Qaeda or ISIS forces in Yemen with anything like the same intensity they’re bombing Yemenis. In fact, Al Qaeda and ISIS are supplementing Saudi-American bombing with their own terror-bombing of Yemenis. For whatever reason, if there is one, the Saudi-American aerial genocide against Yeminis is making most of Yemen a much safer haven for terrorists. Yet this lunatic policy continues without serious opposition apparent anywhere. Who decided that Yemen should be treated as if it were the Haiti of the Arab world?
If any of the umpteen candidates for president of the United States has said anything humane, useful, or even dimly relevant about Yemen, it is hard to find (and I have found nothing). And nowhere have I found any call to establish the appropriate International War Crimes Tribunal to judge the illegality of the multiple, heinous predations of the United States, Saudi Arabia, and their sundry allies, all members in good standing of the world peacekeeping authority.
America’s Endless Air Wars
By Nicolas J S Davies | Consortium News | July 6, 2015
U.S. Central Command’s latest figures on its aerial bombardment of Iraq and Syria reveal that this is the heaviest U.S. bombing campaign since President George W. Bush’s “Shock and Awe” campaign against Iraq in 2003. In the campaign’s first ten months from August 2014 to May 2015, the U.S. and its allies conducted 15,245 air strikes, or an average of 51 air strikes per day.
This is only the latest campaign in a 15-year global air war, largely ignored by U.S. media, in which the United States and its allies have conducted at least 118,000 air strikes against other countries since 2000. The 47,000 air strikes conducted in the 6 ½ years since President Barack Obama took office are only a small reduction from the 70,000 in eight years of the Bush administration, and the current campaign will easily make up that deficit if it continues at this intensity until Obama leaves office.
Afghanistan has been the most heavily bombed country, with at least 61,000 air strikes since 2001. That includes 24,000 bombs and missiles in the first year of the war and a relentless bombing campaign that struck Afghanistan with another 29,000 bombs and missiles between 2007 and 2012, a slow motion version of “Shock and Awe.” That was an average of 13 air strikes per day for six full years, two years under Bush and four under Obama. The heaviest bombardment was in October 2010, with 1,043 air strikes that month, but that total is now eclipsed every month by the new campaign in Iraq and Syria.
Iraq had already suffered about 34,000 air strikes since 2000 before the latest campaign began. There were at least 800 air strikes in the “No Fly Zone” bombing campaign to destroy Iraq’s air defenses between 2000 and 2002; 29,200 air strikes in “Shock and Awe” in 2003, a campaign whose planners compared it to a nuclear attack; and another 3,900 during the U.S. occupation, peaking with 400 strikes in January 2008 as remaining centers of armed resistance were obliterated by air strikes, Spectre gunships and heavy artillery in the climax of the “Surge.”
But until the new campaign in Iraq and Syria, the seven-month NATO-Gulf Cooperation Council bombing of Libya was the heaviest bombardment since “Shock and Awe”, with 7,700 air strikes in seven months, or 36 air strikes per day. NATO and its Arab monarchist allies plunged Libya into intractable chaos and violence, exposing “regime change” as a euphemism for “regime destruction.”
NATO’s destruction of Libya spurred Russia to finally draw the line on its 20-year acquiescence to Western aggression and military expansion. Since then, the U.S. and its allies have persisted in their “regime destruction” policy in Syria and Ukraine, threatening strategically important Russian naval bases in Tartus and Sevastopol, what has evolved from an asymmetric war on a series of relatively defenseless countries into full-blown 1950s-era nuclear brinksmanship.
Drones have played a growing role in the U.S. air war, but they still account for only a fraction of total U.S. and allied air strikes, several thousand out of 118,000 air strikes in 15 years.
None of these figures include Israeli air strikes against Palestine, the current Saudi-led bombing of Yemen, or French operations in West Africa, as I haven’t found comparable figures for those campaigns, but they must add many thousand more air strikes to the real total.
Keeping the People in the Dark
In a recent article, Gareth Porter reported that the Pentagon is seriously opposed to putting more “boots on the ground” in Iraq or Syria, but that the generals and admirals are prepared to keep bombing them more or less indefinitely as the political path of least resistance for themselves and the White House. This may indeed be the “safe” course for a politically-driven administration and a Pentagon that is always thinking of its public image and its future funding.
But it depends on keeping the public in the dark about several critical aspects of this policy. First, there is little public resistance to this policy mainly because few Americans know that it’s happening, let alone understand the full scale of the bloodshed and devastation perpetrated in our names for the past 15 years.
The second thing the Pentagon doesn’t want you to think about is the deceptive role of “precision” weapons in U.S. propaganda. Considering how accurate these weapons really are in relation to the huge numbers of them raining down on country after country, it is not surprising that they have killed or wounded millions of civilians and destroyed hundreds of thousands of homes and civilian infrastructure, as we see in photographs and video of the ruins of Fallujah, Sirte or Kobani.
A direct hit with a single 500- or 1,000-pound bomb will cause death, injury and destruction up to hundreds of feet from its point of impact, so even accurate air strikes inevitably kill and maim civilians and destroy their homes. But whatever proportion of these 118,000 bombs and missiles have actually missed their targets have wreaked completely indiscriminate death, injury and destruction.
Rob Hewson, the editor of Jane’s Air Launched Weapons, estimated that 20 to 25 percent of the “precision” weapons used in “Shock and Awe” in 2003 missed their targets. Another one third of the bombs and missiles used in “Shock and Awe” were not “precision” weapons to begin with.
Even the Pentagon has not claimed a quantum leap in its “precision” weapons technology since 2003, so it is likely that at least 15 percent are still missing their targets, adding daily to a massive and mounting toll on innocent civilians.
As Hewson told the Associated Press in 2003, “In a war that’s being fought for the benefit of the Iraqi people, you can’t afford to kill any of them. But you can’t drop bombs and not kill people. There’s a real dichotomy in all of this.”
Body Count, a recent report published by Physicians for Social Responsibility, confirmed previous estimates of well over a million people killed in America’s wars since 2000. This and previous studies document the horrific results of what Hewson and other experts understand only too well, that “you can’t drop (100,000) bombs and not kill (hundreds of thousands of) people.”
Another element in the Pentagon’s shaky propaganda house of cards is its effort to obscure what bombs and missiles actually do to their victims. Americans watch the Islamic State beheading videos on TV or YouTube but we never see videos of people decapitated or children dismembered by the bombs our taxes are paying for. But our bombs behead people too.
Apologists claim that U.S. bombing is morally superior to the “terrorism” of America’s enemies, because the U.S. killing and beheading of civilians is “unintentional” rather than “deliberate.” The late Howard Zinn, a former U.S. Air Force bombardier and later a history professor, responded to this claim in a letter to the New York Times in 2007:
“These words are misleading because they assume that an action is either ‘deliberate’ or ‘’unintentional.’ There is something in between, for which the word is ‘inevitable.’ If you engage in an action, like aerial bombing, in which you cannot possibly distinguish between combatants and civilians (as a former Air Force bombardier, I will attest to that), the deaths of civilians are inevitable, even if not ‘intentional.’
“Does that difference exonerate you morally? The terrorism of the suicide bomber and the terrorism of aerial bombardment are indeed morally equivalent. To say otherwise (as either side might) is to give one moral superiority over the other, and thus serve to perpetuate the horrors of our time.”
Millions of ‘Enemies’
In fact, U.S. armed forces are waging war on millions of people for whom becoming combatants in a war would be the last thing they would ever consider if we had not brought our war to their doorsteps. The Center for Civilians in Conflict recently interviewed hundreds of local people who have participated as combatants in conflicts in Bosnia, Libya, Gaza or Somalia. It found that their motivations were almost entirely defensive, to protect themselves, their families, their communities or their countries.
When military forces attack or invade a country, many ordinary people feel compelled to take up arms to defend themselves and their homes. When the forces that put them in this unbearable predicament in the first place treat their efforts to defend themselves as a legal “green light” to target them with force and call them “terrorists,” they are driven to join better organized armed resistance movements that offer them protection in numbers and an effective way to fight back.
The essential first step to breaking the escalating spiral of violence is to force the aggressors, in this case the United States and its allies, to cease their aggression, including their state sponsorship of armed groups or “terrorists” in the affected countries. Then legitimate diplomatic initiatives can begin the difficult work of resolving the complex political and humanitarian problems caused by U.S.-led aggression and beginning to restore peace and security.
In his 1994 masterpiece, Century of War, the late Gabriel Kolko documented that war was the catalyst for all the major political revolutions of the Twentieth Century. While the working people of the world have otherwise failed to “rise up” as Marx predicted, the one thing that has reliably driven them to do so is the horror of war.
The war that the United States is waging today is proving no different. Armed resistance is spreading throughout the affected countries, spawning new ideologies and movements that defy the conceptual frameworks and limited imagination of the U.S. officials whose actions gave birth to them.
U.S. leaders of all stripes, military or civilian, Democrat or Republican, still fail to grasp what Richard Barnet concluded in 1973 as he studied the U.S. defeat in Vietnam, “at the very moment the number one nation has perfected the science of killing, it has become an impractical instrument of political domination.”
The last 15 years of war have served to confirm Barnet’s conclusion. After 118,000 air strikes, millions of casualties, trillions of dollars squandered, and country after country plunged into chaos, the U.S. has failed to gain political control over any of them.
But our complacent leaders and their self-satisfied advisers blunder on, debating who to threaten or attack next: Russia? China? Iran? Which “threat” provides the best pretext for further U.S. military expansion?
As Gabriel Kolko observed, because of “inherent, even unavoidable institutional myopia, … options and decisions that are intrinsically dangerous and irrational become not merely plausible but the only form of reasoning about war and diplomacy that is possible in official circles.”
But U.S. war-making is not just dangerous and irrational. It is also a crime. The judges at Nuremberg defined aggression, attacking or invading other countries, as the “supreme international crime, differing only from other war crimes in that it contains within itself the accumulated evil of the whole.” The UN Charter goes one step further and prohibits the threat as well as the use of force.
Benjamin Ferencz, the only surviving member of the prosecution team at Nuremberg, is a fierce critic of illegal U.S. war-making. In response to U.S. war crimes in Vietnam, he dedicated the rest of his life to establishing an International Criminal Court (ICC) that could prosecute senior officials of any government who commit aggression and other war crimes.
Ferencz is hailed as the founding father of the ICC, but his vision of “Law Not War” remains unfulfilled as long as his own country, the United States, refuses to recognize the jurisdiction of either the ICC or the International Court of Justice (ICJ).
By rejecting the jurisdiction of international courts, the U.S. has carved out what Amnesty International has called an “accountability-free zone,” from which it can threaten, attack and invade other countries, torture prisoners, kill civilians and commit other war crimes with impunity.
Nuremberg ‘Exemption’?
U.S. government lawyers enjoy the privilege, unique in their profession, of issuing legally indefensible but politically creative legal cover for war crimes, secure in the knowledge that they will never be forced to defend their opinions before an impartial court.
Ben Ferencz very graciously wrote a preface to my book, Blood On Our Hands: the American Invasion and Destruction of Iraq, and he spoke at an event with me and David Swanson in 2011, just before his 91st birthday. Ben talked about Nuremberg and the ICC, and he compared U.S. justifications for its “preemptive” illegal war-making to the defense offered by SS Gruppenfuhrer Otto Ohlendorf at Nuremberg.
As Ben explained, “That Ohlendorf argument was considered by three American judges at Nuremberg, and they sentenced him and twelve others to death by hanging. So it’s very disappointing to find that my government today is prepared to do something for which we hanged Germans as war criminals.”
If we do not hold American war criminals accountable for their crimes, and accept the jurisdiction of international courts to do so if we do not, how else can we serve notice on those who come after them that they must never do this again?
Argentina, Guatemala and other countries in Latin America are prosecuting and jailing mass murderers like Videla and Rios Montt who once took for granted that they could kill with impunity. America’s masters of war should not assume that we will fail to bring them to justice.
As for the collective responsibility we all share for the crimes committed by our country and our armed forces, we must be prepared to pay substantial war reparations to our millions of victims and the countries we have destroyed. We could start by paying the reparations ordered by the International Court of Justice when it convicted the United States of aggression against Nicaragua in 1986, and the $3.3 billion promised by President Nixon to repair at least some of the U.S. bomb damage in Vietnam.
These would be concrete steps to tell the rest of the world that the United States was finally ready to abandon its failed experiment in “the science of killing,” to be bound by the rule of law, and to start cooperating in good faith with the rest of humanity to solve our common problems.
~
Nicolas J S Davies is the author of Blood On Our Hands: the American Invasion and Destruction of Iraq. He also wrote the chapters on “Obama at War” in Grading the 44th President: a Report Card on Barack Obama’s First Term as a Progressive Leader.
Nuclear Deal-Making in Vienna and Tehran
By Kaveh L. Afrasiabi | Iran Diplomacy | July 5, 2015
The latest reports from Vienna indicate that the negotiators from Iran and the “5 +1” nations, i.e., UN Security Council’s Permanent Powers plus Germany, have reached a tentative deal and are only inches away from turning it into the final agreement.
According to a source close to the Iran negotiation team, as of July 4th, there were still some residual issues regarding the sanctions, the Additional Protocol, and what is referred to as the “Possible Military Dimension (PMD),” but none of these at this stage is going to “break the deal” and are expected to be resolved in the next few days.
One of the reasons for the rapid progress of the Vienna talks has to do with the important Tehran visit of the head of International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), which was reportedly successful in closing the gaps between Iran and the agency, which has repeatedly confirmed the absence of any evidence of diversion of nuclear material in Iran and, yet, insisted that it is unable to verify the complete peacefulness of Iran’s civilian program in light of the PMD issues.
From Iran’s vantage point, however, the PMD has been exploited as a license to access Iran’s military secrets, which is why it was important for Mr. Amano to meet with Iranian leaders last week and reach a new understanding on the future scope of IAEA’s inspection access. Certainly, the U.S.’s unreasonable demand for inspections “anytime, anywhere,” is unacceptable and by now the Americans have realized it and retreated from what could have been a deal-breaker.
On the issue of sanctions, Iran has rightly insisted on the concept of simultaneity, so that the other side will not have the luxury of playing with delays after Iran’s fulfillment of its obligations. With respect to the timeline for the removal of sanctions, there would be a UN Security Council resolution that would render moot the existing sanctions resolutions on Iran. By all indications, this is a tremendous diplomatic victory for Iran, thus short cutting a potentially arduous and lengthy process.
Henceforth, with the imminent announcement of a final agreement in Vienna, the stage is set for a tremendous breakthrough in a nuclear stalemate that has blocked normal relations between Iran and the West. In addition to releasing the potential for rapid growth in market relations between the two sides, the final nuclear agreement also carries the seed of “linkage” to anti-terrorism, deemed as a “common threat” by Iran’s lead negotiator, foreign minister Javad Zarif, who has exhorted the West to wrap up the nuclear talks so that both sides can focus on a hitherto missing comprehensive strategy to defeat the growing menace of terrorism, reflected in the on-going barbaric atrocities of the self-declared Islamic State (Daesh).
In terms of the reaction by the conservative Arab bloc led by Saudi Arabia, the final nuclear deal ought to bring a new sense of realism to Riyadh, which has been led astray by a senseless, even genocidal, unilateral war on Yemen, which must be brought to an end for the sake of millions of suffering people in Yemen as well as regional stability. Some of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council states such as UAE are eyeing to rip huge economic benefits from the lifting of Iran sanctions and, therefore, it is futile for Saudi Arabia to continue with its anti-deal approach that is bound to put it at odds with some PGCC member states.
Israel, on the other hand, is expected to continue with its current negative campaign against the deal, hoping that the U.S. Congress would ruin it, yet even the Republican opponents of the deal have recently conceded that they lack the votes to override a presidential veto. Hopefully, the nuclear deal will spawn a new era of attention on Israel-Palestinian issue, which has been quietly festering and requires serious global focus, which has to some extent been deflected so far due to the Iran nuclear crisis.
While it remains to be seen what a final nuclear agreement would look like in the technical details, it is a sure bet that it will be complex, multi-layered, and fully dependent on the faithful implementation by both sides, which is why a special dispute resolution commission will be handling the issues of potential non-compliance. A similar panel set up by the 2013 Geneva Agreement was highly successful in this regard and has thus set a positive precedent. One of Iran’s informal complaints during the timeline of the Geneva agreement has been, however, that the U.S. had officially agreed to certain provisions, such as the lifting of restrictions on shipping insurance, and yet would send envoys to Europe to discourage the Europeans from entering into new contracts with Iran. Such “double dealings” with Iran must stop after a final deal is signed, which will sound the death knell for the unjust sanctions regime on Iran.
Saudi fighter jets target Yemen, killing at least 10
Press TV – July 6, 2015
Saudi fighter jets have once again targeted various areas in war-torn Yemen, killing at least 10 people in the Arab country.
At least 7 people were killed on Sunday night after Saudi warplanes pounded residential areas in the town of al-Ma’ala in Yemen’s southwestern Aden Province, the country’s al-Masirah television reported.
Another two people lost their lives in airstrikes carried out against the al-Zamah district in the northwestern Yemeni city of Sa’ada.
Saudi planes also bombarded Yemen’s coast guard base in the town of al-Makha in the southwestern province of Ta’izz, killing one person.
A school in the town of Midi in the northwestern province of Hajjah was also targeted in air raids.
In the Yemeni capital, Sana’a, Saudi jets reportedly pounded the houses of tribal chiefs and businessmen loyal to the Houthi Ansarullah movement in addition to the Republican Guard Academy.
In a retaliatory attack, the Yemeni army backed by Popular Committees targeted the al-Radif military base in Saudi Arabia’s southwestern city of Jizan with six missiles.
Saudi Arabia has been bombarding different areas in Yemen since March 26 without any authorization from the United Nations and heedless of international calls for the cessation of its deadly airstrikes against the impoverished country.
Over 2,600 Yemeni people have been killed and at least 11,000 others injured in the conflict in Yemen since March 19, according to the UN.
Local Yemeni sources put this number at more than 4,500.
Saudi Arabia Thwarts UN Emergency Aid for Yemen
Sputnik – 27.06.2015
Months after the Saudi government pledged to single-handedly meet the United Nations’ (UN) “flash appeal” for humanitarian aid to Yemen, Riyadh is making it clear that the donation doesn’t come without strings attached.
On April 12, as the Saudi-led air campaign rained bombs over Yemen, the UN issued an emergency flash appeal calling for $274 million in aid for the country to address the increasingly dire humanitarian condition. Less than 24 hours later, the call was met entirely by the very government that was leading the attacks against Yemen.
Overseen by the UN Office for Coordination of Human Affairs (UNOCHA), emergency funds are meant to be distributed quickly to where they are most needed. Over two months have passed since Riyadh pledged the full $274 million, however, and the money has yet to be delivered to Yemen.
A UN memo obtained exclusively by VICE news has revealed the reason for this delay is the restrictive conditions the Saudi government has placed on the aid disbursement. What’s more, the UN appears to have consented to these conditions.
On Tuesday, Riyadh announced that $244 million of the total amount pledged will be split between nine UN agencies. The next day, the UN’s undersecretary for humanitarian affairs and emergency relief coordinator Stephen O’Brien sent a letter to the Interagency Standing Committee, a global humanitarian coordinating body for humanitarian agencies.
In the letter, O’Brien explained that the funds would go through the King Salman Center for Relief and Humanitarian Work (KSC). He also noted that KSC would dictate the terms of the fund distribution with each of the nine agencies.
“The KSC would like to negotiate the Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs) with each recipient agency,” he wrote. “They would also like to be assured that the Government of Yemen in exile is consulted.”
The memo indicates that the pledge was a calculated move on the part of the Saudi government to monopolize the aid and control where it goes and when. According to VICE, the letter alarmed many aid workers who say that it was too vaguely worded, thereby giving Riyadh leeway for further delays.
“It’s really unusual for a single donor to have any substantive role once they contribute funds, let alone negotiate individual MoUs with agencies,” an anonymous official involved in the Yemen response told VICE.
He also noted the UN’s acquiesce to Riyadh’s stipulations.
“The charitable way of saying it is this is a compromise – the less charitable way of saying it is that they folded,” he said. “Now the UN has punted and handed off the problems to these agencies. I’ve never seen that before.”
The letter comes as the UNOCHA struggles with massive funding deficits in over two dozen countries, including in Yemen where the agency estimates that 80% of the population needs humanitarian aid, and may explain the UN’s agreement to the Saudi government’s stipulations.
“With regard to NGOs, I am aware that there are sensitivities in receiving funding directly from the KSC,” O’Brien wrote, acknowledging the unusual Saudi stipulations. “We therefore must work actively to mobilize additional funds to be allocated directly, or via the Pooled Fund, to our front-line partners.”
However, another aid worker with an organization that delivers humanitarian supplies to Yemen told VICE that O’Brien’s acknowledgement does not take away from the UN’s concession to Saudi over control of the fund disbursement.
“The thing about this communication that we all got, it’s really vague,” he said. “We are trying to assume and guess what they mean by this plan, but it’s not clear. The Saudis might very well sit on it for a long time.”
While it is not unusual for donor countries to have a degree of control over the distribution of funds, InterAction humanitarian vice president Joel Charny notes that emergency situations require agencies like the UN to make the final call.
“It’s not that donors don’t care where the money goes, but there’s a sense that in an urgent case like Yemen you let the professionals make the call,” he said.
O’Brien also told VICE a day before the letter was released that, as a general rule, the UN does not “condone any modality based on geography,” meaning that donors cannot restrict aid distribution from certain areas.
Yet Riyadh has already asked for the restriction of aid distribution to Houthi-held areas in Yemen.
Saudi Arabia launched its air campaign against Houthi rebels in Yemen in March in an effort to reinstate Yemeni President Abdu Rabbu Mansour Hadi. Since the beginning of the airstrike campaign, over 2,800 people have been killed in the fighting and 13,000 have been wounded, according to local hospitals.
Saudi Arabia’s War on Yemen Comes Home
By Eric Draitser – New Eastern Outlook – 24.06.2015
When Saudi Arabia launched its war against Yemen in March 2015, it presumed that a short, quick, and clean air war would be enough to degrade the alliance of Houthi forces and those loyal to former President Saleh, thereby giving the Saudi-backed government of former President Hadi the necessary space to regain control of the country. However, that simply has not been the case. In fact, not only has the Saudi campaign not achieved these objectives, it has instead precipitated a much more dangerous war which has now spread to Saudi Arabia itself.
Reports from Yemeni sources have confirmed that the Houthis and their allies have launched a number of rockets into Saudi Arabia’s Jizan province while also launching an assault on three military bases in various parts of the country. Of course, the attacks have sent an unmistakable message to Riyadh that there will be a price to pay for the continued bombardment of Yemen; that the Saudis cannot simply act with impunity.
War Spreads Beyond Yemen’s Borders
The fact that Houthi and Saleh forces are able to successfully attack key Saudi military installations has undoubtedly rattled a few nerves in Riyadh. While the recent assaults have not been the first, they have been perhaps the most open demonstration of the military capacity of the Yemeni forces to strike at Saudi assets.
It has been reported that the Houthi-Saleh combined forces have attacked and possibly taken control of a military base in the Southwestern province of Jizan, strategically located on Saudi Arabia’s Red Sea coast. While of course embarrassing for the Saudi government, this development is far more than simply a public relations nightmare; it is a strategic disaster. While Yemeni forces have pounded the base in Jizan, there have been scattered reports of Yemeni attacks against other Saudi military installations, including in the East of the country, as well as in the Northwest. If these reports are to be believed, then nearly the entirety of Saudi Arabian territory is within the range and capability of Yemeni rockets.
There is clear progress from the perspective of the Ansarullah movement (aka the Houthis) and their military allies if one compares the attacks they launched back in April, and those they are carrying out today. While there were a number of high profile attempts to break through Saudi defenses on the borders and make significant gains at the time, all such attacks were either entirely repelled or were mostly unsuccessful; however today, less than two months later, Houthi offensives are becoming increasingly sophisticated and, quite predictably, increasingly effective. Although Ansarullah has fired rockets and made offensive moves towards a number of key Saudi installations throughout the country, their major breakthroughs have come in the strategic Jizan province, right near the Yemeni border.
And it remains the areas closest to the border with Yemen where the real concrete gains have been made by the anti-Saudi coalition. Whether the Houthis and their allies are able to take operational control of the Saudi bases, or merely to attack them and flee is somewhat secondary. What is of primary importance is the simple fact that essentially the entire southwestern portion of Saudi Arabia is now under direct threat from the combined Houthi-Saleh forces, in addition to newly formed militias quietly developing inside Saudi Arabia in the area near the Saudi-Yemeni border.
A Saudi Civil War?
The formation of militias committed to waging war against the House of Saud may be the single most troubling development for Riyadh. Perhaps the most significant of these is the so called ‘Ahrar al-Najran’ Movement, a coalition of regional tribes in the southwest of the country that have combined forces with anti-Riyadh Saudi political activists to create an independence movement that has taken up arms against the Saudi government.
Ahrar al-Najran presents a complex problem for the Saudis because it is comprised primarily of tribes whose lands were originally within Yemeni territory until they were occupied by Saudi forces in 1934. According to Iran’s Islamic Republic News Agency (IRNA) :
[The] Ahrar al-Najran Movement [is] calling for independence from Saudi Arabia…Abu Bakr Abi Ahmed al-Salami, a leader of Ahrar al-Najran, says the movement which brings together different tribal groups is set to launch its first battle in parts of south Najran occupied by the Saudi army… There are four main reasons why the movement wants to declare independence from Saudi Arabia:
1. General dissatisfaction in Saudi Arabia with the way officials in Riyadh handle day-to-day administration of affairs,
2. Riyadh’s policy to keep the south impoverished,
3. Aggression against Yemen and the massacre of defenseless people there by the Saudi regime,
4. Failure of the Saudi government to view the residents of the south as first-class citizens, thus violation [sic] of their legitimate rights.
Needless to say, from the perspective of the Saudis, a nascent independence movement within their borders is just about the worst possible outcome of their decision to wage war on Yemen. And considering the already tense situation in the majority Shia province of Qatif, it seems Saudi Arabia has become a political powder keg just waiting for a spark. Undoubtedly the Ansarullah Movement understands this perfectly well, and is now preparing to make its move, matches in hand.
Indeed, while the Saudis will likely move quickly to assert control over the southwestern regions, the Shias of the east – undoubtedly with a bit of tacit and/or overt support from the Houthis – might find this an opportune moment to begin organizing themselves into more than just periodic demonstrations and upsurges of righteous indignation to be quickly met with vicious force.
It should be remembered that recent months have seen violent raids and clashes between Saudi security forces and residents throughout the Qatif province of Eastern Saudi Arabia, the most violent of which having taken place in the town of Awamiyah. In response to protests against Riyadh’s war on Yemen, the regime’s security forces unleashed a brutal crackdown that perhaps most accurately could be called violent suppression. As one activist and resident of Awamiyah told the Middle East Eye back in April, “From 4pm until 9pm the gunfire didn’t stop… Security forces shot randomly at people’s homes, and closed all but one of the roads leading in and out of the village… It is like a war here – we are under siege.” A number of videos uploaded to YouTube seem to confirm the accounts of activists, though all eyewitness accounts remain anonymous for fear of government retribution.
Such actions as those described by activists in Awamiyah, and throughout Qatif, are nothing new. Over the last few years, the province has repeatedly seen upsurges of protests against the draconian policies of the government in Riyadh. Were such protests to once again erupt, and were they to coincide with the burgeoning Sunni independence movement in the Southwest, one could then rightly characterize the unrest as a general uprising: truly a nightmare scenario for the Saudi government.
Saudi Arabia’s war on Yemen has taken a tremendous toll on that impoverished country, with untold thousands of casualties, countless families displaced, infrastructure devastated, and the delivery of basic services slowed to a trickle, if not cut off altogether. The Saudis have perpetrated a flagrantly illegal aggression against the nation and people of Yemen, committing a laundry list of war crimes that the world has, by and large, completely ignored. But the Saudis may have to pay a price for this crime, a price far higher than they likely ever imagined.
The House of Saud may have control over the oil, and thereby control over the peninsula, but it is becoming increasingly clear that it does not have total control over its people. And, while no one knows whether a true general uprising in Saudi Arabia will come to pass, the war in Yemen might possibly be the spark that finally sets the oil drum ablaze.
New documents yet more evidence of UK & European role in US drone strikes
Reprieve | June 24, 2015
The Guardian and the New York Times have today revealed the existence of documents showing the contribution made by UK intelligence agency GCHQ to US drone strikes in Yemen.
The British Government has to date refused to comment on its role in such strikes, describing them consistently as “a matter for the Yemeni and US Governments.”
However, legal charity Reprieve has previously raised concerns over European complicity in covert drone strikes – considered by many experts to be in violation of international law – through the sharing of intelligence and the provision of infrastructure.
In Germany, Reprieve has helped civilian drone strike victim Faisal bin ali Jaber to bring a case against the Government over the role played in Yemen strikes by the military base at Ramstein.
Meanwhile, in the UK, Reprieve unearthed a contract showing that a high-tech data link had been provided between RAF Croughton – a base leased by the US in Lincolnshire – and Camp Lemonnier in Djibouti, from where US strikes against Yemen have reportedly been launched.
Commenting, Reprieve legal director Kat Craig said: “This is yet more damning evidence of the key role played by the UK in the illegal US drone war. This campaign has taken place in the shadows, killing hundreds of civilians while leaving their families with no access to justice. President Obama won’t even confirm it is taking place; while the UK and Germany follow his lead by stonewalling questions on the part they play. It is time Europe came clean on the support it provides to this misguided campaign, which the evidence suggests is making the world a more dangerous place for all of us.”
The CIA Can’t Keep Its Drone Propaganda Straight
By Jameel Jaffer and Brett Max Kaufman | Just Security | June 20, 2015
This week, one government intelligence agency, after patiently and methodically tracking a terrorist leader for months through precise electronic surveillance, successfully targeted him for death by drone. Also this week, a government intelligence agency eliminated a terrorist leader through a drone strike without even knowing the leader was present, basing its decision to use lethal force on sophisticated analysis of militants’ patterns of life.
Bizarrely, this was the same agency, and this was the same terrorist leader.
On Tuesday, hardly before the dust in Yemen had settled, Bloomberg’s Eli Lake and Josh Rogin, relying on information provided by anonymous sources, supplied the public with the first narrative. In this version, the CIA killed Nasir al-Wuhayshi, “general manager” of al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, “by building a methodical case on his whereabouts over months from information collected through technical means.”
On Thursday, the Washington Post’s Greg Miller, also relying on information provided by anonymous officials, supplied the second narrative. In this version, al-Wuhayshi was dead not because the CIA had tracked him down but because the Obama administration had “eased” certain drone-strike guidelines in Yemen and permitted the CIA to carry out “signature strikes” — strikes that take place without the agency’s specific knowledge of the identities of the individuals marked for death.
Rarely do the rival motives of anonymous officials come so nakedly into view, and conflict, around a single event. One faction immediately tries to capitalize on the al-Wuhayshi strike as evidence of the CIA’s other-worldly tracking abilities, even in the fog of a confusing and fraught war in Yemen. At the same time, another faction exploits the same strike to make a public case for expanding the use of a controversial targeting technique that the Obama administration earlier said, in an effort to assuage public concerns about the lawfulness of the drone program, it would retire.
F. Scott Fitzgerald famously wrote that “the ability to hold two opposed ideas in the mind at the same time, and still retain the ability to function,” is the “test of a first-rate intelligence.” Here, though, the government’s conflicting stories seem something less than first-rate or intelligent — they seem amateurish and ham-handed. They also seem to suggest a total lack of concern for the possibility that anyone will ever hold officials accountable for their statements.
Lake, Rogin, and Miller work in a field in which reliance on anonymous sources is probably unavoidable and sometimes even illuminating. In this instance, though, they can’t all be right, and their competing stories serve as another reminder — in case any were needed — that the statements of anonymous intelligence officials are often efforts to mislead and manipulate, and that much of the “information” the government has provided the public about the drone program is merely propaganda.
Regrettably, this is unlikely to change anytime soon. A federal district court judge — the same judge who earlier dismissed a constitutional case relating to the government’s killing of four Americans in Yemen — ruled on Thursday that the CIA isn’t legally obliged to release any information about the drone program it hasn’t already released. For the time being at least, the CIA will continue to decide what the public knows about the CIA’s activities — even if it can’t keep its own story straight.
About the Authors
Jameel Jaffer is Deputy Legal Director at the American Civil Liberties Union and Director of the ACLU’s Center for Democracy. Follow him on Twitter (@JameelJaffer).
Brett Max Kaufman is a teaching fellow and supervising attorney in the Technology Law & Policy Clinic at NYU School of Law. Follow him on Twitter (@brettmaxkaufman).
CHARLESTON MURDERS COMMONPLACE IN MIDDLE EAST, MISTER OBAMA
By Sherwood Ross | Aletho News | June 20, 2015
President Obama was, of course, right to denounce the massacre in the Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston and to call for an end to such violence.
But this begs the question of whether he will stop his own illegal drone strikes in the Middle East that are just as deadly and a hundred times more numerous than the attack in South Carolina.
According to the Bureau of Investigative Journalism(BIJ), London, just since Mr. Obama came to power, at least several thousand innocent persons (all are presumed innocent unless proven guilty by trial) in Pakistan alone have been murdered by his agents in the CIA and Pentagon. Among the dead are several hundred children. Here are BIJ’s distressing figures for that nation:
All actions 2004 – January 31 2015
Total Obama strikes: 362
Total US strikes since 2004: 413
Total reported killed: 2,438-3,942
Civilians reported killed: 416-959
Children reported killed: 168-204
Total reported injured: 1,142
The Bureau’s reports regarding covert US drone attacks cover both the missions of the CIA and the Pentagon’s secretive Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC).
If nothing else, the horror of Charleston should inform the American public of the shock and awe their president is inflicting with grim regularity in the Middle East. His is a campaign that, to our shame and sorrow, is creating immense blowback against America.
Mr. Obama has maintained U.S. forces take great care that only terrorists are killed but an April 26th article in The Wall Street Journal by Adam Entous reports “he secretly approved a waiver giving the Central Intelligence Agency more flexibility in Pakistan than anywhere else to strike suspected militants…”
Entous continued, “The rules were designed to reduce the risk of civilian casualties. Mr. Obama also required that proposed targets pose an imminent threat to the U.S.—but the waiver exempted the CIA from this standard in Pakistan.” Why, you ask?
Mr. Obama, (who is reputed to be a former CIA employee,) according to RealClearPolitics is “In Thrall to CIA Killing Machine.” Writer Toby Harnden wrote of him on April 16, 2013: “The man who ran as a liberal, anti-war candidate has brushed away concerns about the (drone) attacks. During one meeting he responded to a request for an expansion of America’s drone fleet by saying: ‘The CIA gets what the CIA wants!'”
In his comments about the church murders, Mr. Obama said, “once again, innocent people were killed in part because someone who wanted to inflict harm had no trouble getting their hands on a gun.” (Much less directing America’s trillion-dollar-a-year killing machine!)
Mr. Obama said further, “let’s be clear… It doesn’t happen in other places with this kind of frequency, and it is in our power to do something about it.” (Oh, yes it does! It happens far more often in Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia, among other places, and the man who is responsible for them and who can do something about it is the same man wearing the long face in the White House.)
With reference to this article, the eminent Francis Boyle, professor of international law at the University of Illinois, Champaign, commented:
As the Reverend Doctor Martin Luther King Junior said a generation ago, the United States government is ‘the greatest purveyor of violence in the world.’
It is a terrible tragedy and a great shame that nothing has changed today under our first African American President and my fellow graduate of the Harvard Law School who knows better. The massive violence that America perpetrates abroad brutalizes the American People at home. President Obama has taught the world that in his opinion ‘violence works.’ Doctor King is now crying in Heaven.
Egypt blocks Geneva-bound Yemen plane from entering airspace
Press TV – June 15, 2015
The plane carrying the representatives of Yemen’s political factions, including those of the Houthi Ansarullah movement, to attend the UN-brokered talks in the Swiss city of Geneva has not arrived in its destination yet due to Egypt’s refusal to allow them to enter its airspace.
The delegation left the Yemeni capital, Sana’a, on Sunday afternoon, but was forced to have a long stop in Djibouti.
Sources close to Ansarullah delegation currently in Djibuti said that Saudi Arabia seeks to manipulate the talks in Geneva as Riyadh creates obstacles to the presence of Yemeni negotiators in the meeting.
Egyptian authorities have reportedly not allowed the plane to cross the country’s airspace due to the Saudi pressure.
According to reports, two other Houthi representatives were also expected to arrive in Geneva from Oman.
The negotiations aimed at ending the deadly conflict in the Arab country were supposed to start in Geneva early on Monday with Yemeni political factions and former regime officials in attendance.
UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, who will also be present in the talks, is expected to meet with representatives of Yemen’s fugitive former president, Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi prior to holding talks with the Ansarullah delegation.
UN spokesman Ahmad Fawzi on Sunday called on all parties involved in Yemen’s conflict to observe a renewed “humanitarian pause” due to Saudi Arabia’s incessant airstrikes on the impoverished country.
Sources have confirmed Hadi will attend the meeting.
The talks brokered by UN special envoy for Yemen Ismail Ould Cheikh Ahmed aim to secure a ceasefire, and accelerate the delivery of humanitarian aid to the war-racked Yemeni people.
The UN envoy said that the talks will be the beginning of “preliminary inclusive consultations” to find a solution to the conflict that has claimed more than 2,500 lives and triggered a “catastrophic” humanitarian crisis.
In a statement issued early July, the UN urged all Yemeni parties “to engage in these consultations in good faith and without preconditions in the interest of all Yemeni people.”
However, the meeting, which was initially scheduled for May 28, was delayed after Hadi refused to attend the negotiations.
The Un-brokered peace talks come as Saudi Arabia continues its military aggression against the Yemeni people.
Riyadh launched a military campaign against its impoverished neighbor on March 26 – without a UN mandate- in an attempt to undermine the Houthi revolutionaries and restore power to Hadi, who is a staunch ally of Saudi Arabia.
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US Military Casualties in Vietnam
BY LARRY ROMANOFF • UNZ REVIEW • OCTOBER 9, 2022
When considering war fatalities, we tend to construct a simple framework in our minds, of the form: “50,000 soldiers were sent into battle; 40,000 returned; fatalities 10,000. End of story.” But things are not so simple as this, for reasons both valid and fraudulent.
For one, the US government and military inevitably understate all the bad parts of their wars. It may be true that all governments and militaries do this, but here we are discussing the US. A few examples… continue
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