Italy is experiencing an economic slowdown: this is confirmed by the fact that in 2025 public debt stood at 37% of GDP and that the situation has worsened since then. The Italian Minister for the Economy and Finance, Giancarlo Giorgetti, attributes the crisis largely to the “energy shock” caused by the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, blamed on Iran, which led to a rise in the price of oil and natural gas. Giorgetti seems to have forgotten that the “energy crisis” began before the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz due to the halt in Russian natural gas imports. These imports have fallen from 40% of Italy’s total gas imports in 2021 to 2% in 2026.
During this period, Italy’s imports of liquefied natural gas from the United States have risen from 13% to 33%, despite the much higher price. By waging war against Russia and Iran alongside NATO, Israel and other allies, the United States has succeeded in making Italy and Europe increasingly dependent on its energy supplies.
After triggering the war that has torn Europe apart with the coup in Ukraine in 2014, the United States has succeeded in making its European allies bear an ever-increasing share of the cost.
They have now approved the 20th “sanctions package” against Russia and granted Ukraine a further “loan” of 90 billion euros. At the same time, the United States has succeeded in driving up the military spending of its European allies sharply. Between 2015 and 2025, Italian military spending has more than doubled, rising in 2025 to €45.3 billion annually – equivalent to over 2% of GDP, or an average of €124 million a day. Italian military spending is set to continue rising, reaching 3.5% of GDP – equivalent to €198 million a day – and subsequently 5%, equivalent to over €280 million a day.
Following the war against Russia, Italy is becoming increasingly involved in the conflict against Iran.
US drones and aircraft are stationed at the Sigonella base in Sicily, from where they carry out missions in the Middle East to identify targets in Iran and guide US missile and bomber strikes. For the war against Iran, US forces are also using other bases in Italy, such as Aviano and Camp Darby. The Italian government has now decided to send two military ships to the Strait of Hormuz, even without a UN mandate, officially for mine clearance. As these ships would be in a war zone, including within Iranian territorial waters, should they be threatened with attack or attacked by Iranian forces, they would be flanked by Italian Navy strike units, officially “for protective purposes”.
Italy would thus effectively enter the war alongside the United States. The US is using its warships not only to block the Strait of Hormuz and cut off Iranian ports, but also to attack and seize ships in the Indian Ocean that are carrying (or are said to be carrying) Iranian oil to China and other Asian countries.
The US military blockade of shipping lanes is triggering an economic crisis that could soon spread from Asia across the globe. In Vietnam, rice mills have cut production due to soaring electricity costs and the difficulties faced by farmers following rises in fuel and fertiliser prices. In the Philippines, many farmers have decided not to harvest their crops, leaving them to rot, as they would have to sell them at a loss due to the rise in transport fuel costs. In Indonesia, nickel mines are closing because, due to the US blockade of Iran, they no longer have the gas and sulphur needed for extraction. In Bangladesh, clothing production is falling due to the disruption of import-export chains. All this – warns a UN report – could cost the Asia-Pacific region up to $300 billion, as the region relies on imported energy. Pressure is mounting on households, small businesses and public finances, with around 9 million people at risk of falling into extreme poverty.
This shows that war causes carnage not only through weapons such as bombs and missiles, but also through economic weapons such as the blockade of ports and shipping lanes, which can result in even greater loss of life. The dramatic images of war – that of an Israeli soldier destroying a statue of Christ on the cross in the Christian village of Debel in Lebanon, that of Israeli settlers in the West Bank preventing Palestinian children from going to school by blocking their path and attacking them with tear gas grenades – demonstrate the vital need to continue the struggle for liberation, freeing ourselves from war once and for all.
A large fire broke out at a Royal Air Force (RAF) base in west England on Sunday morning. In recent months, it was used by the US to launch operations against Iran, and was recently the target of anti-war protests.
According to the Gloucestershire Fire and Rescue Service, crews were called to RAF Fairford shortly after midnight on Sunday.
“The fire involved a single-story industrial storage building. It was brought under control safely and there were no casualties,” the service said in a statement.
Videos circulating on social media show a large blaze above warehouse buildings visible from the street, with an enormous plume of smoke rising up into the night sky.
RAF Fairford houses USAF B52 and B1 bombers, and serves as a key European operations center for Washington. Hundreds of anti-war protesters rallied outside the base on Saturday, demanding that the UK shut down military facilities used in the war on Iran.
Authorities said preliminary data suggests the blaze was accidental.
However, last week, a deliberate attack on a US military plane took place in neighboring Ireland.
A man was arrested after he intruded into Shannon Airport and damaged a US Air Force C-130 Hercules with a hatchet. He was arrested and charged with criminal damage, according to local law enforcement. No motive has yet been announced.
The World Health Organization’s current asthma fact sheet states that “many factors have been linked to an increased risk of developing asthma, although it is often difficult to find a single, direct cause.”¹ The United States National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute puts it more plainly: “The exact causes for developing asthma are unknown and may be different from person to person… Because the exact cause is unknown, you may not be able to prevent asthma in yourself or your children.”² The United Kingdom’s National Health Service agrees: “The exact cause of asthma is unknown.”³ The Mayo Clinic concurs for childhood asthma specifically: “causes aren’t fully understood.”⁴ The Cleveland Clinic is briefer: “Experts aren’t sure what causes asthma.”⁵
In 2018, a twenty-three-author Commission published in The Lancet proposed something more radical. After reviewing the state of the field, the authors concluded that the word “asthma” should be retired. It was, they argued, “a label for a heterogeneous mix of pathologically distinct processes poorly represented by our current physiological and symptom-based classification system.” They noted that progress in reducing asthma admissions and mortality had stalled in the prior decade.⁶ The Commission’s lead author, Ian Pavord, is among the most cited respiratory physicians in the world. His position, after a career studying the condition, was that the condition does not exist as a coherent diagnostic entity.
The Global Asthma Report places worldwide prevalence at approximately 262 million people.⁷ Every one of them has been given a diagnosis whose name the field’s senior authorities propose to abandon, for a condition whose cause the field’s public-facing institutions declare beyond their capacity to identify.
The Comparison
The comparison that would answer the question has been done. It was not done by the WHO, the NIH, the CDC, or any major academic medical center. It was done by an independent researcher named Joy Garner, who spent several years assembling the Control Group Survey — a nationwide study of entirely unvaccinated Americans across forty-eight states, conducted in 2019 and 2020, with a 0.178% random sample of the unvaccinated population in all age groups, published in 2022.⁸
Among adults with zero exposure to any vaccines, no Vitamin K injection at birth, and no maternal vaccination during pregnancy, the rate of any chronic condition was 2.64%. Among the general adult population — 99.74% of whom have some vaccine exposure — the rate is 60%. The survey calculated the statistical odds that vaccines are not the cause of over 90% of the disabling chronic conditions suffered by Americans over eighteen at 1 in 245,083,100,778,672,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000. The p-value for that calculation is less than 4.08×10⁻⁶³.⁸ In particle physics, the threshold for declaring a theoretical particle discovered is 1 in 3,500,000. The Control Group result exceeds that threshold by fifty-seven orders of magnitude.
Asthma was among the specific conditions showing the differential. So were eczema, allergies, developmental disabilities, autism, ADHD, epilepsy, and cancers. The 99% confidence interval spanned less than 0.04% from the sample means.⁸
The establishment’s response has been silence. The Control Group Survey is not cited in any WHO fact sheet, any NIH publication, any GINA guideline, or any CDC document. It is not taught in any medical school. The data collection methodology — handwritten surveys, postmarked envelopes, in-person interviews — was designed to meet the federal rules of evidence for admissibility in product safety actions, not to be published in The New England Journal of Medicine. Garner built the survey to survive legal scrutiny rather than journal peer review, because she understood what the survey would encounter.
The published twelve-study convergence tells the same story. Kemp and Pearce in New Zealand in 1997: 23% of DPT/polio vaccinated children had asthma; zero unvaccinated.⁹ Odent in JAMA in 1994: pertussis-vaccinated children had asthma at 10.7% versus 2.0% in the unvaccinated.¹⁰ McKeever in 29,238 British children in 2004: hazard ratio of 14 for DPPT and 3.5 for MMR.¹¹ Enriquez at Vanderbilt in 2005: relative risk of 11.4 for asthma in vaccinated children.¹² Mawson in 2017 in American homeschooled children aged 6–12: allergic rhinitis rate of 10.4% versus 0.4%, a 26-fold difference.¹³ Lyons-Weiler and Thomas in 2020, working from Dr. Paul Thomas’s own pediatric practice records of 3,324 children over ten years: office-visit relative risks of 16.0 for asthma, 20.6 for allergic rhinitis, 11.3 for sinusitis, and 6.5 for breathing issues.¹⁴
The response to Thomas’s publication is diagnostic. The Oregon Medical Board suspended his license in December 2020, emergently and without filing charges, citing his vaccination practices. He lost his license, his hospital privileges, his board certifications, his health plan contracts, and his ability to practice medicine. His January 2022 trial before the Board was estimated to cost him over $250,000 in legal fees.¹⁴
The cause is not unknown. The comparison has been done. The comparison shows that the unvaccinated do not develop asthma at anything approaching the rate of the vaccinated. When a physician publishes the comparative data from his own practice, the institutional response is professional destruction, not investigation. The “unknown cause” formulation is not an admission of ignorance. It is a refusal to fund, publish, or practice the comparison that has already answered the question.
The Method
The establishment’s position is that the mechanism by which injection could produce asthma is speculative. The position is untenable because the establishment itself uses injection to produce asthma in laboratory animals — and has for decades.
The standard protocol for inducing allergic airway disease in a mouse is to sensitize the animal by intraperitoneal injection of ovalbumin (a protein antigen from chicken egg) adsorbed to aluminum hydroxide, followed by airway challenge with the same antigen. The mouse develops airway eosinophilia, elevated IgE, mucus hyperproduction, and airway hyperresponsiveness to methacholine. This is the stock method of every laboratory studying allergic asthma. Wilson and colleagues demonstrated in 2009, in the American Journal of Respiratory and Critical Care Medicine, that the same aluminum-adjuvanted route produces Th17-dependent neutrophilic airway hyperresponsiveness.¹⁵ Mishra and colleagues in 2015, in Nature Communications, demonstrated the same mechanism for house dust mite sensitization.¹⁶
Aluminum hydroxide is the most common vaccine adjuvant in the pediatric schedule. It is the same substance that, when injected into mice with a protein antigen, produces the murine model of the human condition. The formula is not contested. It is described in published protocols, used in thousands of studies, and produces the condition reliably.
The occupational confirmation is in the human literature. In 1994, Desjardins and colleagues at the University of Montreal published a study in the American Journal of Respiratory and Critical Care Medicine titled “Aluminium potroom asthma confirmed by monitoring of forced expiratory volume in one second.” Workers in aluminum smelters developed asthma from inhalation exposure to aluminum fluoride fumes. The condition has its own name in occupational medicine: potroom asthma.¹⁷ Kongerud’s 1994 Norwegian cohort study documented the same relationship: a close correlation between fluoride exposure levels and work-related asthmatic symptoms, confirmed by serial peak flow monitoring.¹⁸
In 2023, Matthew Daley and colleagues at Kaiser Permanente Colorado published in Academic Pediatrics the largest study yet conducted on cumulative vaccine aluminum exposure and asthma. The cohort was 326,991 children drawn from the CDC’s own Vaccine Safety Datalink. The exposure was total aluminum from vaccines administered before 24 months. The outcome was persistent asthma diagnosis at 24–59 months. Children exposed to more than 3 mg of vaccine aluminum were 36% more likely to develop persistent asthma (95% CI 1.21–1.53). Among children with eczema — the group Lester and Parker identify as having the compromised skin elimination pathway that forces toxic burden toward the lungs — those exposed to more than 3 mg of aluminum were 61% more likely to develop persistent asthma (95% CI 1.04–2.48).¹⁹
The CDC’s own database. Kaiser Permanente’s own lead author. An establishment journal. The signal survived the filtering. Aluminum causes asthma in adult workers through inhalation. Aluminum causes asthma in mice through injection with a protein. Aluminum causes asthma in children through injection with proteins, at a dose-response curve documented inside the establishment’s own dataset.
Charles Richet demonstrated in 1901 that injection of foreign proteins creates sensitization — a heightened response on subsequent exposure. The experiments were reproducible across species. The mechanism was universal. Richet won the 1913 Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine for this work.²⁰ Vaccines are injections of foreign proteins with adjuvants whose explicit function is to provoke an inflammatory response that would not otherwise occur. The consequence of injecting foreign proteins with aluminum — allergy, asthma, airway hyperresponsiveness — was predictable from the Nobel-winning research of 1901. The American schedule is now over seventy doses before adulthood.
The Drugs That Suppress
Having produced the condition, medicine treats it. The first-line controller is an inhaled corticosteroid. The first-line rescue for a century was a β-agonist bronchodilator. Both categories are associated with documented, regulator-acknowledged harm at scale.
Todd and colleagues in 2002 surveyed UK consultant pediatricians. They documented 33 biochemically confirmed adrenal crises among patients on inhaled corticosteroids — 28 children (mean age 6.4 years; one death) and 5 adults. Thirty of the 33 patients were on fluticasone at routinely prescribed pediatric doses.²¹ Kelly and colleagues, reporting for the Childhood Asthma Management Program Research Group in The New England Journal of Medicine in 2012, demonstrated that budesonide 400 μg/day for four to six years in prepubertal children produced a permanent 1.2 cm reduction in adult height.²² Israel and colleagues in 2001 showed dose-dependent hip bone mineral density loss in premenopausal women on inhaled corticosteroids, independent of oral steroid use.²³ Garbe and colleagues in JAMA in 1998 showed that more than three years of inhaled corticosteroid use tripled the risk of cataract extraction in the elderly.²⁴ Qian, Suissa, and Ernst in 2017 showed a relative risk of 1.83 for pneumonia in asthma patients on current inhaled corticosteroids.²⁵
In 2022, Kachroo and colleagues published in Nature Medicine a multi-cohort metabolomic study of more than 14,000 people. They demonstrated dose-dependent adrenal suppression in users of inhaled corticosteroids. The finding was not confined to high-dose users.²⁶
The FDA label on every inhaled corticosteroid names these harms. Flovent HFA: “It is possible that systemic corticosteroid effects such as hypercorticism and adrenal suppression (including adrenal crisis) may appear in a small number of patients.” Arnuity Ellipta: “Deaths due to adrenal insufficiency have occurred during and after transfer from systemic corticosteroids.”²⁷ The Mayo Clinic’s public information page on Cushing’s syndrome states: “Cushing syndrome can happen from taking glucocorticoid medicines. These are often used to treat inflammatory diseases such as rheumatoid arthritis, lupus and asthma… Any form of glucocorticoid, if taken in large amounts for a long time, can cause Cushing syndrome.”²⁸ The NIH MedlinePlus page on exogenous Cushing’s syndrome names inhalers explicitly among the causes.²⁹
A syndrome caused by a class of drug is listed on the drug’s own label as a side effect. The drug remains first-line therapy. The condition it is prescribed to treat is declared of unknown cause.
Between 1961 and 1967, asthma deaths rose sharply across six countries — England, Wales, Ireland, Australia, New Zealand, Norway, Scotland. The rise was concentrated in 5- to 34-year-olds. The British mortality toll alone was approximately 3,500 excess asthma deaths during that period. In children aged 10 to 14 during the epidemic years, asthma became the fourth leading cause of death. In 1972, Paul Stolley of Johns Hopkins identified the cause: a reformulated isoprenaline inhaler sold in the Commonwealth countries at five times the concentration of the North American version. Stolley’s verdict: “the worst therapeutic drug disaster on record. There’s nothing else — not even thalidomide — that ranks with it.”³⁰
The industry and regulatory response was denial, delay, and quiet reformulation. No manufacturer was held criminally liable. No executive faced professional consequences. The episode is not taught in medical schools as the defining case of regulatory capture it represents.
From 1976, New Zealand held the world’s highest asthma death rate. Crane, Pearce, and colleagues demonstrated in The Lancet in 1989 that prescribed fenoterol was the cause; in the most severe asthmatics, the relative risk of death from fenoterol was 13.3.³¹ Pearce and colleagues reported in 1995 that the New Zealand asthma death rate fell by approximately 50% within a year of fenoterol’s restriction.³² The 2006 Salmeterol Multicenter Asthma Research Trial (SMART), published in Chest, documented 13 asthma-related deaths in the salmeterol arm versus 3 in the placebo arm — a relative risk of 4.37 (95% CI 1.25–15.34). The African-American subgroup relative risk was 4.10.³³
In February 2010, the FDA issued a Drug Safety Communication requiring boxed warnings on all long-acting β-agonist products and stating that “LABAs should not be used as first-line therapy for asthma.”³⁴ In April 2019, the Global Initiative for Asthma reversed half a century of first-line prescribing practice. In the words of the guideline body’s own authors, writing in the European Respiratory Journal: “In April 2019, GINA published new recommendations that might be considered the most fundamental change in asthma management in 30 years… For safety, GINA no longer recommends treatment of asthma in adolescents and adults with SABA alone.”³⁵
Three mortality epidemics across fifty years. A more potent bronchodilator is introduced commercially, deaths rise, researchers in the affected country identify the drug as the cause, the industry denies, regulators delay, the drug is eventually restricted or relabelled. GINA’s 2019 reversal is the formal admission that short-acting β-agonist monotherapy — the treatment standard for most asthmatics for most of the twentieth century — had been killing asthmatics. The admission carries no acknowledgement of the cumulative death toll. The admission carries no acknowledgement that the condition being treated may itself be the consequence of other pharmaceutical and industrial exposures.
The Physician They Refused to Read
Dr. Henry Bieler was an American physician who practiced in Pasadena, California, from the 1920s until his death in 1975. His 1965 book Food Is Your Best Medicine remains in print. His patients included Gloria Swanson and Greta Garbo. He did not practice within the pharmaceutical paradigm. He was dismissed by organized medicine as a nutritionist and quack.
Bieler’s clinical framework was the terrain position articulated in specific biochemical terms. Disease arose, he wrote, from toxemia — the accumulation of metabolic waste beyond the body’s capacity to eliminate it. The liver was the master chemist. When the liver was overwhelmed, the endocrine glands were forced into “vicarious elimination,” pushing acid waste through secondary organs. The skin eliminated through eczema and rashes. The mucous membranes eliminated through catarrh and sinusitis. The lungs eliminated through what medicine named bronchitis, pneumonia, and asthma.³⁶
On asthma specifically, Bieler was clinical and direct. The asthmatic was a person whose liver had failed to keep pace with the toxic burden, whose adrenal glands were being driven to exhaustion compensating, and whose bronchial mucosa had become the path of elimination. He observed that “the adrenal activity in asthma patients is much below normal.” He wrote: “I have found that a rational and often successful treatment depends first upon detoxicating the patient.”³⁶ His protocols involved fasting, alkalizing vegetable broths (the Bieler broth — zucchini, green beans, celery, parsley — restored sodium-potassium balance for stressed adrenal glands), and strict avoidance of drugs, particularly cortisone and its analogues. He named cortisone, adrenaline, antibiotics, and caffeine together as “whips to an already-exhausted adrenal cortex” — producing temporary symptom suppression at the cost of deeper glandular collapse.³⁶
His patients recovered.
Bieler was writing in 1965. Inhaled corticosteroids were introduced commercially in 1972 (beclomethasone dipropionate), positioned as first-line asthma therapy, and have remained the cornerstone of the GINA treatment schedule ever since. Bieler’s specific clinical observation — that corticosteroids whip an already-exhausted adrenal cortex toward deeper failure — was untested in the mainstream literature until 2022, when Priyadarshini Kachroo and colleagues published their Nature Medicine metabolomic study of more than 14,000 ICS users and documented exactly what Bieler had described: extensive, dose-dependent adrenal suppression from inhaled corticosteroid therapy in asthma.²⁶
Fifty-seven years separate Bieler’s observation from its confirmation. No practice has changed. No asthma guideline references Bieler. No medical school teaches his framework. The confirmation was published; the implication was ignored. The physician who named the mechanism in 1965 is still dismissed as a quack. The Nature Medicine paper that confirmed his finding in 2022 did not prompt any reconsideration of the drug category whose harm it documented. The iatrogenic cascade continues. Asthma is treated with inhaled corticosteroids. The corticosteroids suppress the adrenals. Adrenal insufficiency is documented. The adrenal insufficiency is managed with additional steroids. The asthmatic accumulates prescriptions, diagnoses, and deficiencies across a lifetime.
Bieler did what the establishment refused to do. He investigated the cause. He named it. He published the findings. He treated patients within the framework. He was vindicated in 2022 by the establishment’s highest-impact biomedical journal. The practice has not moved.
The Full Terrain
Bieler’s framework — shared with Tilden, Shelton, Williams, and the broader Natural Hygiene lineage — identifies four categories of insult: toxic exposure, nutritional deficiency, electromagnetic exposure, and psychological strain. The material this essay has documented so far — the vaccine-aluminum mechanism, the corticosteroid cascade, the β-agonist epidemics — sits inside the first category, and more specifically in the iatrogenic subset of the first category. Asthma is not caused solely by pharmaceutical intervention. Asthma is the expression of accumulated toxic burden through the respiratory system, and pharmaceutical intervention is one source of that burden among several.
Paracetamol
Richard Beasley and the International Study of Asthma and Allergies in Childhood (ISAAC) Phase Three cohort published in The Lancet in 2008 the largest study ever conducted on paracetamol (acetaminophen) and childhood asthma. The cohort was 205,487 children from thirty-one countries. Paracetamol given for fever in the first year of life was associated with an odds ratio of 1.46 (95% CI 1.36–1.56) for asthma at six to seven years of age. High current use was associated with an odds ratio of 3.23 (2.91–3.60). The population-attributable risk for severe asthma symptoms was 22–38%.³⁷ Beasley’s 2011 ISAAC follow-up in adolescents, published in the American Journal of Respiratory and Critical Care Medicine, found a high-current-use odds ratio of 2.51 and a population-attributable risk for severe asthma of 38–43%.³⁸ Shaheen’s 2000 Thorax study showed dose-response in adults: weekly paracetamol use produced an odds ratio of 1.79; daily use, 2.38.³⁹ Shaheen’s 2002 Thorax study showed that frequent late-pregnancy paracetamol use was associated with a doubling of childhood wheeze risk (OR 2.10, 95% CI 1.30–3.41).⁴⁰ The proposed mechanism is glutathione depletion — paracetamol’s metabolite NAPQI consumes the master antioxidant, leaving the airway epithelium oxidatively vulnerable.⁴¹
Pediatric aspirin use in the United States collapsed between 1980 and 1986 following the Reye’s syndrome warnings. Paracetamol filled the void. Varner and colleagues observed in 1998 that the collapse of pediatric aspirin use was paralleled by a documented acceleration in childhood asthma prevalence.⁴² The correlation does not establish causation on its own; Beasley 2008 and the subsequent ISAAC data provide the mechanistic and epidemiologic anchor. The 2016 AVICA trial, published in The New England Journal of Medicine, tested paracetamol versus ibuprofen in already-asthmatic children and found no difference in exacerbations.⁴³ The trial did not address the question that matters: whether paracetamol causes incident asthma. Beasley’s 2008 Lancet finding, covering over 205,000 children across more than thirty countries, remains the definitive population study, and it identifies paracetamol as a risk factor for 22–38% of severe childhood asthma.
The WHO’s 2008 guidance cited in Beasley states that paracetamol “should not be used routinely, but should be reserved for children with a high fever (38.5°C or above).” This guidance is not implemented in most pediatric practice. The GINA strategy report advises: “where possible, avoid the use of acetaminophen and broad-spectrum antibiotics during the first year of life.” The FDA has issued no asthma-specific warning.
Chemical Inhalation
Occupational asthma is the most common occupational lung disease in industrialized countries. The American Thoracic Society and European Respiratory Society published a joint consensus statement in 2019 concluding that approximately 16% of adult-onset asthma is caused by workplace exposures.⁴⁴ Torén and Blanc’s earlier 2009 systematic review identified a median population-attributable risk of 17.6%.⁴⁵ More than three hundred chemical agents have been implicated. Isocyanate asthma in industrial workers. Baker’s asthma from flour dust. Persulfate asthma in hairdressers. Potroom asthma in aluminum smelters. Cleaning product asthma in healthcare workers.
Zock and colleagues in 2007, in the American Journal of Respiratory and Critical Care Medicine, published an international longitudinal cohort study of adult-onset asthma and home use of cleaning sprays. Weekly use of cleaning sprays was associated with a doubling of physician-diagnosed asthma incidence (RR 2.11, 95% CI 1.15–3.89). The study estimated that the use of cleaning sprays at least four days a week could account for up to 15% of adult asthma cases.⁴⁶
The chemicals recognized as causing occupational asthma are present in homes. Bleach and quaternary ammonium compounds in cleaning products. Isocyanates in spray-foam insulation and home-applied paints. Formaldehyde and volatile organic compounds from particleboard, new carpet, and some candles. Scented air fresheners — the highest-risk product category in Zock’s 2007 cohort, with a relative risk of 1.71 — react with indoor ozone to form formaldehyde and secondary organic ultrafine particles. Persulfates in home hair-bleaching kits. If the 15% home-cleaning-spray and 16% occupational attributable fractions are additive rather than overlapping, the total chemical-exposure-attributable asthma approaches 30% of adult-onset cases — before anyone counts fragrance chemicals, scented candles, off-gassing furniture, or particleboard construction materials.
The establishment literature attributes this cluster of cases to “environmental triggers” and refers patients for avoidance counselling. The broader implication — that asthma is the respiratory expression of industrial chemical inhalation, and that the industrial chemicals in question remain commercially available, unregulated in most domestic applications, and heavily marketed to the same demographics that show the highest asthma rates — does not appear in clinical guidelines.
Damp Buildings and Mould
The World Health Organization’s 2009 Guidelines for Indoor Air Quality: Dampness and Mould concluded that microbial pollution in damp buildings causes “increased prevalences of respiratory symptoms, allergies and asthma as well as perturbation of the immunological system.”⁴⁷ The 2004 Institute of Medicine report Damp Indoor Spaces and Health found sufficient evidence of association between damp indoor environments and upper respiratory tract symptoms, cough, wheeze, and asthma symptoms in sensitized asthmatics.⁴⁸ Mendell and colleagues’ 2011 review in Environmental Health Perspectives went further: the epidemiologic evidence “strongly suggested causation” of asthma exacerbation in children by indoor dampness and mould.⁴⁹ Pekkanen’s 2007 Finnish cohort study documented a dose-response relationship: civil-engineer-verified moisture damage produced an asthma odds ratio of 4.0 in the highest-exposure group.⁵⁰ Kercsmar’s 2006 randomized remediation trial, published in the same journal, showed approximately 90% reduction in asthma acute-care visits among children whose homes underwent moisture remediation.⁵¹
The tight building envelopes that followed the 1973 oil crisis — designed to reduce energy losses — reduced indoor air exchange. Moisture accumulated. Mould colonized. The timing matches a component of the 1980s asthma prevalence inflection. The WHO and the IOM have been clear about the causation. No national public health campaign in any country has matched the scale of the exposure.
Nutritional Depletion
The one asthma intervention with Cochrane-grade evidence and formal endorsement by every major guideline body is not a drug. It is a nutrient. Intravenous magnesium sulfate, administered in the emergency department to asthmatics who have failed to respond to oxygen, nebulized β-agonists, and IV corticosteroids, reduces hospital admissions. The 2014 Cochrane review covering fourteen trials and 2,313 adults produced an admission odds ratio of 0.75 (95% CI 0.60–0.92), high-quality evidence.⁵² The 2016 pediatric Cochrane review showed an admission odds ratio of 0.32 (0.14–0.74).⁵³ The British Thoracic Society, NICE, GINA, and the NHLBI all endorse IV magnesium sulfate as adjunct therapy in severe acute asthma. The recommended dose is 1.2 to 2 grams infused over twenty minutes.
A nutrient rescues asthmatics from their drugs’ failures. The clinical implication — that chronic magnesium depletion contributes to bronchial hyperreactivity, and that supplementing magnesium might prevent attacks rather than merely rescue from them — is not taught. The commercial asthma market is sized around pharmaceutical therapy; nutrient therapy is not patentable.
Litonjua’s 2016 VDAART randomized trial in JAMA showed a 6.1% absolute reduction in asthma/recurrent wheeze at age three in children whose mothers had received 4,400 IU daily vitamin D during pregnancy compared to 400 IU.⁵⁴ Hodge’s 1996 Sydney cohort showed a fivefold reduction in current childhood asthma with regular oily fish consumption (OR 0.26, 95% CI 0.09–0.72).⁵⁵ Loss’s 2011 GABRIELA study showed that raw farm milk consumption reduced asthma by approximately 40% (adjusted OR 0.59); boiled farm milk showed no protective effect.⁵⁶ Hemilä’s 2013 meta-analysis in BMJ Open showed vitamin C produced a 48% reduction in exercise-induced bronchoconstriction.⁵⁷
Asthmatic airways are systems under metabolic strain. The strain responds to specific nutritional support. None of these interventions are pharmaceutical. None generate substantial revenue. None are prioritized in guideline algorithms.
Electromagnetic Exposure
The terrain framework identifies four categories of insult. Three have been documented thoroughly in this essay: toxic exposure (iatrogenic and environmental), nutritional deficiency, and — through the nineteenth-century nervous-disease literature discussed below — psychological strain. The fourth is electromagnetic exposure. The respiratory-specific peer-reviewed evidence for RF-EMF as a direct asthma cause is currently weak. No controlled human provocation trial has been published. No WHO, CDC, NIH, ATS, or GINA document identifies RF-EMF as an asthma risk factor. This is a genuine evidentiary gap.
What exists is a plausible mechanism — Pall’s 2013 Journal of Cellular and Molecular Medicine review documents voltage-gated calcium channel activation by non-thermal EMF exposure, producing NO/peroxynitrite pathway signalling, oxidative stress, and mast-cell and inflammatory activation.⁵⁸ The ecological correlation between the rollout of successive wireless infrastructure generations (2G, 3G, 4G, 5G) and the acceleration in asthma prevalence exists in descriptive data but has not been subjected to rigorous time-series analysis. The terrain framework’s position is that EMF belongs on the investigation list. The establishment’s position is that the question is not worth asking — the same agnotological posture documented throughout this essay.
The hypothesis advanced by Arthur Firstenberg in The Invisible Rainbow — that the 1918 respiratory mortality event coincided with the global rollout of high-power radio — is contested on dosimetry grounds and remains outside established evidence.⁵⁹ It is named here for the reader’s awareness, not endorsed. The terrain framework’s inclusion of EMF as an insult category rests on mechanistic plausibility and ecological pattern, not on direct respiratory provocation data.
The Nineteenth-Century Baseline
Asthma is not a timeless condition. The Victorian medical literature describes asthma as rare enough to warrant case-by-case chapter-length treatment. Henry Hyde Salter’s 1860 monograph On Asthma: Its Pathology and Treatment is the foundational nineteenth-century text; Salter’s position was that asthma is “essentially, and, with perhaps the exception of a single class of cases, exclusively a nervous disease.”⁶⁰ George Miller Beard’s 1881 American Nervousness, Its Causes and Consequences folded asthma into neurasthenia, the syndrome Beard argued was produced by the pressures of “modern civilization” — which he enumerated as steam-power, the periodical press, the telegraph, the sciences, and the entry of women into public life.⁶¹ Sir William Osler’s 1892 Principles and Practice of Medicine treated asthma in a five-page chapter, noting that “all authors agree that there is, in a majority of cases of bronchial asthma, a strong neurotic element.”⁶²
The prevalence implied by this literature is small. Salter, Beard, and Osler wrote as if asthma were a condition most physicians would encounter only occasionally. Nothing in their texts suggests the 1-in-13 prevalence of the current American population. The inflammatory-disease paradigm that now defines asthma is forty years old — Laitinen’s 1985 bronchial biopsy study, followed by Djukanović’s 1990 consolidation, together shifted the definition from nervous disorder to chronic airway inflammation.⁶³ ⁶⁴ The Lancet Commission’s 2018 proposal to retire the word “asthma” is the implicit admission that the inflammatory paradigm has also failed to explain the condition or reduce its burden.
Victorian medicine associated asthma with affluence and urban living. Heavy textiles, carpets, upholstery. Coal-smoke interiors. Indoor pollution from lamp oil, dust mites in horsehair mattresses, chimney soot. The nervous-disease framing was not simply prescientific — it named something the modern inflammatory paradigm has obscured. Asthma rose in the populations exposed to industrial indoor environments. The rise accelerated across the twentieth century as industrial chemistry extended its reach into every domestic product. The twenty-first century’s further acceleration — from approximately 3% of American children in 1980 to 8–10% of the American population today — tracks the expansion of the pharmaceutical schedule, the pediatric paracetamol shift, the ultraprocessed food transition, the wireless rollout, and the tight-envelope mould-friendly housing stock that followed 1973. The nineteenth-century baseline is what asthma looks like before these exposures. The Control Group Survey’s 2.64% figure is what it looks like when those exposures are refused.
The Next Move
The word “asthma” may not survive this decade. The 2018 Lancet Commission has already proposed retiring it. A new label is being prepared: autoimmune airway disease. Paul Thomas, in Vax Facts, observes: “In recent years, research has indicated that, contrary to long-standing belief, asthma may be an autoimmune condition. There are now over 100 conditions that are considered autoimmune. Vaccines may well be the single most important cause of autoimmune conditions.”⁶⁵
When evidence accumulates that cannot be explained within the existing framework — and the evidence that injection produces airway hyperresponsiveness is accumulating — the solution is not to follow the evidence to the cause. The solution is to rename the condition in a way that removes the cause from the frame.
Autoimmunity — the body attacking itself — achieves this precisely. The injection disappears. The chemical exposures disappear. The paracetamol, the corticosteroids, the β-agonists disappear. What remains is the body, malfunctioning, requiring lifelong immunosuppression. The patient who asked “what am I being exposed to?” is offered instead the question “what is wrong with me?” The framing erases causation. The body is responding, correctly, to injuries it is being asked to absorb.
When the next headline announces that asthma has been reclassified as autoimmune, the reader will know what is being said. The injection that caused the sensitization Richet described in 1901 is being renamed. The chemical that the establishment’s own laboratories use to manufacture the condition in mice is being exonerated. The physician who treated asthma through detoxification sixty years ago, and whose specific clinical observation was confirmed by Nature Medicine in 2022, is still a quack. The mechanism is known. The mechanism has been known. What is being renamed is not the disease. What is being renamed is the body’s entirely appropriate response to a century of injuries.
Explain It To A 6 Year Old
Two children are born on the same day in the same city. Their mothers meet in the hospital. They live in neighbouring houses. They breathe the same air and drink the same water. They go to the same school.
One of them gets the vitamin K shot at birth. He gets all the injections the doctors offer — dozens of shots before he starts school. When he has a fever, he gets paracetamol. When he has an ear infection, he gets antibiotics. When he is nine, he is diagnosed with asthma. He gets a blue inhaler and a brown inhaler. He gets steroid tablets when the asthma is bad. By the time he is twenty, he has asthma, eczema, allergies, and digestive problems. His grandmother worries about him.
The other child gets none of these things. Her parents looked at the schedule and said no. She has fevers; they do not give her paracetamol. She gets ear infections; she gets better. She does not develop asthma. She does not develop eczema. She does not develop allergies. When she is twenty, she is well. Her grandmother does not worry.
The grown-ups in the city — the doctors, the journalists, the health authorities — say they do not know why one child has asthma and the other does not. They say it might be genetic. They say it might be bad luck. They say the cause of asthma is mysterious. They do not do the comparison. When a researcher does the comparison anyway, her study is not cited in any fact sheet. When a doctor in Oregon does the comparison from his own practice and publishes the results, his licence is taken away.
The cause is not mysterious. The grown-ups know. They have always known. They have written it in their own laboratory papers. They mix aluminum with a protein and inject it into a mouse, and the mouse becomes asthmatic. They put aluminum dust in the air of a factory, and the workers become asthmatic. They inject aluminum into children, and the children become asthmatic, at a rate that goes up with the dose, in a study run by Kaiser Permanente and published in their own journal.
The difference between the two children is not genetic. It is not bad luck. It is not a mystery. It is a decision. One set of parents said yes to everything the grown-ups offered them, and their child is sick. The other set of parents said no, and their child is well. The decision is available to every parent in the city. It has always been available. It has never been advertised.
References
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Background and framework sources
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Eurail wanted people’s passport number to let them ride a train. Now that data is for sale on the dark web, and some of the 308,777 people caught up in the breach are being told to cancel their passports and pay for replacements out of their own pocket.
The Dutch company, which sells the Interrail passes used by young travelers across 33 European countries, confirmed this week that a sample of the stolen dataset has already surfaced on Telegram.
“We can confirm that data copied during the security incident has been offered for sale on the dark web and a sample dataset has been published on Telegram,” a spokesperson said. “Customers whose personal data was included in the sample dataset are being informed directly where contact details are available to us.”
The full haul contains exactly the material identity thieves dream about, including passport numbers, passport expiry dates, full names, home addresses, email addresses, phone numbers, and dates of birth. For users of the EU’s DiscoverEU program, which hands out free travel passes to young people, the exposed records also include photocopies of passports, bank account details, and some health data.
The breach happened on December 26, 2025. Eurail only began notifying affected individuals on March 27, 2026, three months after hackers walked out with the files and a full month after the data appeared on a cybercrime forum.
In February, a hacker claimed responsibility publicly, saying they had stolen roughly 1.3 terabytes of data from Eurail’s AWS S3, Zendesk, and GitLab instances, including source code, database backups, and support tickets. The same hacker said negotiations with Eurail had failed, which is why the files were being dumped.
None of this was information Eurail needed to sell a train ticket. Rail operators ran Europe’s networks for decades without demanding scanned passports and dates of birth from every customer. The identity-verification stack that now sits behind a simple rail pass exists because identity checks have become the default business model, not because anyone can explain why selling a seven-day Interrail pass requires a permanent copy of someone’s government-issued ID.
The Eurail breach is a working demonstration of what happens when governments treat identity collection as the default setting for ordinary life. The UK is moving toward a mandatory digital ID scheme. The EU is rolling out its European Digital Identity Wallet.
Online Safety Act compliance in Britain now requires “age verification” across huge swathes of the web, with platforms demanding government IDs, face scans, or credit card details before users can access content that was freely available a year ago.
Every one of these systems rests on the same assumption that sank Eurail’s customers, which is that identity data can be collected safely, stored securely, and kept out of the wrong hands indefinitely.
That assumption has never held up. The pattern is consistent enough now to be predictable. A government or regulator decides identity verification should be mandatory for some activity, whether that is buying a train ticket, watching adult content, opening a bank account, or posting on social media. Private companies build the verification infrastructure, because governments rarely build their own.
Those companies then hold databases of passport numbers, biometric scans, and home addresses, secured according to whatever corporate security practices happen to be in place. The databases get breached, because databases always get breached, and the consequences fall on the people whose data was collected rather than the entities that insisted on collecting it.
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz has used the German state to pursue around 300 criminal investigations against people accused of insulting him, and his Chancellery spent months trying to keep the public from finding out which prosecutors were handling the cases. That wall has now come down.
The Higher Administrative Court of Berlin-Brandenburg has ordered the Bundeskanzleramt to identify every prosecutor’s office running a Merz-insult investigation, along with the file number for each one.
The ruling, which rejected the Chancellery’s appeal against an earlier decision of the Berlin Administrative Court, came after a legal challenge by Berlin daily Der Tagesspiegel. Until the judgment, roughly 300 criminal proceedings over alleged slights against the sitting head of government had been shielded from any journalistic scrutiny.
The legal hook for all of it is Section 188 of Germany’s criminal code, a special provision that gives people in political life reinforced protection against insult. The official English translation of the statute states that anyone who “insults a person who exercises a political office in relation to their office or in connection with their office shall be punished with imprisonment from three months to five years.”
A politician gets to sit at the center of a prosecution aimed at a citizen who said something unpleasant about them, and the punishment on the table is years in prison.
How cases enter the pipeline is itself revealing. Citizens are encouraged by NGOs and state-run reporting portals to flag supposed insults, sometimes anonymously.
Those reports travel to the Federal Criminal Police Office, which routes them to the relevant regional prosecutor’s office. The targeted politician is then notified and decides whether to file a formal criminal complaint or whether to leave the prosecution to run without objection. The Chancellery alone receives between 20 and 30 such files every month.
Merz has said he does not sign complaints himself, but also does not block the prosecutions that have been opened in his name. Whether that account holds up against the actual paperwork is precisely what the Chancellery was trying to prevent anyone from checking.
The Chancellery’s argument in court was that no heightened public interest justified handing the information over, and that merely naming the prosecutor’s offices and file numbers could violate the rights of accused individuals. The court did not accept it. The judges held that the Chancellor’s distinctive role in these proceedings made disclosure necessary, and that neither jurisdictional objections nor the absence of urgency stood in the way.
The scale alone deserves attention. A head of government who has triggered roughly 300 criminal investigations over things people said about him is using the machinery of the state against ordinary speech at a volume that does not look like an occasional recourse to legal remedy. It looks like a policy. And the instinct, once the numbers started circulating, was to hide the details rather than defend them.
The chilling effect of a regime like this does not depend on convictions. It depends on the knowledge that a critical Facebook post, a rude placard, or a sharp comment can summon the Bundeskriminalamt, a prosecutor, and potentially a house search. A Stuttgart man who called Merz a “Suffkopf,” roughly a drunkard, saw his home searched after Merz signed a complaint against him.
The lesson lands well beyond the individuals actually charged. Self-censorship becomes the rational response, which is the real product of the law.
Section 188’s defenders describe it as protection for democratic institutions against targeted harassment of officials. The practical architecture of the provision tells a different story.
The category of “insult” is elastic. German courts have struggled for years with where sharp political commentary ends and punishable disrespect begins, and individual judges have reached wildly different conclusions on facts that look almost identical. Into that vagueness steps a provision that hands the sitting Chancellor and his office a direct line to prosecutors considering whether to put a citizen through a criminal process.
The deeper question sits where it has always sat. A democracy that lets its head of government send police to the homes of citizens who call him names has already made a choice about which it values more, the dignity of the office or the tongue of the citizen. The court has forced some sunlight into the process. The provision that makes the process possible in the first place is still waiting for someone to deal with it.
One Palestinian American researcher warned that Israel is seeking “annexation without legal burden.”
Israel’s gradual advancement of its “yellow line” to occupy more territory in the Gaza Strip is fueling concerns that it is seeking to effectively annex and colonize the majority of the territory without any formal agreement.
The Guardianreported on Wednesday that Israel has been steadily pushing the truce line to take control of more Palestinian territory in the six months since a “ceasefire” was reached in October.
The yellow line drawn on the ceasefire maps had Israeli troops in control of about 53% of Gaza’s territory, cramming nearly 2 million displaced Palestinians into a territory less than half the size of the one they inhabited before.
But an analysis by Forensic Architecture shows Israel has unilaterally shifted the line westward over the past six months to the point where it controlled about 58% of the strip by December in an occupation zone that continues to grow.
Palestinians living in Gaza reportedly woke up to learn that large yellow concrete blocks denoting the ceasefire line had suddenly moved and that they were now living in a free-fire area, where the Israeli military considers any Palestinian person or vehicle a legitimate target.
The Associated Pressfound in January that at least 77 Palestinians have been shot on sight when they’ve found themselves on the wrong side of the yellow line or even just near it, even though the line’s boundaries are ill-defined and fluid.
They are among more than 730 Palestinians who have been killed since the “ceasefire” began in October, according to the Gaza Health Ministry, which has accused Israel of thousands of violations.
According to The Guardian, some displaced people, such as those who lived near the Salah al-Din road, which spans the length of Gaza from north to south, suddenly found themselves targeted by Israeli forces, who also began demolishing homes and other buildings and constructing new ones.
Though the yellow line was supposed to be set up as a temporary measure under US President Donald Trump’s “peace plan” for Gaza before control of the strip is transferred back to Palestinians, Israel Defense Forces (IDF) chief of staff Eyal Zamir described it as a “new border” with Gaza back in December, around the time it reportedly began to move.
Eyal Weizman, an Israeli architect and the head of Forensic Architecture’s research agency, recently wrote that the IDF appears to be turning this portion of Gaza into a permanent occupation zone.
The group found that seven new military outposts have been built along the yellow line, including one on what was once a cemetery.
While these areas began as “piles of earth and rubble” organized into crude enclosures, Weizman said that in recent months the roads leading to them have been asphalted, electricity poles have been erected, and buildings and communications towers have gone up inside the bases.
“The bases no longer appear to be the provisional arrangements that Trump’s ceasefire plan claims them to be, but permanent instruments of occupation,” he wrote. “The newly paved roads connect the bases to a matrix of control that is linked to Israel’s road network and communications grid.”
He noted that Israel’s illegal settler movement, which has several powerful representatives in the government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, has been “lobbying hard for the Israeli government to start constructing settlements within the vastly expanded buffer zone.”
Defense Minister Israel Katz said in December that Israel would “never leave Gaza” and spoke of plans to turn IDF military outposts into civilian settlements similar to those that have gradually taken over the West Bankthrough theviolentdisplacement of Palestinian residents.
Ahmad Ibsais, Palestinian American law student and author of the newsletter State of Siege, wrote for the Al-Shabaka Palestinian Policy Network that by drawing a yellow line, Israel is seeking to consolidate its control over Palestinian land without formally annexing it—in other words, “annexation without legal burden.”
“Borders are typically established through bilateral agreements, adjudication, or mutual recognition under international law,” he wrote. “By contrast, the so-called Yellow Line in Gaza functions as a de facto military demarcation associated with ceasefire arrangements and enforced through Israeli operational control.”
“It shapes civilian movement and territorial control without constituting a formally delimited boundary,” he continued. “In effect, it constitutes territorial theft with better branding, operationalizing US President Donald Trump’s plan for the continued colonization of Gaza.”
Israel declared a similar yellow line about 5-10 kilometers into Lebanese territory, giving the IDF effective control over around 55 towns and villages. The military has reduced many homes and entire villages south of this line to rubble in what Katz has described as a “Gaza model” being applied to Lebanon.
Assistant editor Maya Rosen recently wrote for Jewish Currents that the policy of conquering and settling Lebanon has become “mainstream” in Israeli politics and enjoys broad public support.
Ahmad Baydoun, an architect and open-source intelligence researcher at Delft University of Technology in the Netherlands, has warned that with this land grab, Israel was seeking to take control of the valuable Qana Gas Field, which is estimated to be capable of producing between $20 billion-$40 billion worth of natural gas exports for Israel. In 2022, a maritime agreement brokered by the US established that control of the field belonged to Lebanon.
Like in Gaza, the Israeli military has forbidden the more than 600,000 Lebanese inhabitants of villages below the line or within a newly established “buffer zone” from returning indefinitely. Katz has said they’ll be allowed to return once the “safety and security of the residents of the north [of Israel] is ensured.”
Given that Israeli settler groups have already begun mapping out new settlements and advertising plots of land for sale in southern Lebanon, Weizman said Katz was making what is by design “an impossible demand” meant to entrench the land grab.
“This exemplifies the circular logic of Zionist settler-colonialism: settlements are built to mark and protect the state’s border, but that makes them vulnerable to attack, and so a buffer zone is established to protect them,” he said. “Afterward, this buffer zone is itself settled to mark and protect the newly expanded borders, at which point another buffer zone becomes necessary.”
A US State Department legal memo has confirmed that Washington’s military attacks on Iran were carried out in support of “Israel”, contradicting earlier claims by President Donald Trump that the decision was made independently.
Published on April 21 by Legal Advisor Reed D. Rubinstein on the state government website, the document titled “Operation Epic Fury and International Law” outlines the “justification” for US attacks launched on February 28 against Iranian missile systems, naval assets, production facilities, and nuclear infrastructure.
The memo explicitly states that the United States is engaged in the war “at the request of and in the collective self-defense of its Israeli ally,” invoking Article 51 of the UN Charter.
Trump’s version of the truth
On Monday, Trump insisted that “Israel” did not influence his decision to strike Iran, dismissing reports suggesting coordination with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and rejecting criticism from right-wing commentators.
In a Truth Social post, Trump claimed, “Israel never talked me into the war.”
This isn’t the first time he has pushed back on claims that “Israel” influenced US actions against Iran. In March, Marco Rubio told reporters that “Israel” had reportedly weighed a preemptive strike on Iran, warning it could provoke retaliation against US forces in the region and potentially help set the stage for what became known as “Operation Epic Fury.”
“We were having negotiations with these lunatics, and I thought they were going to strike first. If we didn’t act, they would have,” he said, adding, “It was something that had to be done.”
A memo or an unintended exposé?
At the time, Trump had dismissed suggestions that “Israel” influenced the decision to strike Iran. The memo’s language, however, presents a far clearer picture, emphasizing coordination with and support for the Israeli side as a central legal basis for the operation.
Operation Epic Fury was launched with stated objectives to destroy Iran’s offensive missile capabilities, dismantle its production infrastructure, target naval forces, and prevent Tehran from acquiring nuclear weapons. The document further argues that the war is part of a broader, ongoing confrontation driven by what it describes as Iran’s regional activities, including support for allied groups and strikes on US and Israeli targets.
US officials maintain that their war on Iran complies with international law, arguing that it falls within established frameworks governing “self-defense”. Critics, however, have questioned the legality of the attacks under the UN Charter, particularly given the scale of operations, which by early April had involved thousands of attacks before a ceasefire took hold.
The memo also underscores a more politically sensitive point: Washington’s own account now formally acknowledges a role for “Israel” that Trump had previously denied and downplayed.
The Israeli regime has quietly embarked on an effort to relocate production of its most important long-range strike drone – the Hermes 900- outside the occupied territories.
In Serbia, it has found its latest and most controversial partner. The strategy is simple: protect Tel Aviv’s supply chain from Iranian ballistic missiles.
On March 7, 2026, Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić made a cryptic announcement. Serbia, he said, would soon open a factory for “the most serious drones in the world” with a foreign partner from the Israeli regime.
By early April, reports had uncovered the full scope of the deal. Elbit Systems – the largest military company in the occupied territories and a firm repeatedly named by UN experts as profiting from the ongoing genocide in Gaza – had agreed to establish a joint drone production facility in Šimanovci, just thirty kilometers west of Belgrade.
The factory, which could begin operations as early as late April 2026, is designed to produce two types of unmanned aerial vehicles, including a long-range model capable of flying at altitudes exceeding six kilometers.
While most media attention has focused on the emerging arms race between Serbia and Croatia, a far more consequential story has gone largely unreported.
What makes this deal particularly significant is not merely the technology transfer or the financial terms, but the strategic logic driving it.
The Israeli regime, having suffered devastating losses of its Hermes 900 fleet during the recent US-Israeli war of aggression against Iran, is desperately seeking to diversify its production base – outside the reach of Iranian retaliation.
Serbian factory: Details of the 2026 agreement
The joint venture agreement between Elbit Systems and Serbia’s state-owned Yugoimport SDPR gives the notorious Israeli arms company a controlling 51 percent stake, while the Serbian partner holds the remaining 49 percent.
According to documents obtained by some journalists and confirmed by two independent sources close to the military industry, the factory will produce two distinct drone types.
The first is a short-range model with a high payload and rotary wings, designed for tactical reconnaissance and strike missions in confined operational environments.
The second is far more advanced: a long-range model, faster and capable of operating at altitudes exceeding six kilometers, making it suitable for deep-penetration surveillance missions well beyond Serbian borders.
A source familiar with the deal described the long-range drone as “more advanced” than the Pegasus, a combat reconnaissance drone that Serbia already produces domestically.
“It has a higher flight altitude and greater operational autonomy,” the source explained. “The essence of the whole story is the transfer of technology, because our engineers will also work on it. This drone is actually the crowning glory of the entire project.”
Experts from Utva, an aircraft factory owned by the SDPR, will also be involved in the production process, a clear indication of significant investment in local technical expertise.
The planned site of the factory has itself become a source of controversy: a facility owned by Pink Media Group, the media empire of Željko Mitrović, a businessman with close ties to Vučić’s ruling party.
Following the publication of investigative reports, Pink Media Group issued a denial, claiming that neither Mitrović nor any entity associated with him had participated in negotiations or leased any facility for the project.
However, the denial did not address the documentary evidence or the two independent sources that confirmed the arrangement. The question of the factory’s precise location remains unresolved.
Serbian-Israeli cooperation: Weapons, spyware, and political connections
The drone factory agreement is merely the latest chapter in a rapidly deepening relationship between Belgrade and Tel Aviv that encompasses weapons trade, intelligence technology, political consulting, and diplomatic alignment.
The value of ammunition and weapons exports from Serbia to the Israeli regime has increased by an astonishing 42 times since 2023, reaching 114 million euros by the end of 2025, according to available evidence.
The vast majority of these exports were conducted through Yugoimport SDPR, the same state-owned company now partnering with Elbit on the drone factory.
Beyond conventional weapons, the partnership extends into the shadowy realm of surveillance and espionage technology.
Serbian authorities have used forensic products purchased from the Israeli company Cellebrite to unlock and extract data from mobile devices belonging to journalists and social media activists.
A new spyware tool designated “NoviSpy” has been deployed to infect these devices, enabling the Serbian internal security service to monitor and suppress critical voices.
The methods employed bear the unmistakable signature of Israeli technology and training. The personal connections between the two regimes run deep.
Asaf Eisin, an Israeli consultant, has been described as the main architect of Vučić’s victorious election campaigns.
His role extends beyond mere political consulting; he is widely considered Vučić’s secretive strategist, providing the Serbian president with the kind of sophisticated campaign management techniques developed in the occupied territories.
The Serbian opposition has characterized Eisin as an “agency for winning elections,” and his track record across multiple political campaigns in the Balkans supports this assessment.
In September 2024, while the Israeli regime faced increasing international isolation over its genocidal actions in Gaza, the regime’s president, Isaac Herzog, paid an official visit to Belgrade, meeting with top Serbian officials.
The timing was significant: the Israeli regime was under diplomatic pressure worldwide, yet Vučić welcomed Herzog as a gesture of solidarity.
Foreign policy analysts noted that Serbia saw this as an opportunity to demonstrate its alignment with Washington’s closest West Asian ally, a calculated move to curry favor with the incoming Trump administration.
This alignment was formalized in September 2020 through the Washington Agreement, in which Serbia committed to opening a chamber of commerce office and a state office in Jerusalem al-Quds.
The move was hailed in Tel Aviv as “an important and courageous step,” while critics noted that it placed Serbia firmly on the side of the occupation and against Palestinian sovereignty.
The United Arab Emirates, which normalized relations with the Israeli regime in 2020, has emerged as a significant investor in Serbia, while also serving as a conduit for technology transfer and military cooperation.
The connection to the UAE, brokered through the same Washington Agreement, has created an axis that runs from Abu Dhabi through Tel Aviv to Belgrade.
This triangular relationship has allowed Serbia to access advanced defense technologies while providing the Israeli regime with a European production and logistics hub.
Elbit Systems: A company surrounded by global controversy
Elbit Systems, the Israeli military firm at the center of the Serbian drone factory deal, has accumulated a staggering record of international controversies spanning human rights violations, financial divestment campaigns, grassroots activism, and legal challenges.
The company generates approximately 90 percent of its revenue from military activities and is deeply integrated into the Israeli regime’s military apparatus, making it a focal point of criticism amid the ongoing genocide in Gaza or the occupied West Bank.
One of the longest-running controversies concerns Elbit’s involvement in infrastructure tied to the Israeli occupation, particularly the surveillance systems installed along the separation wall in the occupied West Bank.
The International Court of Justice (ICJ) issued an advisory opinion in 2004 declaring the wall contrary to international law, yet Elbit continued to supply technology for its operation.
This triggered early international backlash. In 2009, Norway’s sovereign wealth fund divested from Elbit, with the finance minister stating at the time: “We do not want to finance companies that contribute so directly to violations of international humanitarian law.”
Similar decisions followed from Danish and Swedish financial institutions.
The Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement has made Elbit a primary target, noting that the company’s technology contributes directly to horrendous human rights violations against Palestinians in Gaza and the occupied territories.
These campaigns have achieved tangible results. HSBC withdrew its investment from Elbit in 2018 after the company acquired IMI Systems, which manufactures cluster munitions.
In 2026, a major Canadian investment arm divested from Elbit following sustained protests over its role in supplying equipment used in the Gaza genocide.
A UN Special Rapporteur report published in June 2025 listed Elbit among companies profiting from the genocide in Gaza. The report specifically mentioned drones developed and supplied by Elbit, describing how they operate alongside warplanes during bombing campaigns, used to monitor Palestinians and gather intelligence on targets.
The report concluded that “drones, hexacopters and quadcopters have become ubiquitous killing machines in the skies over Gaza.”
Direct action activism has targeted Elbit facilities worldwide. In the United Kingdom, groups such as Palestine Action have broken into and occupied Elbit-linked sites. The 2024 Filton facility break-in caused significant damage and led to arrests and high-profile court cases.
In 2025, Elbit closed a UK facility after sustained protests, a symbolic victory for activists demonstrating that reputational and military costs can affect even large arms firms.
In Spain, a steel shipment linked to Elbit’s subsidiary IMI Systems was canceled following protests. In France, the government barred Israeli military firms, including Elbit, from displaying offensive weapons at the Paris Air Show in 2025, citing the genocide in Gaza.
In 2025, a NATO-affiliated procurement agency barred Elbit from contracts due to a corruption investigation, suggesting that the company’s liabilities extend beyond activist campaigns into formal military-sector governance.
Meanwhile, in North Macedonia, Elbit’s involvement in “Safe City” surveillance systems has raised concerns about mass surveillance, transparency, and potential misuse, extending the ethical debate beyond armed conflict into civil liberties and digital rights.
Hermes 900: Capabilities and role in the aggression against Iran
The Hermes 900 unmanned aerial vehicle, produced by Elbit Systems, has proven to be the most important drone in the Israeli regime’s inventory for long-range strikes, and its performance during the recent US-Israeli aggression against Iran demonstrated both its strategic value and its acute vulnerabilities.
As a medium-altitude, long-endurance platform, the Hermes 900 can remain airborne for over 30 to 40 hours, operating at high altitudes that allow it to monitor vast areas without requiring frequent refueling.
This endurance is enhanced by satellite communications, enabling beyond-line-of-sight control and real-time data transmission across distances that would be impossible for ground-controlled systems.
The drone’s long-range capability made it particularly suitable for surveillance missions far from Israeli-occupied territories, including monitoring Iranian military infrastructure and tracking the movements of the Axis of Resistance forces throughout the region.
The Hermes 900 is equipped with sophisticated intelligence-gathering systems, including electro-optical and infrared sensors, synthetic aperture radar, and signals intelligence tools.
These allow it to detect troop movements, missile systems, and communication signals, even at night or in poor weather conditions.
Crucially, the Hermes 900 can designate targets using laser systems and relay precise coordinates, enabling fighter jets or other platforms—including long-range cruise missiles—to conduct strikes based on the intelligence it gathers.
This targeting capability made the drone a critical component of the regime’s aggression against Iranian infrastructure during the war that began on February 28, 2026.
The cost to the Israeli regime was still catastrophic. The largest number of Israeli drones shot down during the recent aggression were of the Hermes 900 type—approximately 20 units, with several more downed in 2025.
No official figure exists for how many Hermes 900 units the Israeli regime originally possessed, but estimates place the number in the dozens, somewhere between 25 and 50.
Some military analysts estimate that the attrition rate for the Hermes 900 fleet may have exceeded 80 percent during the unprovoked war of aggression.
The blow was so severe that the Israeli Air Force reportedly avoided deploying its remaining units over Iran for extended periods, effectively ceding the skies to Iranian air defenses and forcing Tel Aviv to rely on less capable platforms.
This degradation of Israel’s most important long-range surveillance and targeting asset represented a strategic victory for Iran’s air defense network, which had demonstrated the ability to detect, track, and destroy even the most advanced unmanned platforms.
Strategic logic: Foreign production as a hedge against Iranian retaliation
The timing of Serbia’s drone factory agreement with Elbit Systems is not coincidental.
The contract was signed in August 2025, a month and a half after the first US-Israeli aggression against Iran, when it became clear to Tel Aviv that Iranian ballistic missiles could threaten domestic production facilities.
The Israeli regime has since been insisting on peripheral supply chains, offering its clients relatively outdated surveillance technologies while using the arrangement to secure aircraft platforms for new aggressions throughout the region.
This strategy is not new. According to military analysts, the Israeli regime agreed to cooperate with India on Hermes 900 production as early as 2018 through a joint venture between Adani Defence & Aerospace and Elbit Systems, with a dedicated UAV facility in Hyderabad becoming operational in December 2018 for producing components.
By approximately 2020, this facility had expanded to assembling and exporting Hermes 900 units, making India the first production site outside the occupied territories.
Military analysts estimate that India produced approximately 20 of the estimated 50 Hermes 900 drones in the Israeli fleet, meaning that nearly 40 percent of Tel Aviv’s long-range unmanned surveillance capability was manufactured outside the occupied territories, a significant hedge against the vulnerability of domestic production facilities to Iranian retaliation.
In 2024, India formally fielded its own version, the Drishti-10 Starliner, with the first indigenously assembled unit delivered to the Indian Navy in January 2024.
The Swiss experience with Hermes 900 production has been far less successful, offering a cautionary tale for Serbia. Switzerland acquired the drones in 2015 but required extensive modifications through the Swiss partner RUAG to enable safe operation in civilian airspace.
The integration of a detect-and-avoid system proved extremely difficult, leading to repeated delays that pushed full operational capability to around 2029.
Some delivered drones could not meet expected performance standards, and one notable incident involved structural issues that caused a drone to break apart during testing.
The Swiss government was forced to scale back its requirements, abandoning certain advanced features while costs continued to rise.
Parliamentary committees raised doubts about whether RUAG and Elbit could fix ongoing problems, with some officials discussing potential cancellation.
For a neutral country like Switzerland, the deal also sparked debate about whether such partnerships compromise neutrality or align the country too closely with foreign military-industrial interests.
Brazil’s experience offers a different set of challenges. While the Hermes 900 is assembled locally through AEL Sistemas, a Brazilian subsidiary of Elbit, the program has been plagued by technical reliability issues.
Multiple crashes have occurred, including one during the 2024 floods in Rio Grande do Sul when a drone used in rescue operations crashed due to a technical problem.
In March 2026, another Hermes 900 crashed during a military exercise in Mato Grosso do Sul, reportedly leaving the Brazilian Air Force with only one operational unit at the time.
These incidents have raised concerns about fleet fragility and whether Brazil is over-reliant on a complex foreign system that it does not fully control.
Even with local assembly, critical components, software, and maintenance expertise remain tied to Israeli suppliers, creating a structural dependency that critics argue limits Brazil’s technological sovereignty.
Serbian gamble: Risks and domestic opposition
Within Serbia, the drone factory agreement has generated significant controversy.
Military observers point out that Elbit will retain complete control over intellectual property, meaning that while Serbian workers may assemble drones, the country will not gain the ability to independently produce or replicate the systems.
Petar Vojinović, an aviation analyst, explained that the most likely arrangement gives Elbit control over sales and intellectual property, with Yugoimport merely participating in production and collecting revenue percentages from sales.
“It is expected that Elbit will retain complete control over the intellectual property,” he noted.
“Thus, Elbit’s intellectual property will be protected, and Serbia will most likely not be able to produce or replicate the drones that will be manufactured.”
Other analysts emphasized that the key issue is knowledge transfer, arguing that If part of the development and production occurs in Serbia, it means training personnel, access to technology, and the possibility of further development without complete dependence on partners.
The political dimension of the deal has also drawn sharp criticism. UN Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese, during a visit to Serbia in March 2026, described Serbia as “one of Israel’s strongest and most determined allies, without any shame.”
Serbian civil society organizations have raised concerns that by hosting an Elbit production facility, Serbia could become a legitimate military target in any future conflict involving the Israeli regime.
Unlike Croatia, which has secured its position through NATO and EU membership, Serbia remains outside both alliances, lacking the protective umbrella that would deter potential retaliation.
The Serbian people are widely critical of their authorities, with many claiming that officials are reaping lucrative commissions from such controversial agreements.
The fact that the factory may be located on property associated with a media mogul closely tied to the ruling party has only intensified suspicions about corruption and self-dealing.
While Vučić has portrayed the deal as a triumph of Serbian diplomacy and technological advancement, critics see it as a risky alignment with a pariah regime that could expose Serbia to diplomatic isolation or worse.
The European Union announced its 20th round of economic sanctions against Russia this week. The bloc of 27 nations began imposing sanctions on Moscow when the conflict in Ukraine erupted in February 2022. Every six months, the EU has been extending these economic measures, which Brussels claims is support for Ukraine to “deter Russian aggression.”
The 20th round of sanctions unveiled this week attempts to go much further in inflicting damage on the Russian economy. It was flagged as the biggeset package yet and a “multi-layered targeting of key sectors” of the Russian economy, primarily its energy industry.
It is tempting to dismiss the EU sanctions policy as feeble and a form of insanity. The bloc keeps repeating an action expecting a different result each time, when the record shows that the action of sanctions is having little detrimental impact on Russia. If anything, it is the EU that has suffered an economic downturn as it unilaterally cut itself off from Russian oil and gas, the traditional source of affordable energy feedstock for European industries. Russia’s economy has not crashed as was anticipated when the sanctions were first imposed more than four years ago. In fact, the Russian Federation has maintained a robust economic performance as it finds alternative markets in Asia for its oil and gas products. The soaring price for a barrel of crude due to the reckless U.S.-Israeli aggression on Iran has given Russia a further boost.
However, it would be a mistake to simply brush off the EU sanctions as futile and self-defeating.
There is a more blatant and sinister aspect to the new round of sanctions. Brussels is nakedly showing its war agenda. The new measures aim to restrict all sectors of Russian energy production, including “exploration, extraction, refining and transportation.” The EU is endeavoring to tighten restrictions on “third countries” to prevent Russia from circumventing existing embargoes on shipping, port access and trade. Whether these new measures achieve their objective of “crippling the Russian economy” is debatable. But it is the belligerent intention – stated now with more determination – that is significant. The EU is brazenly laying out a plan to strangle Russia in conjunction with upping the military threat.
It is the accompanying developments that are ominous and which give full meaning to the economic measures.
This week the EU hailed that its €90 billion ($105 bn) loan to Ukraine had finally been approved. That financial aid was blocked by Hungary since December. But with the recent election loss for Viktor Orbán’s government, Budapest’s veto has been lifted under the new prime minister, Péter Magyar. EU leaders were ecstatic that the financial transfer to Ukraine can now go ahead.
Two-thirds of the EU loan – some €60 bn – is reportedly allocated for military aid. Ursula von der Leyen, the European Commission president, said that the first tranche worth €45 bn will be transferred to Ukraine within weeks and that it would be used to increase the production of aerial combat drones. “Drones from Ukraine for Ukraine,” she said by way of trying to give the impression that the EU is not a party to the war.
An EU leaders’ two-day summit held in Cyprus on April 24-25 was reported with a celebratory mood. Von der Leyen and European Council President Antonio Costa, along with the EU’s Foreign Affairs Commissioner, Kaja Kallas, were cock-a-hoop at the “breakthrough” of releasing the largest single financial package to Ukraine so far in combination with the new economic sanctions aimed at drilling down on Russia’s economic core. Attending the summit in Cyprus was Ukraine’s nominal president, Vladimir Zelensky, who reportedly joined the EU leaders for dinner to discuss new developments.
It gets even more sinister. The Kiev regime has been stepping up deep air strikes on Russian energy and other industrial infrastructure. There is no doubt the regime is being assisted with NATO expertise in finding such wide-ranging targets in Russia’s vast territory. This week, for example, a drone strike hit an industrial facility in Novokuybyshevsk in the central Samara region, nearly 900 kilometers southeast of Moscow and nearly 2,000 kms from the warzone in Donbass.
Clearly, the EU’s economic strikes are designed to reinforce the damage that NATO is trying to inflict with drones and missiles on Russia’s industrial base. These are not separate initiatives but an integral war strategy.
In announcing the latest round of sanctions Kaja Kallas could hardly contain her Russophobic glee. “Today we have broken the deadlock. On top of the €90-billion loan for Ukraine, we have adopted the 20th sanctions package,” she said.
Deceptively, the sanctions were billed as “increasing pressure on Russia to stop its brutal war of aggression and engage in meaningful negotiations towards a just and last peace.”
That’s a cynical con – a con that is betrayed by the EU’s own stated objective of “crippling” the Russian economy. How can one have a “just and lasting peace” by crippling a country?
The real purpose of the funds that EU citizens will have to pay through decades of indebtedness is to escalate NATO’s war in Ukraine against Russia. The economic sanctions are war measures aimed at maximising the impact of military attacks.
Other developments this week raise the stakes to even more sinister levels.
French President Emmanuel Macron and Poland’s Prime Minister Donald Tusk discussed joint nuclear weapons “scenarios” in a bilateral summit in Gdansk. The French leader wants to share his country’s nuclear weapons capabilities with other European countries. It is reported that French and Polish warplanes will begin joint exercises on flying nuclear weapons in the Baltic region. This is evidently meant as a threat to Russia. It amounts to Paris and Warsaw carrying out training exerises for nuclear strikes on Russia.
In yet another provocative development, it is reported that Britain is leading a NATO Joint Expeditionary Force to formulate a naval plan to blockade the Russian enclave of Kaliningrad located between Poland and Lithuania. Kaliningrad provides Russia with vital port access to the Baltic Sea.
The European NATO leaders are concerned that U.S. President Donald Trump has lost interest in the “Ukraine project” against Russia owing to his reckless war with Iran. That is why they are ramping up the war effort against Russia while telling barefaced lies about wanting to achieve “lasting peace.”
So far, the EU’s economic sanctions against Russia have been an abject failure. But the failure of economic measures is no longer the point. It is what they reveal about an intensifying NATO war plan against Russia.
Moscow has repeatedly called for a negotiated end to the conflict while the EU and NATO accuse Russian leader Vladimir Putin of “not wanting peace.”
People can make their own minds up about who the aggressors are. NATO is at war with Russia and is not interested in negotiations. Criminally, the NATO aggressors are creating a boiling frog situation for Russia. The European russophobic leaders seem to want war at any cost.
A newly released npj Vaccines study confirms that U.S. government–funded researchers constructed hybrid influenza viruses in the lab and used them to trigger complete mortality in animal experiments, while framing the work under vaccine development.
The experiment, titled “Dual-Route H5N1 Vaccination Induces Systemic and Mucosal Immunity in Murine and Bovine Models,” was conducted by University of Nebraska–Lincoln scientists Joshua Wiggins, Adthakorn Madapong, and Eric A. Weaver.
You can contact the university’s Center for Virology here and the School of Biological Sciences here.
The creation of deadly chimeric pathogens was financed by the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) and the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID).
The study explicitly states:
“This research was supported by the U.S. Department of Agriculture, National Institute of Food and Agriculture, Agriculture and Food Research Initiative (Grant Nos. 2020 -06448 and 2024 -08723 to E.A.W.), and by the National Institutes of Health –NIAID (Grant No. 1R01AI147109 to E.A.W.).”
You can contact NIAID here, the NIH here, HHS here, and the USDA here to voice opposition to taxpayer-funded chimeric research on pandemic pathogens—particularly after Congress, the White House, the Department of Energy, the FBI, the CIA, and Germany’s Federal Intelligence Service (BND) all acknowledged that the deadly COVID-19 pandemic was “likely” the result of a laboratory incident involving genetically modified pathogens.
April 25, 2026
Posted by aletho |
War Crimes | United States |
Comments Off on USDA/NIAID-Funded Scientists Build Chimeric Bird Flu Viruses with 100% Mortality in Mammals: Journal ‘npj Vaccines’
Tales of the American Empire produces short historical videos about the American empire, like the “Sordid History of the CIA”. The first two parts are linked in the description. Most viewers are interested in the American CIA, so this is another episode about videos detailing the evils of the CIA. Some CIA officers work with murderous dictators and criminal organizations involved in the drug trade, arms dealing, and government contract fraud. These evil deeds are sometimes uncovered by the media but receive little attention. There are YouTube videos that provide insight into covert CIA operations. This is far too much material to condense into a short video. Here is a quick review of more great YouTube videos about the CIA with a link to them below. If the link no longer works, the content has been removed. Two videos from the first part of this series have since disappeared. They may be found on smaller video hosting websites like Rumble, Bitchute, or Odyssey.
At one time, the ‘Arab-Israeli Conflict’ was Arab and Israeli. Over the course of many years, however, it was rebranded. The media is now telling us it is a ‘Hamas-Israeli conflict’.
But what went wrong? Israel simply became too powerful.
The supposedly astounding Israeli victories over the years against Arab armies have emboldened Israel to the extent that it came to view itself, not as a regional superpower, but as a global power as well. Israel, per its own definition, became ‘invincible’.
Such terminology was not a mere scare tactic aimed at breaking the spirit of Palestinians and Arabs alike. Israel believed this.
The ‘Israeli miracle victory’ against Arab armies in 1967 was a watershed moment. Then, Israeli ambassador to the United Nations, Abba Eban, declared in a speech that “from the podium of the UN, I proclaimed the glorious triumph of the IDF and the redemption of Jerusalem.”
This, in his thinking, could only mean one thing: “Never before has Israel stood more honored and revered by the nations of the world.”
The sentiment in Eban’s words echoed throughout Israel. Even those who doubted their government’s ability to completely prevail over the Arabs, joined the chorus: Israel is unvanquishable.
Little rational discussion took place back then, about the actual reasons why Israel had won, and if that victory would have been possible without Washington’s complete backing and the West’s willingness to support Israel at any cost. … continue
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