Roosevelt’s Partnership with Stalin
Tales of the American Empire | June 18, 2026
Tyler Kent was a US State Department employee who became anti-Soviet after seeing bloody chaos while stationed at the US embassy in Moscow. He was transferred to the US Embassy in London where he served the cipher clerk who managed top secret messages. Kent was appalled to learn that Roosevelt was plotting to join the war against Germany and ally with the Soviets, whom he viewed as a much greater threat. Kent was planning to send top secret messages between Roosevelt and Churchill to American newspapers before the November 1940 presidential election but was arrested by the British.
President Roosevelt’s partnership with Soviet premier Joseph Stalin was deeper than Americans realize. Most know about the billions of dollars in lend-lease aid provided to the Soviets, but there were other major programs that required massive American support.
Operation Frantic was a series of shuttle bombing operations during World War II conducted by American aircraft based in Great Britain and southern Italy, which landed at three Soviet airfields in the recaptured Donbas region to rest and refuel. From there, the planes flew bombing missions en route back to their bases in Italy and Great Britain. Project Hula was a secret program in which the United States transferred naval vessels to the Soviet Union to encourage the Soviets to join the war against Japan. Based at Cold Bay Alaska, 149 American warships were delivered and 12,000 Soviet sailors trained to operate them between April and September 1945.
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“The Tyler Kent Documentary BBC 1982”; Adam Curtis; this was scrubbed from the BBC website but can be watched here:
• The Tyler Kent Documentary BBC 1982
“Operation Frantic – WW2 Shuttle flights”; Avialogs; June 3, 2013;
• Operation Frantic – WW2 Shuttle flights – HD
“Project Hula: The Secret Alliance That Changed the Pacific War”; Forgotten Stories of Resistance; November 13, 2025;
• Project Hula: The Secret Alliance That Cha…
Related Tale: “Poland Lost World War II”;
• Poland Lost World War II
June 18, 2026 Posted by aletho | Timeless or most popular, Video | UK, United States | Comments Off on Roosevelt’s Partnership with Stalin
After US-Iran deal, Israeli minister threatens war on Syria ‘sooner or later’
MEMO | June 18, 2026
Israeli Diaspora Affairs Minister Amichai Chikli threatened Thursday that Israel would wage war on Syria “sooner or later,” claiming that Syria and Turkiye pose a greater challenge to Israel than Iran, Anadolu reports.
“We will wage war on Syria, sooner or later, because it and Turkiye are far more worrying than Iran,” Chikli said in an interview with Israeli radio station 103FM, affiliated with Maariv newspaper.
The remarks by Chikli, a member of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s ruling Likud party, came hours after Iran and the US signed a memorandum of understanding aimed at ending war in all fronts, including Lebanon.
The Israeli minister has repeatedly criticized regional countries involved in diplomatic efforts to end ongoing conflicts.
On Wednesday, Chikli voiced opposition to what he called the “Qatar-Turkiye-Pakistan axis,” alleging that the three countries played a role in shaping the agreement between Washington and Tehran.
“The agreement taking shape is worrying, and what worries me least is the rehabilitation of the Iranian economy,” he said, referring to damage caused by the war and years of sanctions.
Chikli claimed that his primary concern was what he described as “the axis that shaped this agreement: Qatar, Turkiye and Pakistan.”
“What we see before our eyes is the rise of a new axis,” he said, describing it as “an extremely dangerous radical Sunni axis.”
Israel occupies territories in Palestine, Syria and Lebanon and is accused of committing genocide against Palestinians in the Gaza Strip. It continues its military campaign despite international calls and UN resolutions urging an end to the occupation and support for a two-state solution.
Pakistan and Qatar have played mediation roles between Washington and Tehran, while Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan welcomed the US-Iran memorandum of understanding, describing it as “an important development” for strengthening peace and stability in the region.
Since October 2023, Israel has launched several wars in the region, beginning with genocide in the Gaza Strip, in addition to two wars on Lebanon and Iran, strikes on Syria and Yemen, and a strike on Qatar.
Israel was established in 1948 on occupied Palestinian land, and it has occupied Palestinian land as well as territory in Lebanon and Syria for decades. It refuses to withdraw from those territories or allow the establishment of an independent Palestinian state as outlined in relevant UN resolutions.
June 18, 2026 Posted by aletho | Ethnic Cleansing, Racism, Zionism, Timeless or most popular | Israel, Lebanon, Pakistan, Qatar, Syria, Turkey, Zionism | Comments Off on After US-Iran deal, Israeli minister threatens war on Syria ‘sooner or later’
Call for Hamas de-proscription
By Pete Gregson | MEMO | June 17, 2026
In the years of Pro-Palestine demonstrations I’ve attended since 7th October 2023, there is rarely a mention of the group at the core of the whole issue: Hamas. For people are fearful to talk about them. But whilst calling for support for Hamas may be illegal, seeking its de-proscription is not. The UK Government’s 2000 Terrorism act permits requesting the de-proscription of any “terrorist” group. You can’t be penalised for calling for de-proscription. Citizens have the right to appeal against proscription if you give a reason as to why its proscription affects you.
Following the events of 7th October 2023, I did exactly that and launched a petition to the Home Secretary. Initially I tried to get the petition before Parliament using the UK Government portal but was told it was beyond Parliament’s remit! So, I launched it online on Go-Petition, promoted it using 20,000 flyers – which I took to all the demonstrations around London and Scotland – and started getting signatures.
By January, the online petition had 45,000 views and 1,410 signatures which, though fearing arrest, I took to Downing Street. My two supporters and I had our photo taken outside No. 10 and were welcomed into the building by police carrying a big box with Hamas Petition written on it.
The mainstream media was completely absent, despite my mailing 270 journalists – not one of whom decided to cover it. Only Russia Today, Al Jazeera, The Canary and Middle East Monitor carried it.
I experienced no issue with the police despite threats of being arrested from two of the 650 MPs I had written to on the petition. Unhappily for these two public servants, I had broken no law.
To be clear, although I have previously been in touch with Hamas on a prior campaign to twin Edinburgh with Gaza, they did not request nor have any involvement with this one. Indeed, around this time, an organisation called Riverways Law were asked by Hamas to submit a de-proscription application.
Their submission was much more thorough than my 8-page submission to the Home Secretary. You can check it out in full on their website at https://hamascase.com. It had lots of witness statements, including from members of Hamas describing what they saw on 7th October as well as the impact de-proscription was having on people’s lives. It was a phenomenal amount of work. They asked for de-proscription on three grounds:
- They said the Home Secretary has a duty to prevent even a suspicion of genocide; the way that the rules are set out, it’s not that she needs to see someone committing genocide in order to stop them – if there is even a suspicion of genocide, it becomes incumbent upon her to act. But because she’s banned Hamas and Hamas is fighting genocide- proscription means she’s undermining that fight.
- The second issue of course was Freedom of Speech. The Qassam Brigades (the armed wing of Hamas) were banned in 2001 by Tony Blair, but the political part of Hamas was accepted by Britain as being legitimate – they were essentially the government of Gaza. It wasn’t until 2021 when Priti Patel went on holiday to Israel, met Netanyahu and banned Hamas on her return. No vote in Parliament was required. Yet as Hamas has never operated outside Palestine, there is no issue of protection within the UK. We in Britain should have a right to discuss Hamas and by banning it, the Home Secretary has taken away our freedom of speech, which is Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights. So, it is the British Government who are breaking the law here.
- Finally, there is the lack of proportionality over banning. The Quartet (Russia, the US, UN and the EU) – set their preconditions after Hamas was democratically elected in 2006. Despite the fact that the UN has allowed the use of armed force against occupation since 1982, they said they would only engage with Hamas if they gave up arms, recognise Israel and accept all PLO/Israeli agreements that had been made in the Oslo Accords of 1993. Clearly, Hamas were never going to do that.
The Quartet later appointed Tony Blair because of his ability in Northern Ireland to get peace- which was an incredible achievement. But we got peace because we negotiated. We never asked Sinn Fein to recognise Britain’s authority over Ulster. We weren’t asking the same thing that he was then asking Hamas to do. Another example: Nelson Mandela, when he headed the armed wing of the ANC, wasn’t asked to renounce the ANC before discussing peace.
Also, Hamas is the Gaza administration- so proscription criminalises all public sector workers there. For example, Gaza City Council has 5,000 employees, just looking after the million people who lived in Gaza City. Technically, if you send money to one of those employees- you could be supporting Hamas. So its banning is simply unjust because it criminalises a vast swathe of people. It’s also pointless because they don’t have any influence over Britain.
The original charter was drafted when Hamas was established in 1987; there were some quite harsh things in there. It’s an Islamic resistance movement after all – but that wasn’t the full thoughts of Hamas, because it wasn’t written by all of them, it was written by one man. So, in 2017 they released a clarification – their Principles and Policies. In it, they even said they would settle for a “Hudna”, a truce, along the same lines as what the UN and UK demands – a return to the 1967 borders, Israel giving up the land it had taken then, giving up that occupation. Hamas also wanted the Palestinian prisoners to be released and the Palestinians who were driven out in 1948 to be given the right of return, as the UN had called for in resolution 194. But the Hamas offer of a truce was completely ignored; this proposal wasn’t covered in the West at all.
Each year Hamas calls for elections; but Fatah each year denies them. It’s true that Hamas would prefer Sharia law, but it has said it will go with the majority in a democratic Palestine. It seeks the end of Israel but would live alongside Jews who gave up Zionism. But none of this was or is talked about.
We get a very twisted view of Hamas. A brief look at its history: it all began with the advent of the Muslim Brotherhood in 1928 in Egypt, which was then constituted in Palestine in 1946. The Brotherhood concentrated on philanthropic acts- setting up mosques, schools, universities and so on. Back then Russia and China supported the liberation movements all over the world and the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) benefitted from this. As the Soviet Union fell, political Islam rose. In 1987 much of the Brotherhood realised it could not refuse to fight any longer and so with the first intifada in 1987, Hamas emerged. Initially, Israel discreetly supported them as a counter to the secular PLO. But in 1993 matters exploded after Israeli Baruch Goldstein killed 29 worshippers at a mosque in Hebron (Goldstein is a hero nowadays to people like Ben-Gvir); he committed mass murder and injured hundreds more. As a response, the Qasam brigades (the Hamas armed wing) declared they would retaliate, using two suicide bombs in buses against civilians in 1994. This resulted in Hamas’ proscription by the US and then the UK and EU.
Recall that in 1993, Israel and the PLO had signed the Oslo Accords- without most Palestinians knowing about it. The PLO was led by Fatah, Yasser Arafat’s party.
Hamas rejected these accords and wouldn’t get involved in the first elections but chose to give the new Palestine Authority (PA) a chance. The PA began then doing what Israel had said they should do in the agreement, which was to jail people who were resisting Israel’s rule. The PA started jailing Hamas supporters, doing Israel’s dirty work. Also, it was becoming quite corrupt.
Hamas was under attack on all fronts. From 1996 onwards, Israel began murdering Hamas leaders; in 2004 they assassinated Sheikh Ahmad Yassin, its founder. Fatah’s Arafat also died in 2004, following which Abbas stood for election. Hamas boycotted this, because any president of theirs would have had to negotiate with Israel, which they did not wish to do- so Fatah’s Abbas took power. But in 2006 Hamas decided they would stand for election because they fundamentally believe in democracy. They did stand, winning handsomely. But Israel and the US immediately set about undermining the Hamas Government, which Fatah had also rejected, because they didn’t want to give up power. Abbas had his own US-trained police force versus the Hamas Government police force; this was just a recipe for disaster. There were many killings of Hamas supporters, then revenge killings; eventually it became clear that Fatah was planning a coup, which led to Hamas seizing power in Gaza.
Thereafter, Israel refused to negotiate over Palestinian statehood. They employed a Catch-22; they said they wouldn’t negotiate with Hamas, because they were “terrorists”; and they wouldn’t negotiate with the PA because it didn’t reflect all Palestinians. There was no way to win because Israel had every excuse in the book for refusing the things that they had agreed to.
In the West Bank, as expected, the PA became responsible for arresting Hamas supporters, making them very unpopular. Then when Hamas took power in Gaza, Israel began its blockade; Hamas responded by firing rockets into Israel. Over 20 years from 2001 onwards, 44 Israelis were killed by rockets fired from Gaza; over the same period, Israel killed many, many thousands of Palestinians in Gaza.
Note that Hamas made repeated attempts over the years at peaceful protest, culminating in the 2018 Great March of Return. It was just so shocking; people were getting murdered by snipers just because they wanted to go home, back through the fence. Many of us became aware of the true nature of the Israeli regime at this time.
But Israel continued to allow Qatar to fund Hamas; suitcases full of dollar bills went into Gaza because Israel wanted to keep Hamas going, as then they would continue in conflict with Fatah (the PA), who were being funded by the EU and the US. The more they became polarised, the more the Israelis benefitted.
This carried on until Donald Trump set up the 2020 Abraham Accords in an attempt to “normalise” relations between the Arab states and Israel, seeking the former’s recognition and trade with Israel. Bahrain, Morocco, the United Arab Emirates all signed and in 2023 it looked like Saudi Arabia was going to be next, even though up until then the Saudis had said they wouldn’t normalise unless Palestine attained statehood. But the more the Israelis promised the Saudis- their own nuclear power stations for example- the more the Saudis were tempted, which gave the strong impression that Palestine was being negotiated away. Hamas felt it had to put Palestine back in the public eye. Also, there was a lot of anger about Israeli actions at Al Aqsa Mosque in 2023, where IDF soldiers attacked people at worship during Ramadan.
Hamas launched their strike pre-emptively as they became aware that Israel was about to attack again and take the Hamas leaders. In this strike, their stated aim was to capture soldiers- as the going rate for one Israeli soldier was about one thousand Palestinians, as evidenced by the various previous prisoner exchanges that had taken place.
The plan therefore was to take captives. On 7th October Hamas launched an attack with the IDF falling back quickly, which Hamas didn’t expect. They then moved to settlements seeking more captives. Israel now employed the Hannibal directive, which is to stop Israelis falling into Palestinian hands. Clearly, the damage to cars at the scene could not have been done by guys on motorbikes with Kalashnikovs and were likely done by Hellfire missiles from IDF Apache helicopters. These cars were completely and utterly burned out. The cars had been taking Israelis back to Gaza as captives, but the IDF bombed them. Damage from IDF tank fire of kibbutz homes was also apparent. Whether there was a Palestinian in there and some Israelis, the IDF didn’t care, they just bombed the whole building because they knew that they could then blame Hamas. It’s believed as many as 800 Israelis were killed by the IDF. Furthermore, as more and more evidence has come to light following the attack, the claims of mass rape have by now been largely dismissed, despite the media frenzy. There were 19 breaches of the border fence, through which lots of people flooded out of Gaza, not just Hamas. The psychological state of these Gazans can be guessed at, after being starved and bombed for twenty years. They attacked the Nova festival that Hamas says they didn’t know was taking place.
The US and UK accepted Israel’s narrative. And now Israel uses the terrorist label to justify a genocide. And most Israelis have gone along with this because, they think “Oh no, they’re going to kill us all”. It’s got to that level of terror amongst your average Israeli – that they think “we can’t do anything but kill Palestinians, because otherwise we’re dead”. Which is exactly what Netanyahu and the Zionists want.
Even in this country, they brew up terror amongst Jewish people, because they know that just keeps the whole ball rolling that Jews everywhere are at risk– and nothing sells newspapers like antisemitism.
As long as Hamas represents the majority political view in Palestine, any negotiations would need to include Hamas, for any resulting deal to have any legitimacy within Palestine. Various UK Lords such as Lord Peter Hain and Lord Rickets have declared that wiping out Hamas is impossible. Even Tony Blair said it was a mistake to ban Hamas. Yet, these issues are shoved under the carpet and what we have is a very silent acceptance of proscription. But 80% of countries in the world do not label Hamas as terrorists. The UN does not define Hamas as terrorists. It’s actually the UK, the EU and the US that do so, which gives Israel all the cover it needs to continue killing Palestinians.
Pro-Palestine demonstrations are all very good but are not really getting at the root of what’s going on; Palestinians are fighting for their lives and land, and we should not ignore the fact that Hamas are fighting for them.
The tide is turning. A recent survey by the Higher Education Policy Institute indicated that more than a quarter of British undergraduates consider the Hamas attacks of 7th October to be “defensible”. Furthermore, Britain’s Muslim police body, the National Association of Muslim Police, recently defended Hamas and labelled the IDF as a “terrorist group”.
We must keep calling for de-proscription. If you agree, please sign the petition at www.tiny.cc/hamas – which also supports the Riverways Law bid. Although that was turned down, it is now being pursued through the Proscribed Organisations Appeal Commission. We can then start getting people to write to their MPs. If enough people bug their politicians, we may succeed, not tomorrow perhaps, but if we persist for as long as it takes, it may lead to the establishment of a new democratic state for the most persecuted and oppressed people on this planet.
June 17, 2026 Posted by aletho | Civil Liberties, Ethnic Cleansing, Racism, Zionism, Full Spectrum Dominance, Timeless or most popular | Hamas, Human rights, Israel, Palestine, UK, Zionism | Comments Off on Call for Hamas de-proscription
Lebanon is now part of Iran’s deterrence doctrine
Lebanon is now central to Iran’s deterrence strategy, with pressure on allies treated as pressure on Tehran itself.
By Peiman Salehi | The Cradle | June 17, 2026
“We are consolidating an Iranian equation in the region, one in which Iran will no longer exercise restraint in the face of any aggression or disorder. It will cost the Americans some pain and expense, but they will get used to it.” – Ebrahim Rezaei, spokesman for Iran’s parliamentary National Security Commission
Ebrahim Rezaei, spokesman for Iran’s parliamentary National Security Commission, was describing a policy already underway rather than offering a warning.
Lebanon is where that policy is now being tested, and where much of what western analysts thought they understood about Iranian strategic behavior is being quietly dismantled.
A policy already in motion
The most persistent misconception about Iran’s intervention in the defense of Lebanon is that it is driven by ideology – by revolutionary solidarity with Hezbollah, by commitments that rational statecraft would eventually subordinate to national interest.
This reading is not simply incomplete. It mistakes the symptom for the diagnosis. What is unfolding is a deliberate reconfiguration of Iran’s deterrence architecture, one in which the security of key regional partners is no longer a separate file that adversaries can negotiate away in isolation, but a constituent element of Iran’s own national security perimeter.
Something else is also being overlooked. The confrontation over Lebanon marked the first time the Islamic Republic entered a direct military confrontation, primarily in defense of a key ally. The decision points to a broader evolution in Iranian strategic thinking, one whose implications extend far beyond Lebanon.
The limits of strategic patience
For years, Tehran operated under what officials and analysts described as strategic patience. The approach prioritized responses to direct attacks on Iranian territory, personnel, or core interests, while absorbing pressure across other fronts. This framework shaped Iran’s posture through successive crises, from the assassination of Qassem Soleimani to repeated Israeli strikes on Iranian assets across the region.
The approach was internally consistent, but over time its costs became clearer. Acts of restraint were increasingly read as openings to test the next front, while each separately negotiated file encouraged further compartmentalization.
Tehran’s takeaway, formed incrementally, was that this pattern was being used to press its positions rather than stabilize them.
Iranian decision-makers have since drawn a conclusion from that experience, and it is now reflected in their posture. Reuters reported in March that Iran had informed intermediaries as early as mid-March that any ceasefire arrangement must include a halt to Israeli operations against Hezbollah in Lebanon – linking the end of the broader war to a front that Washington insists is a separate matter.
Six regional sources confirm the linkage. One was explicit: “Iran is prioritizing Lebanon; it will not accept Israeli violations in Lebanon like what happened after the 2024 ceasefire.”
Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi stated the same principle publicly, arguing that a ceasefire between Iran and the US constitutes a comprehensive ceasefire across all fronts, and that any violation on one front is a violation across all fronts.
Washington finds this inconvenient. That, from Tehran’s perspective, is precisely the point.
Reputation as deterrence
The underlying logic is not difficult to follow, and it is not unique to Iran. Great powers derive influence not from military capability alone, but from reputation – specifically, the reputation for honoring commitments when doing so is costly.
This is why NATO remains the organizing principle of US security strategy in Europe despite its expense and its complications. It is why Washington maintains military installations across five continents that serve no immediate operational purpose.
The function is primarily reputational. Presence signals commitment, and commitment deters. Iranian strategists have reached a similar conclusion regarding their own regional position.
If Tehran abandons Hezbollah under sustained pressure – military, diplomatic, or economic – the signal sent to every other partner would be unmistakable, with Iranian guarantees no longer seen as reliable under sustained pressure.
In a region where Iran is constructing an alternative security architecture, that signal would be more damaging than any battlefield setback.
This is less about Hezbollah as an individual actor and more about the network of relationships of which it is a part. Surrendering one component under pressure does not stabilize the structure. It shows adversaries how much pressure to apply to the next one. Arab states of the Persian Gulf, watching from the sidelines, are drawing their own conclusions about what kind of power Iran is becoming.
From demonstration to leverage
Those conclusions are shaped by more than alliance politics. In two consecutive confrontations, Iran held its ground against the combined military pressure of the US and Israel – the two most powerful militaries operating in the region. That outcome is not lost on anyone in the neighborhood.
Iran has now demonstrated, in practice rather than theory, that it can absorb strikes and continue functioning as a regional actor. The New York Times (NYT), not an outlet inclined toward flattering Tehran, acknowledged that Iran has emerged from this period as one of the powers shaping West Asia’s future. Whatever one thinks of its politics, that assessment is difficult to dismiss.
The Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz reinforce this shift. What once functioned largely as a latent deterrent is now being used more directly. When oil prices jumped sharply on reports that Iran–US negotiations were breaking down, the market was pricing in a reality that policymakers in Washington have spent years avoiding: Iran’s geographic position is a permanent feature of any regional settlement, not a variable that military pressure can eliminate.
Roughly a fifth of the world’s oil supply moves through waters that Iran can reach. This leverage derives from geography and is now being used with a level of deliberateness that was less visible a decade ago.
Writing the next regional order
The Lebanon question cannot be separated from the broader contest over who writes the rules of the next regional order.
For decades, the US set those rules through military presence, alliance structures, and the credible threat of overwhelming force. Iranian officials increasingly assess that this period is shifting – not due to a collapse of American power, but because the conditions that once sustained its dominance no longer exist in combination.
Iran’s objective is to ensure that the next order is not written exclusively on American or Israeli terms, and that Iran participates as a power with recognized interests in shaping what comes next.
In that context, Lebanon becomes a test case. It is where Iran seeks to demonstrate that its red lines are enforceable, that its commitments to partners carry weight, and that the equation described by Rezaei is policy rather than posture.
The ceasefire remains fragile, with negotiations continuing through Qatari and Pakistani intermediaries, while escalation carries risks that Tehran does not dismiss. The direction, however, is no longer ambiguous.
Beyond patience
Strategic patience remains, but has been superseded by a broader framework.
In its place is a doctrine in which compartmentalization by adversaries is met with deliberate integration by Tehran, in which an attack on a partner is treated as an attack on the order Iran is building, and in which the costs of sustained pressure are designed to accumulate rather than dissipate.
Iran has demonstrated that it can fight. It controls a chokepoint that the global economy cannot ignore. And it has shown it is willing to act before its own territory is directly targeted.
That combination – military credibility, geographic leverage, and a willingness to move early in defense of allies – is what a regional power looks like.
Lebanon is where Iran is making that case.
June 17, 2026 Posted by aletho | Timeless or most popular | Hezbollah, Iran, Israel, Lebanon, Middle East, United States | Comments Off on Lebanon is now part of Iran’s deterrence doctrine
A California Pediatrician Shares 30 Years of Insight on Vaccinating vs. Not Vaccinating Children
Informed with Aaron Siri | June 10, 2026
Dr. Bob Sears shares his professional experience of the risks and benefits of vaccinating and not vaccinating children.
(00:00) Introduction to Dr. Bob Sears
(03:38) Outcomes of Vaccinated vs. Unvaccinated Children in His 30,000+ Practice
(09:12) The Irony of Vaccination and Chronic Illness
(15:40) A Child on the CDC Schedule: 1986 vs. Today
(20:05) Vaccines Design to Modify the Immune System
(34:26) Understanding Vaccine Efficacy and Transmission
(48:22) Pediatric Experiences: Unvaccinated Patients and Disease Outcomes
(1:00:06) Health Benefits of Natural Infections
(1:10:43) The Impact of Vaccination on Herd Immunity
(1:12:28) Revising Vaccine Schedules: A Shift in Perspective
(1:18:28) Pediatric Experience with Unvaccinated Families
(1:22:40) The Shift in Parental Attitudes Towards Vaccination
(1:30:09) Infectious Disease Research and Real Data
(1:36:22) The Vaccination Shift and Parental Choices
June 16, 2026 Posted by aletho | Science and Pseudo-Science, Timeless or most popular, Video | United States | Comments Off on A California Pediatrician Shares 30 Years of Insight on Vaccinating vs. Not Vaccinating Children
What Is Defensive Medicine?
An Essay on Why Your Doctor’s Recommendation May Have Nothing to Do with You
Lies are Unbekoming | June 15, 2026
The 38 Percent
A prospective study at a Level I trauma center in the United States examined 1,097 consecutive CT scans and asked the ordering physicians to identify, for each scan, the reason it was performed. Four hundred and sixteen of those scans (38 percent) were ordered primarily to protect the physician from a possible lawsuit, not because the clinical situation required imaging. The defensively ordered scans exposed patients to an average of 8.8 millisieverts of ionizing radiation per person. Of those defensive scans, 2.2 percent changed how the patient was managed. The remaining 97.8 percent produced no clinical benefit. What they did produce was radiation exposure to patients, charges to insurance, and legal cover for the ordering physicians.¹
The 2.2 percent represents roughly nine patients out of the 416 defensively scanned whose course of care shifted because of the scan. Those nine exist. They are the cases on which defensive practice rests its moral claim. The trade their existence requires, however, is one no consenting patient would knowingly accept: irradiating roughly forty-five people to alter the management of one, with the population-level cancer burden falling on the forty-four whose management did not change. “Management change” is also not a synonym for benefit; it includes precautionary medication, further imaging, and surveillance protocols that themselves produce iatrogenic harm. The defense of the 2.2 percent does not survive contact with the math.
Extrapolated nationally, defensive CT imaging alone is estimated to add approximately $501 million annually to American healthcare expenditure, a figure that covers only CT scans and only in the United States.¹ A 2025 paper in JAMA Internal Medicine projects that the 93 million CT scans performed in the United States in 2023 will eventually produce approximately 103,000 cancers across the lifetimes of the people who received them, accounting for roughly 5 percent of all new annual cancer diagnoses in the country.²
A subset of those cancers will arise from scans ordered to protect not the patient but the physician. The patient will never know they were exposed for that reason. By the time the cancer arrives, decades after the scan, the link between the encounter and the disease is no longer recoverable.
Defensive medicine is the operating principle that produces this arrangement. The practice is documented in peer-reviewed literature, in physician self-reports, and across the cost-accounting of the institutions that profit from it. The patient sitting across the desk from the doctor is rarely aware the principle exists. The doctor knows. What this essay describes is what happens in the consulting room as a result of that asymmetry of awareness.
What It Actually Is
The phrase “defensive medicine” is not a critic’s label. It is the term physicians use themselves, in their own surveys, to describe diagnostic and treatment decisions made primarily to avoid legal liability rather than to benefit patients. The practice has been studied for more than four decades, appearing in peer-reviewed journals, in confidential surveys conducted by professional societies, and in geographic analyses showing that physicians in high-liability states order more diagnostic tests than physicians in states with malpractice tort reform.³
A 2005 study published in JAMA surveyed physicians in six high-risk specialties in Pennsylvania. Ninety-three percent reported practicing defensive medicine, and 43 percent reported using imaging technology in clinically unnecessary circumstances. The authors noted that defensive practice was reported across all specialties studied and was not confined to physicians with prior malpractice claims.⁴ The behavior described was not the conduct of a deviant minority. It was the operating culture of the specialties surveyed.
Researchers distinguish two registers. The first, positive defensive medicine, involves ordering tests, procedures, or consultations that the physician believes are unlikely to benefit the patient but that protect against accusations of inadequate diagnostic effort. The second, negative defensive medicine, involves declining to treat patients perceived as carrying higher litigation risk regardless of their clinical need. Both registers redirect clinical decisions away from the patient’s medical interest and toward the physician’s legal exposure.
The point is not the existence of defensive medicine but its normalization. Concealment from patients is not required because the practice is invisible by default. The patient cannot tell, sitting in the consulting room, whether a test was ordered to investigate their symptoms or to insulate the doctor against a hypothetical plaintiff’s attorney. The recommendation looks identical from the patient’s chair.
From the patient’s vantage point, what is visible is a competent professional, with medical training the patient does not have, who has determined that this particular test is required. What is invisible is whether that determination was made for reasons entirely indifferent to the patient’s medical situation.
The One-Way Ratchet
The legal system creates the conditions that produce defensive medicine, and it does so through a single asymmetry. Physicians face liability for under-diagnosis and almost none for over-diagnosis.
A man whose physician declines to order a PSA test, and who is later found to have advanced prostate cancer, has a malpractice claim. The claim may or may not succeed, but it is the kind of case malpractice attorneys take and insurance carriers settle. A man whose physician ordered the PSA test, who returned an elevated reading, who underwent a transrectal biopsy, who developed post-procedure sepsis from bowel bacteria driven into the bloodstream by the needle, who survived the sepsis but was left with persistent erectile dysfunction and urinary incontinence following a radical prostatectomy for a low-grade cancer that autopsy data suggests would have killed him only if he lived to ninety, that man has no claim. In most cases, he is grateful. His cancer was “caught early.” He was never shown the autopsy data on indolent prostate cancers, never told that 16 percent of American men receive this diagnosis but only 3 percent die from it, and is unaware that his cascade of harm originated in a screening decision medical evidence does not actually justify.⁵
The doctor who ordered the unnecessary test produced durable, measurable harm. The legal system records no exposure for that doctor. The doctor who did not order the test, and whose patient happened to be the rare one whose cancer was missed, faces a lawsuit regardless of whether ordering the test would have changed the outcome. From inside the legal architecture, the safest course is always to test more, because the asymmetry between under-diagnosis liability and over-diagnosis liability mandates it.
Studies of physician behavior confirm the prediction empirically. Doctors in high-liability states order significantly more diagnostic tests than doctors in states with malpractice reform. The variation tracks the legal climate, not the underlying disease burden.³ When Texas enacted comprehensive tort reform in 2003, defensive testing patterns in the state shifted measurably, although the magnitude and durability of the shift remain contested.³ The literature is consistent on the underlying point. Physician behavior is responsive to liability exposure, and the response is toward more testing rather than less.
This is the one-way ratchet, moving in a single direction over time. Settled malpractice cases raise the practical threshold of caution. New appellate decisions enlarge the set of investigations a prudent physician must order to satisfy the standard of care. The countervailing pressure that should exist from the harms produced by overtesting does not exist, because those harms generate no legal exposure for anyone.
From the patient’s vantage point, none of this is legible. The ratchet appears as escalating recommendations for tests, scans, and follow-up procedures. The patient assumes the escalation reflects an improving understanding of their personal medical risk. It does not; it reflects an evolving legal climate that has nothing to do with the patient’s biology.
The Standard of Care as Liability Shield
The medical profession refers to “the standard of care” as if it were a quality benchmark, a threshold below which clinical performance becomes inadequate. The standard of care in legal practice is something different. It is a defense position. Meeting the standard is what a malpractice defense attorney needs to establish to defend a doctor against a claim. The phrase describes legal adequacy, not clinical excellence.
The structural problem follows from how the standard is defined. The American Society of Anesthesiologists Closed Claims Project, the specialty’s primary instrument of self-examination for half a century, contains data that makes this explicit. When anesthesia care was judged by peer reviewers as appropriate, meeting the standard of care, payment was still made in more than 40 percent of malpractice claims. When care was judged substandard, payment was more likely but not certain.⁶
The standard of care, in other words, does not predict patient outcomes. It does not even reliably predict legal outcomes. What it predicts is the defensibility of a physician’s practice in a malpractice proceeding.
The circular logic closes off accountability at the definitional level. If the standard of care is what the majority of practitioners do, and the majority of practitioners do not obtain pre-operative cognitive baselines before general anesthesia in elderly patients, do not disclose post-operative cognitive dysfunction risk before consent, and do not select anesthetic agents based on the mechanistic evidence suggesting that some agents are worse than others for cognitive outcomes, then none of these omissions constitute substandard care. The standard is self-referentially defined by the mean of existing practice. The mean of existing practice cannot, by definition, be substandard.⁷
Harm that occurs in conformity with standard practice is not negligence. Negligence requires deviation from standard practice. Standard practice is what most practitioners do. What most practitioners do is whatever protects them most reliably from claims, which is whatever the standard of care currently is. The loop closes on itself.
The result is a body of harm that the accountability system cannot see by its own architecture. The Closed Claims Project, for all its methodological rigor, measures only what generates a claim. Acute, visible, legally contested events register: death, brain damage, esophageal intubation. The reduction in respiratory-related anesthetic deaths between 1985 and 2000 followed exactly this mechanism. The harms were acute and visible, pulse oximetry made them detectable in real time, malpractice exposure existed, the insurance system promoted the monitoring standard, and uptake was rapid.⁶ Chronic, diffuse, legally uncontested events do not register in any meaningful volume. Post-operative cognitive dysfunction, the slow cascade of overdiagnosis triggered by routine screening, the accumulation of pharmaceutical harm over decades: these generate no claims. They produce no signal in the accountability system the specialty uses to identify and correct its harms.
The Closed Claims architecture, the standard of care doctrine, and the malpractice insurance system together form a coherent legal-administrative apparatus whose function is to defend physician behavior against external challenge. Protecting patients from the iatrogenic consequences of defensive practice was never within the apparatus’s design brief, and it does not perform that protective function in practice.
The Cascade
What patients experience inside the defensive system is rarely a single unnecessary test. It is a sequence of tests, each triggered by the previous, each individually defensible, none of them collectively defensible.
Consider a fifty-year-old executive who opts in to a whole-body CT scan offered by a private screening clinic. The scan reveals a small lung nodule. The nodule is asymptomatic and almost certainly benign, since incidental findings of this kind appear on roughly 25 percent of all CT scans.⁸ The clinic recommends a follow-up CT in three months to assess for growth. The follow-up shows the nodule unchanged but identifies a small adrenal mass in the same imaging field. A PET scan is recommended to characterize both findings. The PET scan is negative for malignancy but introduces ambiguity about a mediastinal lymph node. A bronchoscopy is performed to sample tissue. The pathology returns benign scar tissue. The bronchoscopy is complicated by a pneumothorax requiring chest tube placement. The chest tube placement is uneventful. The executive returns to work three weeks later, having paid approximately $14,000 out of pocket, with no disease detected, no condition improved, and a measurable cumulative radiation exposure that did not exist before the cascade began.
The pattern is not exceptional. Incidentalomas trigger an average of $1,100 to $3,500 per patient in additional testing, with no associated improvement in mortality.⁸ Lung cancer screening trials found that one-third of patients had false-positive findings after two scans, and that one in fifteen underwent unnecessary invasive procedures as a result.⁸
The PSA cascade follows the same architecture in a different organ. An elevated PSA reading, which can result from prostatitis, benign prostatic hyperplasia, recent ejaculation, a urinary tract infection, or simply a larger-than-average prostate, triggers a transrectal biopsy. The biopsy punctures the bowel wall and introduces fecal bacteria into otherwise sterile tissue. Post-procedure sepsis is a documented complication, with antibiotic-resistant E. coli identified as the most commonly cultured organism, and hospitalization rates have risen alongside global antibiotic resistance. The 2022 GRAM Report published in The Lancet attributed approximately 1.3 million annual deaths worldwide to what it terms antimicrobial resistance, identifying E. coli as the most significant contributing organism.⁹ Tuncel and colleagues found that 41 percent of men reported erectile dysfunction at one month post-biopsy, with 15 percent still affected at six months.¹⁰ Cardiovascular events increase by a relative risk of 1.3 in the first year after diagnosis. Suicide risk rises by a relative risk of 2.6, with the highest risk in the first week.¹¹ These complications do not appear on the consent form.
The thyroid cascade follows the same architecture in a different specialty. A postpartum woman is screened for thyroid dysfunction. Her labs are abnormal during the transient hypothyroid phase of postpartum thyroiditis, a condition that typically resolves within twelve to eighteen months without intervention. She is started on levothyroxine and told she will need it indefinitely. The ultrasound performed to evaluate her thyroid identifies nodules, which are common and usually benign. The nodules require monitoring. Monitoring reveals minor changes. The changes prompt biopsy. The biopsy is indeterminate. A partial thyroidectomy follows. The woman who had a self-resolving postpartum condition is now missing part of her thyroid, on lifelong hormone replacement, and entered as a chronic patient in the disease registry.¹²
No single doctor along the cascade feels responsible for the cumulative outcome. Each one acted on the previous finding, documented their reasoning, and met the standard of care for their step in the sequence. Stopping the cascade at any point would have required a particular doctor to accept the legal risk of letting an uncertain finding go uninvestigated, and that doctor would be the patient’s doctor, not the patient. The asymmetry of where risk lands is the engine of the cascade. Legal risk is borne by the physician’s career, clinical risk by the patient’s body.
The cascade is the natural product of an accountability system that punishes physicians for missed diagnoses but not for downstream harms. It is what the system is structurally calibrated to produce. From the patient’s chair the cascade looks like a sequence of reasonable medical decisions; from the physician’s, the same sequence looks defensible at every step. The two perspectives never meet, and the gap between them is where the iatrogenic harm accumulates.
What the Doctor Will Not Say Out Loud
The defensive arrangement depends on a structural information asymmetry. A patient cannot make an informed decision about a recommended test if the test’s purposes, risks, and statistical performance are not disclosed. The published data are consistent across multiple settings and countries: this information is not disclosed.
Among American academic medical centers, only 15 percent routinely inform patients about radiation risks before CT scanning. By contrast, 84 percent of the same institutions discuss the risk of contrast reactions, which is a less significant long-term risk for most patients.¹³ Only 9 percent of surveyed sites inform patients about non-radiation alternatives to CT that might avoid radiation exposure entirely.¹³
The communication gap has been measured directly. In one emergency department study, 78 percent of physicians reported that they routinely discussed CT radiation risks with patients. Twenty percent of patients in the same encounters recalled being told.¹⁴ Both groups were describing the same conversations.
In 1999, Federman and colleagues published a study in Effective Clinical Practice examining whether informed consent actually occurred before PSA testing. Of the men who had received PSA tests, 31 percent were unaware their physicians had ordered the test. Of those who were aware, only 47 percent recalled any discussion of risks and benefits.¹⁵ Some men were tested without their knowledge. The study is more than twenty-five years old. Subsequent investigations show that the pattern has not changed. A qualitative analysis of men’s lived experience after PSA-driven diagnosis found that patients felt inadequately prepared and unsupported from the point of screening through biopsy and treatment decisions, and that the harms of overdiagnosis and overtreatment were rarely explained.¹⁶
The Australian and New Zealand College of Anaesthetists publishes a position statement on informed consent (document PS26(A)) that sets out what the specialty formally requires of its practitioners. The standard is specific: patients must be provided with information that a reasonable person in their position might wish to know and to which they might attach significance. The document includes the threshold that risks should be disclosed when “an adverse outcome is rare but the detriment severe, and an adverse outcome common but the detriment slight,” states explicitly that a surgical consent form does not constitute informed consent for anesthesia, and notes that time pressure does not eliminate the requirement for genuine consent.¹⁷
Applied to a documented condition such as post-operative cognitive dysfunction in elderly surgical patients, measurable in approximately one in four at one week after general anesthesia and one in ten still impaired at three months, with no known treatment, the ANZCA standard produces an unambiguous conclusion. The risk satisfies both disclosure thresholds, the detriment is significant, and the standard requires that the disclosure be made. Disclosure does not occur in clinical practice in the overwhelming majority of cases.¹⁸
The disclosure standard exists in writing. The disclosure itself does not occur in the consulting room.
The reason is not that physicians lack knowledge of these risks. The relevant studies appear in journals to which the practicing physicians subscribe and which they cite in their own work. The information has accumulated for more than two decades in some cases, more than seventy years in others. The reason disclosure does not occur is simpler than ignorance. Disclosing risks creates two adverse consequences for the physician. First, some patients decline the recommended intervention, which reduces the procedure rate and exposes the physician to liability if the rare missed diagnosis occurs. Second, patients who proceed and experience the disclosed complication have documented grounds for claiming they were misinformed about the relevant probabilities if the disclosure was incomplete. The path of least legal resistance is a generic, time-pressured consent process that satisfies the formal documentation requirement without producing a genuinely informed decision.
The consent form records that the patient was informed; the evidence shows they were not. Both statements are simultaneously true within the legal and clinical architecture as currently structured.
The Trapped Clinician
A complete account of defensive medicine has to address what is happening to the doctor inside the structure, because reducing the practice to physician greed or laziness misses what the evidence shows. Most doctors who order defensive tests are not behaving unethically by the standards of the system they trained in. They are responding rationally to the incentive structure they are embedded in.
That structure has several layers. The first is education. American medical training increasingly emphasizes adherence to clinical practice guidelines, many of which are written by panels with substantial financial ties to the manufacturers of recommended products. A widely cited analysis published in the BMJ found that the majority of panelists on the National Cholesterol Education Program guidelines had current or recent financial ties to pharmaceutical companies whose products the guidelines would mandate.¹⁹ Roughly two-thirds of American medical school department chairs hold financial relationships with industry of some kind.²⁰ A physician trained to follow guidelines that emerged from such panels is trained to order more tests, prescribe earlier, and intervene more aggressively, and to consider this evidence-based medicine.
The second layer is employment. Physician practice in the United States has shifted dramatically from independent practice to employment by health systems. The employed physician is subject to productivity metrics that reward volume: number of patient encounters per day, number of procedures per quarter, billing per visit. A physician who orders fewer tests, sees patients longer, or recommends conservative observation is not rewarded, and in many systems is penalized. Performance reviews and bonuses turn on whether the physician’s practice patterns align with institutional throughput targets, which are set to amortize the cost of expensive imaging equipment and staffed procedural suites.²¹
The third layer is time. A primary care visit in the American system is typically scheduled for fifteen to twenty minutes. That visit is meant to address whatever the patient came in for, plus all the screening reminders generated by the electronic medical record: colonoscopy overdue, bone density scan overdue, mammogram overdue, annual physical overdue. The path through this consultation that minimizes liability and maximizes billing is to order the indicated screenings, prescribe what the algorithm suggests, and move to the next patient. The path that protects the patient requires more. It requires taking time to ask whether each screening is appropriate for the particular person sitting in the chair, discussing harms as well as benefits, and documenting an informed refusal where indicated. That work adds twenty to thirty minutes of unbillable time to a visit that the system already says is too long.
The fourth layer is the broader commercial logic. A 2018 Goldman Sachs analyst report titled The Genome Revolution, written by Salveen Richter, included a section addressing the financial implications of curative therapies. The question, posed in writing within an investment research document published by one of the largest investment banks in the world, was direct: “Is curing patients a sustainable business model?” The report’s analysis indicated that one-time cures produce short revenue arcs, while chronic disease management produces long ones.²² The economic logic surrounding the physician, including the institutions that employ them, the products they prescribe, and the diagnostic technologies they order, is calibrated to manage disease rather than to cure it. The defensive medicine arrangement is consistent with this calibration. A patient subjected to a cascade of testing and treatment generates recurring revenue. A patient told that observation is reasonable does not.
None of this absolves the doctor. The structural pressures are real and explain why the system produces the outcomes it does, but the patient sitting across the desk is still being subjected to risks they have not been told about. A doctor who orders a defensively motivated CT scan, who fails to disclose its radiation risks, who refers an incidentaloma for follow-up imaging that initiates a cascade, is participating in iatrogenic harm whether they intend to or not. The structural account explains how the participation occurs without absolving the physician of having participated.
The honest version of the consultation would be something close to the following. I am going to order this test primarily because I will face legal exposure if I do not, and missing the rare cancer it might detect would be a career-ending event for me. I have no good way to predict whether the test will produce useful information in your case. If it produces a false positive, I will refer you for further investigation, and the cascade that follows may harm you. You can decline the test, and I will document your decision.
That consultation does not take place. Conducting it would expose the arrangement as it actually operates, and the arrangement depends on the patient’s continued belief that the recommendation reflects clinical necessity rather than legal self-preservation.
There is a question every doctor reading this should be willing to ask themselves before their next clinic. Of the tests, procedures, prescriptions, and referrals I will recommend today, how many would I recommend if there were no liability exposure attached to declining to recommend them? The honest answer, for most physicians in most American practices, would substantially shrink the volume of recommended interventions. That difference is the iatrogenic harm. The volume of intervention that exceeds what would be recommended on purely medical grounds is the volume the patient is being asked to absorb on the doctor’s behalf.
What to Do in the Consulting Room
The structural problem is not solved at the individual level. A single patient cannot reform American medical training, the employment structure of physicians, or the asymmetry of the legal system. What a single patient can do is recognize the arrangement, refuse to participate in the parts of it that produce harm, and document the refusal.
Three questions interrupt almost any cascade at the point of entry.
The first is what happens if we wait? Most diagnostic decisions are not emergent. The doctor will typically describe a worst case, because the legal exposure forces them to describe a worst case, but the relevant question is what happens in the average case if observation is chosen over intervention. For most screening tests, the answer is that nothing happens. The natural history of the condition, in the absence of detection, would not have caused symptoms or harm within the patient’s lifetime. The cascade was triggered by the test, not by the underlying disease.
The second is what are the alternatives? Most diagnostic algorithms admit multiple paths. Ultrasound and MRI can substitute for CT in a wide range of clinical situations; active surveillance is a documented option in many cancers where biopsy is reflexively recommended; lifestyle modification has demonstrated effects in conditions for which pharmaceutical intervention is the default. The default path is rarely the only path. It is the path of lowest legal exposure for the physician, which is not the same thing as the path of lowest harm for the patient.
The third is is this required, or recommended? “Required” is almost never the correct answer. The patient who receives a flat recommendation often assumes the test is mandatory. It is not. It is recommended. The distinction matters because a recommendation can be declined.
Declining is the operative skill. Pressure converges on the patient from multiple sources to maximize the rate of test acceptance: electronic medical record reminders for “overdue” screenings, clinic staff who raise the issue at every visit, automated reminder letters, partner and family pressure, the doctor’s recommendation itself, and the patient’s own fear of missing something serious. None of these constitutes medical necessity. They constitute the operating environment of a system that profits from compliance.
Specific phrases work. I have reviewed the evidence on this test and decided the harms outweigh the benefits for someone in my situation. Please note my informed refusal in my record. I understand you recommend this. Can you tell me the number needed to screen and the overdiagnosis rate? I would like to make an informed decision. *I am not declining medical care. I am declining this specific test based on the published evidence. I would like to discuss what, if anything, I should monitor instead.*²³
The documented refusal protects the patient and, by an arrangement the system rarely advertises, also protects the doctor. A patient who has formally declined a recommended test, with the refusal documented in the medical record alongside the doctor’s recommendation and the discussion of evidence, has produced exactly the consent process that the system claims to require. The doctor’s liability exposure for the refused test is substantially reduced because the patient now owns the decision. The patient’s exposure to the iatrogenic harms of the unnecessary test is eliminated because the test does not occur.
This outcome is available to any patient who insists on it. The system does not offer it spontaneously because it is the system’s least profitable configuration.
Closing
The trauma center study identified 416 patients out of 1,097 who received CT scans ordered for reasons that had little to do with their medical condition. Each of those patients sat through the procedure believing the scan had been ordered because the doctor’s clinical judgment required it. Each absorbed, on average, 8.8 millisieverts of ionizing radiation. A small percentage of them will develop cancers from that exposure decades from now, and by that point the link between cause and effect will be unrecoverable. None of the doctors who ordered the scans will be sued, none of the institutions that performed them will be sued, and the eventual cancer patients will not know which encounter caused the disease. If they did know, the standard-of-care defense would close the case before it began.
What is happening in the American consulting room, and increasingly in clinical encounters across every country that has adopted the American model, is a form of risk transfer. The legal risk that the physician would otherwise carry is transferred to the patient in the form of unnecessary radiation, biopsies, cascades of investigation, lifelong prescriptions, and the diminished autonomy of being managed rather than cared for. The transfer is invisible from the patient’s chair because it is denominated in a currency the patient cannot read.
The standard of care functions as a liability defense rather than a clinical benchmark, and the consent form that accompanies it operates as an administrative shield rather than a record of genuine disclosure. A defensive test recommended on these foundations is calibrated to the doctor’s legal exposure first and to the patient’s clinical situation second. The cascade that follows a positive result is not the pursuit of the patient’s recovery; it is the completion of a documentation chain demonstrating that the system did everything it was supposed to do.
You can decline. The right to decline is the last patch of ground in the consulting room that the system has not yet enclosed. The document the doctor wants you to sign is consent to a process calibrated for everyone except you. The document you can produce, a written and dated refusal of a specific recommended intervention with your reasoning attached, is the only piece of paper in the room that says what it claims to say.
How I’d Explain This to a Six-Year-Old
Pretend your school has a rule. If you fall down at recess, even just a little bit, the teacher has to send you to the nurse. Not because the teacher thinks you are hurt. The teacher knows you are fine. But if the teacher doesn’t send you and your knee turns out to be a bit bruised, your mom might call the principal, and the principal might get cross with the teacher.
So you go to the nurse. The nurse looks at your knee. To be safe, the nurse takes a picture of inside your leg with a special machine. The machine uses a tiny bit of bad stuff that goes into your body. Just a little. Not enough to hurt today. But every time the machine takes a picture of you, a little more bad stuff goes in, and after lots of pictures the little bits add up.
The picture shows your knee is fine. The nurse already knew that. But the picture also shows a tiny spot somewhere else that is probably nothing. To be safe, the nurse sends you for more pictures. The more pictures show another small thing. Now you are scared. Your mom is scared. Nobody can stop, because if they stop and the small thing turns out to be something, the nurse and the doctor and the school could get into trouble.
You came in with a scraped knee. You leave with three pictures of your insides, a worried mom, and a bit of the bad stuff inside you. Nothing was wrong. Nothing got better. All the grown-ups feel safer, because they did everything they were supposed to do.
That is what happens to grown-ups at the doctor every day. There is a name for it. The name is defensive medicine. It means the people taking care of you are mostly trying not to get into trouble themselves, and those two things, looking after you and not getting into trouble, almost never point the same way.
Here is the thing nobody tells you. You can say no. When the grown-up says “I think we should do this test,” you are allowed to ask, “what happens if we wait?” You are allowed to say, “no thank you, not today.” You are allowed to leave with a scraped knee and nothing else.
References
- The prospective study at a Level I trauma center identifying 38 percent (416/1,097) of CT scans as defensively motivated, with associated radiation exposure of 8.8 mSv per patient and a 2.2 percent management-change rate, is documented in Unbekoming, The Screening Trap, v1.0, 2026, chapter on CT scan overuse. The $501 million annual estimate for defensive CT imaging in the United States is drawn from the same source, which synthesizes figures from Mello MM, Chandra A, Gawande AA, Studdert DM. “National Costs of the Medical Liability System.” Health Affairs 2010;29(9):1569–1577.
- Smith-Bindman R, Miglioretti DL, Lacson R, et al. “Projected Lifetime Cancer Risks From Current Computed Tomography Imaging.” JAMA Internal Medicine 2025. The study projects approximately 103,000 future cancers from the 93 million CT scans performed in the United States in 2023.
- On geographic variation in physician test-ordering tracking liability climate: Kessler DP, McClellan M. “Do Doctors Practice Defensive Medicine?” Quarterly Journal of Economics 1996;111(2):353–390; Kessler DP, McClellan M. “How Liability Law Affects Medical Productivity.” Journal of Health Economics 2002;21(6):931–955. On the specific effect of Texas tort reform (enacted 2003) and subsequent damage cap analysis: Paik M, Black B, Hyman DA. “The Receding Tide of Medical Malpractice Litigation: Part 2, Effect of Damage Caps.” Journal of Empirical Legal Studies 2013;10(4):639–669.
- Studdert DM, Mello MM, Sage WM, et al. “Defensive Medicine Among High-Risk Specialist Physicians in a Volatile Malpractice Environment.” JAMA 2005;293(21):2609–2617. The study surveyed physicians in six high-risk specialties in Pennsylvania; 93 percent reported defensive practice, and 43 percent reported imaging used in clinically unnecessary circumstances.
- National Cancer Institute, “Prostate-Specific Antigen (PSA) Test,” cancer.gov. The 16 percent lifetime probability of diagnosis and 3 percent probability of mortality figures are the standard reported values. Autopsy data on indolent prostate cancers: Bell KJL et al. “Prevalence of incidental prostate cancer: A systematic review of autopsy studies.” International Journal of Cancer 2015;137(7):1749–1757.
- American Society of Anesthesiologists Closed Claims Project data summarized in Unbekoming, Before You Go Under, v1.0, 2026, chapter on the consent gap and the standard of care. Original source: Domino KB, Posner KL, Caplan RA, Cheney FW. “Awareness during anesthesia: a closed claims analysis.” Anesthesiology 1999;90(4):1053–1061. Additional Closed Claims data on standard-of-care judgments and payment patterns from the ASA Closed Claims Project as documented through the early 2000s.
- The circular logic of standard-of-care doctrine and the self-referential definition of negligence-by-deviation is analyzed in detail in Unbekoming, Before You Go Under, v1.0, 2026, chapter on the closed claims ceiling. The argument applies generally across surgical specialties.
- Incidentaloma rates and associated downstream costs documented in Unbekoming, The Screening Trap, v1.0, 2026, drawing on Berland LL, Silverman SG, Gore RM, et al. “Managing incidental findings on abdominal CT: white paper of the ACR incidental findings committee.” Journal of the American College of Radiology 2010;7(10):754–773. Lung cancer screening false-positive rates: Croswell JM et al. “Cumulative incidence of false-positive results in repeated, multimodal cancer screening.” Annals of Family Medicine 2009;7(3):212–222.
- GBD 2019 Antimicrobial Resistance Collaborators. “Global burden of bacterial antimicrobial resistance in 2019: a systematic analysis.” The Lancet 2022;399(10325):629–655. The report attributes approximately 1.3 million deaths directly and 5 million deaths in association with antibiotic-resistant bacterial conditions.
- Tuncel A, Toklu H, Belenli O, et al. “The impact of transrectal prostate needle biopsy on sexuality in men and their female partners.” Urology 2008;71(6):1128–1131.
- Fang F, Keating NL, Mucci LA, et al. “Immediate risk of suicide and cardiovascular death after a prostate cancer diagnosis.” Journal of the National Cancer Institute 2010;102(5):307–314. Discussed in Unbekoming, The Screening Trap, v1.0, 2026, and in Unbekoming, The PSA Trap, 2026.
- Postpartum thyroid cascade documented in Unbekoming, Medicalized Motherhood, edition 1.0, 2026, chapter on postpartum screening. See also Stagnaro-Green A et al. “Guidelines of the American Thyroid Association for the diagnosis and management of thyroid disease during pregnancy and postpartum.” Thyroid 2011;21(10):1081–1125, for the conventional clinical pathway.
- Lee CI et al. “Diagnostic CT scans: assessment of patient, physician, and radiologist awareness of radiation dose and possible risks.” Radiology 2004;231(2):393–398. The 15 percent / 84 percent and 9 percent figures are widely cited and appear in subsequent surveys of academic medical centers.
- Caoili EM et al. “Patients’ knowledge and perception of CT scan radiation risks.” American Journal of Roentgenology 2014;202(3):W232–W237. The 78 percent / 20 percent physician-patient recall gap is documented in emergency department settings and is broadly consistent across studies of CT consent.
- Federman DG, Goyal S, Kamina A, et al. “Informed consent for PSA screening: does it happen?” Effective Clinical Practice 1999;2(4):152–157.
- Hersch JK, Nickel BL, Ghane A, et al. “Resisting recommended treatment for prostate cancer: a qualitative analysis of the lived experience of possible overdiagnosis.” BMJ Open 2019;9(5):e026960.
- Australian and New Zealand College of Anaesthetists. PS26(A) Position Statement on Informed Consent for Anaesthesia or Sedation. Melbourne: ANZCA; 2021. The thresholds and standards quoted are from the publicly available document.
- Post-operative cognitive dysfunction (POCD) prevalence figures and the disclosure gap are documented in Unbekoming, Before You Go Under, v1.0, 2026, drawing on Li LY, Staffaroni AM, Whitlock EL. “Subjective Cognitive Complaints and Anecdotal Descriptions of Postoperative Cognitive Decline: Missing Pieces of the Postoperative Neurocognitive Disorder Puzzle.” Advances in Anesthesia 2024;42(1):27–40; and Moller JT et al. “Long-term postoperative cognitive dysfunction in the elderly: ISPOCD1 study.” The Lancet 1998;351(9106):857–861.
- Lenzer J. “Majority of panelists on cholesterol guidelines have current or recent ties to drug industry.” BMJ 2004;328(7452):8. See also Abramson J, Wright JM. “Are lipid-lowering guidelines evidence-based?” The Lancet 2007;369(9557):168–169.
- Campbell EG, Weissman JS, Ehringhaus S, et al. “Institutional academic-industry relationships.” JAMA 2007;298(15):1779–1786. The two-thirds figure for medical school department chairs holding industry relationships is widely cited and is documented in Unbekoming, The Architecture of Deception, v1.0, 2026.
- Casalino LP et al. “External incentives, information technology, and organized processes to improve health care quality for patients with chronic diseases.” JAMA 2003;289(4):434–441. The broader literature on the shift toward physician employment and productivity-based compensation in American health systems is extensive.
- Goldman Sachs Equity Research, Salveen Richter. The Genome Revolution. Industry note, April 2018. The “sustainable business model” question and the report’s analysis of revenue arcs for curative therapy are widely cited; the document was subsequently the subject of multiple public commentaries. Discussed in detail in Unbekoming, Chronic Conditions, v1.0, 2026.
- Specific patient phrases for documented refusal adapted from the patient toolkit in Unbekoming, The Screening Trap, v1.0, 2026.
June 16, 2026 Posted by aletho | Deception, Timeless or most popular | United States | Comments Off on What Is Defensive Medicine?
Did the 9/11 Hijackers Really Fly the Planes?
Full video:
9/11 Flight Simulator Study Preliminary Results | Dr. Piers Robinson
June 15, 2026 Posted by aletho | False Flag Terrorism, Timeless or most popular, Video | 9/11, United States | Comments Off on Did the 9/11 Hijackers Really Fly the Planes?
The 12 Screenings That Manufacture the Patients They Claim to Find
An Essay on Threshold Manipulation, Overdiagnosis, Cascades, and the Markers That Aren’t What They Claim
Lies are Unbekoming | June 10, 2026
The Pattern Across the Programmes
In 2022, the New England Journal of Medicine published the results of the NordICC trial — the first randomised controlled study of colonoscopy screening ever conducted. Over 84,000 people were followed for ten years. The trial found an 18% reduction in cancer incidence and no significant reduction in cancer deaths. To prevent a single case of colorectal cancer, 455 people had to be invited for screening. To prevent a single death, the numbers were statistically indistinguishable from zero.¹
This is the pattern.
Across the major screening programmes — mammography, PSA, Pap, colonoscopy, lung CT — when the question is whether the screened population actually outlives the unscreened population, the benefit largely disappears.² The statistic the programmes advertise is disease-specific mortality: deaths from the disease the test is looking for. The statistic they bury is all-cause mortality: whether the screened group, taken as a whole, lives longer. The two numbers are not the same. You can reduce deaths from one disease while total deaths remain flat — because treatment has killed as many people as the disease prevented, or because the disease you found was never going to kill anyone.²
The screened do not live longer than the unscreened. They are more likely to spend their remaining years monitored, biopsied, cut, and medicated for conditions that would not have harmed them. This essay catalogues twelve tests that produce that conversion, organised by the four mechanisms through which it is achieved.
The Frame
Five concepts make the rest of this essay readable.
Disease-specific versus all-cause mortality. A screening programme can reduce deaths from breast cancer while total deaths remain unchanged. This happens when treatment kills as many people as the disease — through surgical complications, radiation-induced secondary cancers, cardiovascular effects of chemotherapy, or the cascade of follow-up procedures that screening triggers. Only all-cause mortality reveals whether the programme, taken as a whole, extended life.² Trials that report disease-specific reductions without corresponding all-cause reductions are reporting a redistribution of deaths.
Lead-time bias. A cancer destined to kill at age 70 appears as a three-year survival if found at age 67 through symptoms, and a seven-year survival if found at age 63 through screening. The patient dies at the same age in both cases — the clock simply started earlier. Five-year survival statistics, the most commonly cited evidence for screening success, are inevitably improved by earlier detection, even when no life is extended by a single day.² Kidney cancer five-year survival improved from 50% to 60% as imaging found more small tumours; the death rate from kidney cancer remained unchanged.²
Length bias. Aggressive cancers grow fast, become symptomatic between screening intervals, and reach the patient through the clinic rather than the screening room. Indolent cancers linger for years in the detectable phase, making them easy targets. The cancers screening preferentially catches are the ones least likely to kill. The ones most likely to kill evade it.²
Overdiagnosis, and the autopsy reservoir behind it. Approximately 40–70% of older men have prostate cancer at autopsy, while only about 3% die from it.² Up to 39% of middle-aged women show evidence of breast cancer at autopsy; lifetime risk of dying from it is under 4%.² Thyroid cancer appears in 36–100% of carefully examined autopsies, depending on how many microscope slides the pathologist prepares.² Polyps are found in 32–50% of older adults; only 5% develop colorectal cancer.³ The reservoir of detectable-but-harmless abnormality is vast. Every screening test dips into it. Every person pulled from it becomes a cancer patient who can only be harmed by treatment, because they were never at risk.
The threshold. The cutoff that separates well from sick is set by a committee, not by biology. In every screening category, the threshold has been lowered — by panels whose members hold financial relationships with the manufacturers of the drugs and devices used to treat the redefined condition.⁴ The 1988 cholesterol panel. The 1994 WHO bone density panel.⁵ The 2003 American Diabetes Association threshold for impaired fasting glucose.⁶ The 2017 American College of Cardiology hypertension revision.⁷ The lowered PSA cutoff. Each revision converts millions of well people into patients overnight. No one inside their body changed.
The early-detection objection — that finding disease earlier must, by intuition, help — fails on this evidence. It assumes that everything labelled cancer or pre-cancer will progress; the autopsy data say otherwise. It assumes that finding more is finding harm prevented; the mortality data say otherwise. It assumes that the people setting the thresholds are disinterested; the disclosures say otherwise.
Group A — Threshold Manipulation
The number creates the disease.
The first three screenings illustrate the cleanest mechanism in the catalogue. The cutoff changes while the body does not, and the well become the sick by committee vote. The drug to treat the redefined condition is manufactured by the company whose representative sat on the panel that lowered it.
1. Bone Density (DEXA) and the Manufactured Pre-Disease
In 1994, a World Health Organization panel redefined osteoporosis based on bone mineral density measured by DEXA scan.⁵ The reference standard was the bone density of a healthy 35-year-old woman. By this definition, any woman whose bones had decreased from their youthful peak — which describes virtually every woman over 50 — could be diagnosed with osteopenia or osteoporosis. The condition “osteopenia” did not exist as a clinical category before this redefinition.⁸ Internal Merck memos described the company’s excitement about the new diagnostic category and the market it would create for Fosamax.⁸
The DEXA scan measures bone mineral density. That is all it measures. It cannot assess the collagen matrix — the protein scaffolding on which the minerals deposit. A baby has very low bone mineral density and rarely fractures. An elderly woman with osteoporosis may have adequate minerals deposited in the wrong locations, including her arteries. Bone strength is a property of the matrix as much as of the minerals; the DEXA captures only one of the two and is treated as if it captured both.³
Bisphosphonate drugs raise the number the DEXA measures. They do not so much prevent fractures as change the kind of fracture. Documented harms include osteonecrosis of the jaw — the jawbone literally dying — and atypical femur fractures, where the thigh bone snaps under minimal stress in patients taking drugs prescribed to prevent fractures.⁹,¹⁰ The absolute fracture reduction in randomised trials is 1–2%. Fifty to a hundred women must be treated for years to prevent a single hip fracture, while every one of them carries the risks above.⁸
What to Ask Before Your Next Bone Density Scan – Unbekoming
2. Cholesterol
The cholesterol threshold for statin prescription has been lowered repeatedly since 1988, by panels whose members held financial relationships with the manufacturers of the drugs being recommended.⁴ The 2004 National Cholesterol Education Program guidelines tripled the number of Americans classified as needing treatment. The Washington Post reported the panel’s undisclosed conflicts. The guidelines remained unchanged.⁴
The cholesterol hypothesis has the unusual property of being unfalsifiable. The MRFIT trial followed 361,662 men and found that those with cholesterol below 170 had double the death rate from cerebral haemorrhage of those with higher levels; below 160 the death rate quadrupled.¹¹ The Sydney Diet Heart Study, recovered and reanalysed by Christopher Ramsden, found that men who replaced saturated fats with vegetable oils had a 62% higher death rate.¹² The Minnesota Coronary Survey, hidden for decades, showed that for every 30 points cholesterol decreased, mortality increased by 22%.¹¹ None of this has altered the trajectory of the threshold or the prescription.
The statin absolute risk reduction in primary prevention — people without existing heart disease — is approximately 1–2% over five years.¹³ Advocates present this as a 30–40% reduction by using relative risk. The numbers describe the same trial result. The first is what the patient experiences; the second is what the press release says. Patients are not shown the first.
Statins raise blood glucose. The Crestor label states that statin-induced glucose elevations “may exceed the threshold for the diagnosis of diabetes mellitus.” The warning was added decades after approval, after the diabetes signal had become too large to ignore.¹¹ The statin prescribed for the lowered cholesterol threshold thus produces the prediabetes captured by the next lowered threshold.
The Great Cholesterol Con (2007) – Unbekoming
3. Blood Sugar — “Prediabetes”
In 2003, the American Diabetes Association lowered the threshold for impaired fasting glucose from 110 mg/dL to 100 mg/dL.⁶ The category “prediabetes,” as it functions clinically today, did not exist before this revision. Millions of additional Americans were added to the surveillance rolls. None of their blood sugar changed. A committee’s definition of normal changed.
Prediabetes is not diabetes. Many people classified as prediabetic will never develop diabetes. The label nevertheless creates patients — patients who are monitored, tested, counselled, and increasingly prescribed metformin for a number on a lab report. Metformin causes gastrointestinal distress in up to 25% of patients.¹⁴ These symptoms are typically addressed with additional medication, or attributed to irritable bowel syndrome, which becomes its own diagnostic pathway.
The label persists across the life cycle. A woman diagnosed with gestational diabetes during pregnancy — using the same threshold-lowering mechanism, which catches around 18% of pregnant women on current criteria — returns six weeks postpartum for a repeat glucose tolerance test.¹⁵ The test is unchanged. Her physiology is largely unchanged. She is re-labelled “glucose intolerant” or “prediabetic” and enters lifelong annual surveillance. The temporary pregnancy label becomes a permanent metabolic identity.¹⁵
The fasting insulin test, which would actually reveal metabolic dysfunction, is rarely ordered.¹¹ The fasting glucose, which lags behind insulin dysregulation by years, is the screening test of record. The earlier marker is upstream and dietary; the later marker is downstream and pharmaceutical. The system selects for the marker that supports its intervention.
The Mother Who Remains: How Medicine Captures Women After Birth (Part 8) – Unbekoming
Group B — Overdiagnosis
Finding what would never have harmed you.
The next three screenings do not invent the condition by adjusting a threshold. They find conditions that exist by the pathology textbook’s definition but would never have caused symptoms or death. Overdiagnosis is the bulk of what these programmes produce, not a marginal side-effect of them.
4. Mammography
The 25-year Canadian National Breast Screening Study, published in the BMJ in 2014, followed nearly 90,000 women. It found no significant reduction in breast cancer mortality from mammographic screening.¹⁶ The 2013 Cochrane Review of randomised trials reached the same conclusion.¹⁷ The relative risk for all-cause mortality in well-conducted trials is 1.01 (95% CI 0.99 to 1.04) — no significant difference between the screened and the unscreened.¹⁷
What screening does find, reliably, is ductal carcinoma in situ. DCIS was a rare diagnosis before the 1980s. It now accounts for a significant proportion of all screen-detected breast cancers. Studies following women whose DCIS was missed at biopsy show that 75–90% never develop invasive cancer over 10–20 years.¹⁸ The condition is treated nonetheless — with surgery, radiation, and in some cases chemotherapy. Nearly half a million women have been diagnosed and treated for DCIS since widespread mammography began.¹⁸ The cancers they were treated for would, in the great majority of cases, never have harmed them.
Up to 60% of women who undergo annual mammograms for a decade experience at least one false positive.¹⁸ Each false positive triggers additional imaging, biopsy, and the psychological burden of waiting. A single mammogram delivers radiation equivalent to approximately 100 chest X-rays, concentrated on compressed breast tissue.¹⁸ Over a decade of annual screening that is 1,000 chest X-rays’ worth of ionising radiation aimed at the tissue the screening is supposedly protecting. A 2012 BMJ study found that women with BRCA variants who underwent mammograms before age 30 had an increased risk of developing breast cancer compared to those who did not.¹⁹
What to Ask Before Your Next Mammogram – Unbekoming
5. Colonoscopy
The NordICC trial, with which this essay opened, was published in the New England Journal of Medicine in 2022. It followed over 84,000 people for ten years and found an 18% reduction in cancer incidence and no significant reduction in cancer deaths.¹ Until 2022, gastroenterology had no randomised trial supporting the procedure it had been recommending for decades.
The paradox is structural. Polyps are found in 32–50% of older adults. About 5% of people develop colorectal cancer.³ The vast majority of polyps removed during colonoscopy were never destined to cause harm. The procedure removes them anyway, and each removal leaves a wound in the protective mucosal layer. A 2019 study in Gastroenterology proposed an additional mechanism — iatrogenic tumour seeding via the scope itself, where cancerous cells stick to the biopsy forceps or are aspirated into the scope’s channel and redeposited elsewhere in the colon as the scope is withdrawn.³
The bowel preparation devastates the microbial ecology of the colon. Polyethylene glycol prep causes an “instant and substantial change” in gut microbial balance.³ Beneficial populations decrease significantly. The microbiome rebounds over weeks or months but may never return precisely to its original composition. Repeated colonoscopies across decades may leave the colon both microbiologically disturbed and physically scarred — creating, plausibly, the conditions in which polyps continue to form.
Complication rates from a Canadian population study of 97,204 outpatient colonoscopies: significant bleeding in 1 in 600; perforation in 1 in 1,200; death from the procedure in 1 in 14,000.³ These are surgical-intervention rates, not the rates of a benign screening test. The procedure generates approximately $4 billion annually in the United States.³
The Colonoscopy Cartel: How Routine Screening Became a Business Model – Unbekoming
6. CT Scan — The Screening Test That Causes the Disease It Looks For
A 2025 study in JAMA Internal Medicine projected that the 93 million CT scans performed in the United States in 2023 will ultimately cause approximately 103,000 future cancers — roughly 5% of all new cancer diagnoses each year.²⁰ CT usage has grown from 3 million scans in 1980 to over 90 million today, a thirty-fold increase. Medical imaging is now the primary source of radiation exposure for most Americans beyond natural background.
The radiation epidemiology is no longer in dispute. The Taiwanese registry study found that CT exposure was associated with a 2.55-fold increase in thyroid cancer risk and a 1.55-fold increase in leukaemia risk, with clear dose-response relationships.²¹ The British NHS registry study of 178,604 children found that those exposed to cumulative doses of 30 mGy demonstrated a threefold increased risk of leukaemia; exposure to 50 mGy showed similarly elevated brain tumour risk.²² Five to ten head CT scans in children under fifteen can accumulate sufficient radiation to significantly increase lifetime cancer risk.²²
Approximately 25% of CT scans reveal incidental findings — unexpected abnormalities unrelated to the original reason for imaging.²¹ The Emory University radiologist who underwent virtual colonoscopy after a routine annual physical illustrates the cascade in its full form. The scan found no colon problem but identified a kidney mass, a 2-cm liver mass, and multiple lung nodules. Further scans showed the kidney mass was a cyst. High-resolution lung scans revealed seven to eight nodules. CT-guided liver biopsy was inconclusive. PET scan was negative. Surgeons performed video-aided thoracoscopy, collapsing part of his lung to remove three small lung sections. He awoke after five hours of surgery with a chest tube, bladder catheter, central venous line, arterial catheter, spinal catheter, oxygen, heparin, prophylactic antibiotics, and patient-controlled narcotics. Five weeks before he returned to near-normal function, except for permanent rib pain from surgically interrupted nerves. The diagnosis: histoplasmosis — a common, usually asymptomatic fungal exposure.²,²³
38% of CT scans in some clinical settings are ordered for legal protection rather than clinical necessity. Only 2.2% of defensively ordered scans change patient management. Physicians who own imaging facilities order twice as many CT scans as those without financial stakes.²¹
CT Scans: The Cancer Machine – Unbekoming
Group C — The Cascade
The positive result that escalates into iatrogenic harm.
The next three screenings illustrate what happens after a positive result. Each programme has its own version of the cascade, but the structure is consistent: the abnormal finding triggers a sequence of procedures whose cumulative harm to the well far exceeds any benefit to the few who genuinely had the disease being screened for.
7. PSA Testing
Richard Ablin, who first identified a prostate-specific antigen in 1970, called the use of PSA for population screening a “profit-driven public health disaster” in a New York Times op-ed in 2010.²⁴ He wrote against the screening test most associated with his name for the rest of his career. The screening continued.
PSA is prostate-specific, not cancer-specific. The protein is produced by all prostate tissue — cancerous, enlarged, inflamed, and normal. An elevated PSA can mean prostate cancer. It can also mean benign prostatic hyperplasia, prostatitis, recent ejaculation, a urinary tract infection, or simply a larger prostate. No PSA threshold reliably separates cancer from non-cancer, and no threshold separates cancers that will kill from cancers that will not.²⁵
The threshold of 4.0 ng/mL was, by the account of New York Times reporting, chosen “just sort of arbitrarily.” William Catalona’s 1991 New England Journal of Medicine paper established it without reporting false positive rates — a basic requirement for any screening test.²⁵,²⁶ The world adopted the number.
75% of men with elevated PSA do not have cancer. Between 30 and 100 men are overdiagnosed and overtreated for every life saved.²⁵ The 2012 Prostate Cancer Intervention Versus Observation Trial (PIVOT) and the Scandinavian Prostate Cancer Group Study found no significant survival benefit from radical prostatectomy compared to watchful waiting.²⁵ The surgery causes permanent urinary incontinence in 20–30% of men and erectile dysfunction in 60–80%.²⁵ Active surveillance is appropriate for roughly 99% of low-risk cases.²⁵
30 million American men are screened each year. The screening triggers approximately one million biopsies. At least 750,000 of those biopsies find no cancer. The programme generates $3 billion annually.²⁵ When the US Preventive Services Task Force recommended against routine screening in 2012, urology associations mobilised lobbying efforts to preserve the status quo.
The PSA Trap (2026) – Unbekoming
8. Prostate Biopsy
The PSA cascade leads to the biopsy. Standard transrectal biopsy routes 10–18 needles through the rectal wall into a sterile organ. The needle carries with it the bacteria living in the rectum. Published infection rates after transrectal biopsy reach 5.4%. Sepsis rates range from 0.2% to 9.4% depending on the setting. Between 50,000 and 150,000 men are hospitalised worldwide each year for post-biopsy infection.²⁷
The standard antibiotic prophylaxis is a fluoroquinolone. Approximately 22% of men undergoing this biopsy carry fluoroquinolone-resistant E. coli in their gut flora; the prophylactic antibiotic does not work for one in five men.²⁸ The 2022 GRAM Report in the Lancet estimated that nearly 5 million deaths worldwide in 2019 were closely associated with antimicrobial resistance, with E. coli identified as the most significant contributing organism.²⁹ Transrectal prostate biopsies continue to be performed in this resistance landscape.
A different route exists. Transperineal biopsy enters the prostate through the perineal skin, bypassing the rectum entirely. The 2024 meta-analysis published in Prostate Cancer and Prostatic Diseases found that the transperineal approach reduces infectious complications by 77%.³⁰ The transperineal route has been available for decades. The transrectal route, with its known infection profile, remains the default in most clinics.
The broader complication profile is less dramatic but affects more men. Hematuria. Hematospermia. Rectal bleeding, with severe haemorrhage in up to 1% of cases. Lower urinary tract symptoms in up to 25% post-procedure.²⁷ Tuncel and colleagues found that 41% of men reported erectile dysfunction one month after biopsy, with 15% still affected at six months.³¹ A prostate cancer diagnosis itself, even when made for an indolent cancer that would never have caused symptoms, increases cardiovascular events (relative risk 1.3) and suicide risk (relative risk 2.6) within the first year of diagnosis.³² These outcomes do not appear on the consent form. A 1999 study in Effective Clinical Practice found that 31% of men who received a PSA test were unaware their physician had ordered it; of those who were aware, only 47% recalled any discussion of risks and benefits.³³
Through the Wall: The Prostate Biopsy and What No One Mentions – Unbekoming
9. Pap Smear and HPV Testing
Angela Raffle’s 2003 study in the British Medical Journal calculated the arithmetic of cervical screening. One thousand women must be screened for 35 years to prevent one death from cervical cancer. Of those 1,000 women, 150 will receive a stress-causing test result during those 35 years. About 50 will undergo cancer treatment they did not need. Fifty women treated unnecessarily for every death prevented.³⁴
The cascade from abnormal Pap to LEEP runs like this. A woman with no symptoms is screened. The cytology shows abnormal cells. She receives a letter or a call. The words used vary; the message is consistent: something is wrong, further investigation is needed. The waiting period is filled with anxiety, internet searches, and the imagining of worst cases. She undergoes colposcopy. Tissue is removed for biopsy. The cervix has nerve endings; the biopsy is painful, with bleeding and cramping. If the pathology shows precancerous changes, treatment is recommended — typically LEEP (loop electrosurgical excision procedure) or cone biopsy. A portion of the cervix is cut away.²
The harm extends to future pregnancies. LEEP and cone biopsy shorten and weaken the cervix. The woman who underwent the procedure is at increased risk of preterm birth in subsequent pregnancies. Her premature infant may require neonatal intensive care, which initiates its own cascade. A screening test administered to an asymptomatic woman has produced not only her own anxiety, procedures, and tissue loss, but increased risk to a future child.²
The new HPV DNA testing — adopted as first-line screening in Australia in 2017 and increasingly in the United States — finds the marker that most sexually active women carry. The Pap looked for abnormal cells. The HPV DNA test looks for sequences attributed to HPV. The yield of positives expands accordingly. Over 99% of those who test positive for HPV markers never develop cervical cancer.² Switching from cytology to PCR-based HPV testing broadens the pool of positives feeding the treatment cascade rather than improving the discrimination of the test.
The HPV Lie: Pap Smears, Gardasil, and a Cancer Caused by Something Else – Unbekoming
Beyond the Threshold: When the Marker Is the Construct
The first nine entries indict screening on the establishment’s own data — the studies, the trials, the autopsy reservoirs, the conflicts of interest disclosed in the papers themselves. The next three entries ask something deeper: whether the marker the test detects has any necessary connection to the disease the test claims to predict, or whether the marker itself is an artefact of a methodology that produces what it looks for.
Group D — Tests That Measure Nothing Real
The marker is a construct.
10. PCR
Kary Mullis won the 1993 Nobel Prize in Chemistry for inventing the polymerase chain reaction. He spent much of the remainder of his career warning that PCR should not be used for diagnostic purposes. “PCR is just a process that allows you to make a whole lot of something out of something,” Mullis said in 1997. “It doesn’t tell you that you are sick, or that the thing that you ended up with was going to hurt you or anything like that.” In another formulation: “With PCR, if you do it well, you can find almost anything in anybody.”³⁵
PCR doubles the targeted nucleotide sequence with each cycle. After 20 cycles, a millionfold amplification. After 30 cycles, a billionfold. At 40 cycles, a trillionfold.³⁵ The MIQE guidelines — the internationally recognised standard for PCR methodology — state that “Cq values higher than 40 are suspect because of the implied low efficiency and generally should not be reported.”³⁶ Harvard epidemiologist Michael Mina, quoted in the New York Times in August 2020, said he would set the threshold at 30 or even less.³⁷ The Corman-Drosten protocol, which became the basis for COVID-19 PCR testing worldwide, used 45.³⁸
The 2006 Dartmouth-Hitchcock incident demonstrated the mechanism in miniature. Hospital staff developed a persistent cough. A rapid molecular test was deployed. 142 staff tested positive for pertussis. Nearly 1,000 were taken off work. Thousands received antibiotics. 3,599 doses of pertussis vaccine were administered. By year’s end, the established gold-standard culture results returned. Not a single case of pertussis was confirmed. The outbreak had been manufactured by the test.³⁵
In May 2020, Tanzania’s President John Magufuli submitted samples from a papaya, a quail, and a goat to the national laboratory under false names. The papaya and the goat tested positive for COVID-19.³⁵ The 27 different PCR test manufacturers examined in Dutch court proceedings all carried the same product disclaimer: “Research Use Only (RUO), not for diagnostic purposes.”³⁵
The WHO’s August 2020 case definition completed the circle: “a person with laboratory confirmation of COVID-19 infection, irrespective of clinical signs and symptoms.”³⁵ A person with no symptoms was a confirmed case of disease on the basis of a biochemical reaction in a laboratory.
Interview with Jamie Andrews – Unbekoming
11. Antibody Tests
The antibody test inverts traditional immunology. The presence of antibodies was historically interpreted as evidence of recovery and protection: the body had encountered something, responded to it, and was now resistant. HIV testing reinterpreted a positive antibody result — for the first time in the history of immunology — as evidence of an active, ongoing, deadly infection rather than a successful response.³⁵
The reliability of the reinterpretation depends on whether the test detects antibodies specific to the claimed agent. The HIV antibody test manufacturer’s insert states: “There is no recognized standard for establishing the presence or absence of antibodies to HIV-1 and HIV-2 in human blood.”³⁵ The German weekly Die Woche ran a headline calling this “The AIDS Test Lottery,” reporting that “the antibody tests do not measure what they should: HIV infection. They also react to people who have overcome a tuberculosis infection.”³⁵
Nancy Banks compiled a list of more than sixty conditions known to cause false-positive HIV antibody results — kidney failure, tuberculosis, flu, flu vaccination, tetanus vaccination, malaria, haemophilia, leprosy, and pregnancy in women who have given birth multiple times.³⁹ The proteins in the test, Banks writes, “are cellular in origin and are not specific to HIV.” The calibration was circular: proteins that caused the strongest reaction in seriously ill AIDS patients were selected to define the test. That those proteins had any connection to a retrovirus of any type was never independently established.³⁵
The monoclonal antibodies that became the diagnostic industry’s stock in trade were developed in 1975 through hybridoma technology — fusion of cancerous myeloma cells with mouse spleen cells. These are laboratory-manufactured chimeras that exist nowhere in nature. Harvard’s Clifford Saper has confirmed that they bind indiscriminately to similar protein sequences rather than to a single specific target.⁴⁰ Children born with agammaglobulinaemia, who produce none of what immunology calls antibodies, recover from illness normally.⁴⁰ The British Medical Research Council’s 1950 Report #272 found no correlation between antibody count and susceptibility to diphtheria.⁴⁰
The antibody test is the mechanism by which a healthy person becomes a sick one on paper. It measures cross-reactive binding to uncharacterised proteins and reports the binding as specific recognition of a pathogen.
The Antibody Deception: Invisible Enemies, Visible Lies – Unbekoming
12. BRCA Testing and Prophylactic Mastectomy
In 1994, Yoshio Miki and colleagues published in Science the identification of a gene they named BRCA1, associated with breast cancer in selected families.⁴¹ The 80–87% lifetime risk figure that drives prophylactic mastectomy decisions today derives from families chosen for inclusion because they had extreme cancer clustering — six, eight, ten cases across generations. This is ascertainment bias. A 2007 simulation analysis in the Journal of Medical Genetics quantified its magnitude: risk estimates from clinically ascertained families are inflated by a factor of two to three.⁴² A 2019 study in the European Journal of Human Genetics found the bias to be pervasive and unacknowledged.⁴³ The corrected estimates were rarely communicated to women making surgical decisions.
35–55% of BRCA variant carriers never develop breast cancer. The papers themselves document women carrying clearly “deleterious” mutations who lived to age 80 without malignancy.⁴¹ Compare this with Huntington’s disease, the case mainstream genetics treats as definitive — penetrance reportedly approaching 100% in carriers of the expanded repeat. A sequence variant that fails to produce the disease in half its carriers cannot be the cause of the disease; at most, it is a correlate in pre-selected families.
The 2002 BMJ study by Metcalfe and colleagues examined women who had already undergone prophylactic bilateral mastectomy after BRCA testing. Most overestimated their cancer risk by more than 90% compared with computer-generated estimates.⁴⁴ Twenty-two of seventy-five women believed their risk was 100%. The eighteen women with the lowest computed risk — those with limited family history — believed their risk was highest, averaging 80% when the models gave 12%. Their belief was wrong by a factor of seven. The machinery that produced the belief — the testing, the counselling, the risk communication — failed them. They removed healthy breasts.
The original BRCA papers carry conflict-of-interest disclosures. The race to identify the genes was explicitly a race to patent them. Myriad Genetics won and held a monopoly on the test until the 2013 Supreme Court ruling in Association for Molecular Pathology v. Myriad Genetics.⁴⁵ At peak, BRCA testing alone generated over $500 million annually. Preventive surgeries, surveillance, and PARP inhibitors added billions.
Healthy women with no symptoms are routed toward mastectomy and oophorectomy on the basis of a probability inflated by ascertainment bias, applied to laboratory markers whose causal connection to the cancer has never been established outside the families originally selected for clustering. They are not given the corrected numbers. They are not told that 35–55% of carriers never develop the disease. They are told they have a gene that causes cancer, and they are routed to the operating theatre.
The BRCA Gene and the Women Who Lost Their Breasts to a Hypothesis – Unbekoming
What the Twelve Have in Common
Twelve tests. Four mechanisms. One output: more patients.
The threshold-manipulation group converts the well into the sick by lowering the cutoff. The drug to treat the new diagnosis is manufactured by the company whose representative sat on the panel that lowered the cutoff. The body is unchanged.
The overdiagnosis group finds conditions that exist by the textbook definition but would never have caused symptoms or death. The mammogram finds DCIS that would have resolved or remained dormant. The colonoscopy finds polyps that were never destined to become cancer. The CT scan finds incidentalomas that lead to thoracic surgery for histoplasmosis.
The cascade group illustrates what a positive result produces. The PSA leads to the biopsy that leads to the sepsis that leads to the radical prostatectomy that leads to the incontinence and impotence — for cancers that, in autopsy series, are present in 70% of men over 80 and kill 3%. The Pap smear leads to the colposcopy that leads to the LEEP that leads to the preterm birth in a future pregnancy. The biopsy needle is the test as injury.
The marker-as-construct group asks the deeper question of whether the test detects what it claims to detect. PCR amplifies fragments and is read as detection of a whole organism it never isolates. The antibody test picks up cross-reactive binding and reports it as specific recognition. The BRCA test identifies a correlate in pre-selected families and frames it as a deterministic cause.
Each of these tests was developed for a specific clinical purpose: PSA to monitor men already diagnosed with prostate cancer, mammography to investigate palpable breast lumps, colonoscopy to assess symptomatic patients. They worked reasonably well within that scope. Repurposed to screen the asymptomatic, on the intuition that earlier detection must help, they fail because most of what they find is pseudodisease and the cascades they trigger produce harm exceeding any benefit to the few with genuine disease.²
The reservoir is vast. Seventy percent of men in their seventies harbour prostate cancer at autopsy. Up to 39% of middle-aged women show evidence of breast cancer at autopsy. Polyps are present in half of older colons. Thyroid cancer appears in nearly every carefully examined thyroid.² Every screening test dips into this reservoir. Every person pulled from it becomes a patient who cannot benefit from treatment, because they were never at risk.
The financial architecture is consistent across the catalogue. Colonoscopy generates $4 billion annually in the United States.³ PSA produces $3 billion.²⁵ CT scanning is a multi-billion-dollar industry.²¹ The DCIS treatment cascade — surgery, radiation, follow-up — runs to tens of thousands of dollars per case across hundreds of thousands of cases.¹⁸ BRCA testing exceeded $500 million annually at peak; the downstream surgeries and PARP inhibitors add billions. Each abnormal result triggers a sequence of follow-up procedures that generates more revenue. No conspiracy is required — only that every participant follow their own incentives.
The system is sustained, in large part, by the people it overdiagnosed. Every person overtreated for pseudodisease becomes, in their own telling, a survivor. They believe the screening saved their life, and they say so — to their families, to their neighbours, at fundraisers, and before parliaments. The screening programmes’ most effective advocates are the women whose healthy breasts were removed for a non-progressing DCIS, the men whose prostates were taken out for indolent cancers that would never have killed them, the people who were treated for a disease they never had and now organise their identity around the rescue. They are not lying. The framework that taught them to be grateful cannot acknowledge their mistake without dismantling itself.
How to Explain This to a Six-Year-Old
Some grown-ups have machines that look inside your body to find things that might be dangerous. They say finding things early is good, and going to the doctor sounds safe.
Here is what they don’t tell you. The machines find lots of small things that were never going to hurt you. Sometimes they find nothing at all and say they found something. Sometimes they find a piece of something and pretend it is the whole bad thing.
Once the machine says it found something, the grown-ups cut it out, or give you medicine to fight it, or make you come back every year to check. The cutting and the medicine often hurt you more than the thing would have.
The grown-ups also have a rule about what counts as sick. They get to change the rule. Every few years they change it so that more people are called sick. The people who change the rule are often paid by the companies that sell the medicine for being sick.
You can feel fine on Monday and be called sick on Tuesday, and nothing inside you changed. Only the rule changed.
Closing
The body that was well on Monday is a patient on Tuesday. Nothing inside it changed. The number on the chart changed.
A committee lowered a cutoff. A scan found a shadow. A biopsy went through the wall and brought back what it always brings back. A PCR amplified a fragment 35 trillion times and the result was labelled detection of a virus. A sequence variant labelled BRCA1, present in hundreds of thousands of women, was assigned a probability inflated by ascertainment bias and then offered as the basis for removing healthy breasts.
The twelve tests are not twelve separate stories. They are one story in twelve forms — the conversion of the well into the patient. The conversion is achieved through thresholds set by people who profit when the threshold moves; through overdiagnosis of conditions that would never have mattered; through cascades that begin with a positive result and end in the operating theatre or the morgue; and through markers whose existence, as the test claims them, is itself unverified.
The screened do not live longer than the unscreened. The trials are explicit on this point. The benefit the programmes advertise is disease-specific mortality; the number they bury is all-cause mortality. Moving the first without moving the second relocates death rather than preventing it.
The information needed to see this is not behind a paywall. It sits in the journals the physicians ordering these procedures subscribe to and cite — the NEJM, the BMJ, JAMA, the Cochrane reviews. It appears in the disclosures attached to the original papers, the financial filings of the companies that hold the patents, the consent forms no one reads aloud, the package inserts no one is handed, and the policy documents no one quotes back at the practice.
The document exists. The data exists. Most patients who go through these procedures never see them.
References
- Bretthauer M, Løberg M, Wieszczy P, et al. Effect of colonoscopy screening on risks of colorectal cancer and related death. New England Journal of Medicine. 2022;387(17):1547–1556.
- Welch HG. Should I Be Tested for Cancer? Maybe Not and Here’s Why. University of California Press, 2004. Welch HG, Schwartz L, Woloshin S. Overdiagnosed: Making People Sick in the Pursuit of Health. Beacon Press, 2011.
- Source materials on colonoscopy screening, including: Bretthauer et al. (2022), as in reference 1; Gastroenterology (2019) on iatrogenic tumour seeding via colonoscope; Canadian population study of 97,204 outpatient colonoscopies on complication rates; Yoho R. Butchered by Healthcare, on procedure economics.
- Lenzer J. Majority of panelists on cholesterol guidelines have current or recent ties to drug industry. BMJ. 2004;328(7452):8. See also Abramson J, Wright JM. Are lipid-lowering guidelines evidence-based? The Lancet. 2007;369(9557):168–169.
- Kanis JA, Melton LJ III, Christiansen C, Johnston CC, Khaltaev N. The diagnosis of osteoporosis. Journal of Bone and Mineral Research. 1994;9(8):1137–1141. WHO Study Group on Assessment of Fracture Risk. Assessment of fracture risk and its application to screening for postmenopausal osteoporosis. WHO Technical Report Series 843, 1994.
- Genuth S, Alberti KG, Bennett P, et al. Follow-up Report on the Diagnosis of Diabetes Mellitus. Diabetes Care. 2003;26(11):3160–3167.
- Whelton PK, Carey RM, Aronow WS, et al. 2017 ACC/AHA/AAPA/ABC/ACPM/AGS/APhA/ASH/ASPC/NMA/PCNA Guideline for the Prevention, Detection, Evaluation, and Management of High Blood Pressure in Adults. Journal of the American College of Cardiology. 2018;71(19):e127–e248.
- Source materials on bisphosphonates and bone density, drawing on Cowan T, clinical writing and webinars; Dean C. Death by Modern Medicine; and internal Merck communications regarding Fosamax marketing as discussed in The Architecture of Deception.
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- Source materials from Breast Cancer: What They Didn’t Tell You and The Screening Trap, drawing on Welch HG and colleagues on DCIS overdiagnosis; BMJ 25-year follow-up (Miller et al. 2014); and false-positive rate analyses from US and UK screening programs.
- Berrington de González A, Reeves G. Mammographic screening before age 50 years in the UK: comparison of the radiation risks with the mortality benefits. British Journal of Cancer. 2005;93(5):590–596. See also: Pijpe A, Andrieu N, Easton DF, et al. Exposure to diagnostic radiation and risk of breast cancer among carriers of BRCA1/2 mutations: retrospective cohort study (GENE-RAD-RISK). BMJ. 2012;345:e5660.
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June 14, 2026 Posted by aletho | Corruption, Deception, Science and Pseudo-Science, Timeless or most popular | Comments Off on The 12 Screenings That Manufacture the Patients They Claim to Find
The Crusades – colliding narratives
Ashes of Pompeii | June 13, 2026
They say history is written by the victors, but the Crusades offer an interesting historical contrast: a two-century collision that produced not one history, but two parallel, irreconcilable realities. The dates and the battles are identical in both accounts, but the moral axis is entirely flipped.
In the traditional Western narrative, the Crusades are framed as a heroic, if tragic, epic. The First Crusade is a pious pilgrimage; the knights are romanticized figures of chivalry in shining armor, bravely holding the line in a hostile, exotic land. The eventual loss of the Holy Land is mourned as the “fall of Outremer,” a tragic retreat of European civilization. In this telling, the East is often reduced to a passive backdrop, its inhabitants viewed through a lens of mystique or backwardness, mere obstacles to a divine mandate.
But cross the Mediterranean, and the exact same timeline reads like a chronicle of foreign invasion and eventual, hard-won restoration against the barbarous northerners. The dates do not change, but the adjectives do. Here is the history as it is remembered in the Levant:
When the Frankish armies breached Jerusalem in 1099, they imposed a martial culture utterly alien to the region. Accustomed to northern forests, the crusaders relied on heavy wool, salted provisions, and isolated stone keeps. To the local Muslim inhabitants, this was a stark contrast to a society built around sun-washed courtyards, communal public baths, and markets vibrant with fresh flatbreads, olives, and citrus. The invaders carved out the fragile states of Outremer, but beneath their rule, the region’s sophisticated urban rhythms, complete with organized hospitals and regulated water systems, quietly endured.
For much of the twelfth century, an uneasy coexistence defined the borderlands. The crusader hold was always tenuous, a reality first exposed in 1144 when Imad ad-Din Zengi reclaimed the County of Edessa, shattering the myth of Frankish invincibility. In the decades that followed, daily life became a complex tapestry of friction and exchange. Frankish knights governed from damp, drafty fortresses, yet they increasingly depended on local markets for sugar, glass, and silk. Truces allowed merchants to cross lines, but the cultural divide remained visible: while the crusader elite often struggled with Levantine heat and basic sanitation, local communities maintained their traditions of regular ablutions, scholarly study in madrasas, and shared, herb-rich meals.
The political tide turned decisively in 1187. At the Horns of Hattin, the fragmented crusader armies were outmaneuvered, leading to Salah ad-Din’s recapture of Jerusalem. For the local population, this was not merely a military victory, but a restoration of civic order. Mosques and “bimaristans” (hospitals) reopened, and the region’s administrative heartbeat resumed. Though the Third Crusade saw Richard the Lionheart besiege Acre, he could not retake the holy city. The ensuing century of negotiated truces only highlighted the resilience of local society, which continued to thrive on its established foundations of public hygiene and civic welfare.
By the mid-thirteenth century, the crusader presence was a relic waiting to be cleared. After the newly established Mamluk dynasty halted the Mongol advance at Ain Jalut in 1260, securing the region’s eastern flank, they turned their disciplined, centralized power toward the coastline. Sultan Baybars initiated a systematic dismantling of the crusader strongholds. Antioch fell in 1268, and the formidable fortress of Krak des Chevaliers surrendered in 1271. The contrast was laid bare: as crusader outposts decayed into isolated, supply-starved enclaves, Mamluk cities flourished, repairing irrigation canals and expanding vibrant, clean urban centers.
The end came methodically. In 1291, Mamluk forces besieged and captured Acre, the last major crusader capital, driving the remaining defenders into the sea. A final, tiny garrison clinging to the island of Arwad was swept away by the Mamluk navy in 1302, erasing the last physical foothold of the crusades.
The crusaders left behind crumbling, hollow castles, silent monuments to a foreign experiment. Yet, the echoes of that era have never truly faded. Today, the very same soil remains a stage for competing historical claims, where distant powers still invoke ancient rights and civilizational mandates to justify their presence.
In the West, 1291 is often romanticized as a tragedy of lost glory, recounted in medieval verse and modern films. But in the Levant, it is simply the day the northern barbarians were finally vanquished. For those who still walk these sun-washed streets, it remains a timeless cautionary tale of foreign invaders, resiliance and ultimate redemption.
June 14, 2026 Posted by aletho | Timeless or most popular | Palestine, Zionism | Comments Off on The Crusades – colliding narratives
Documents Suggest Fauci Knew COVID Was Created in Wuhan Lab, and mRNA Vaccines Wouldn’t Work
By Michael Nevradakis, Ph.D. | The Defender | June 12, 2026
In August 2021, Dr. Anthony Fauci received a U.S. intelligence report suggesting the COVID-19 virus was developed in Chinese and U.S. labs as a bat vaccine, that it subsequently leaked from China’s Wuhan Institute of Virology, and that it contained characteristics that would make it resistant to mRNA vaccines.
The report, authored by Joseph Murphy, a major with the U.S. Marine Corps, and printed on Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) letterhead, was part of a tranche of documents Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) released Thursday as part of his ongoing congressional investigation into the origins of COVID-19.
The documents show that not only did Fauci receive the DARPA report, but that in an Aug. 25, 2021, email to National Institutes of Health (NIH) officials, he called it “important.” “Let us discuss my going down to the White House to review the report,” Fauci wrote.
The document tranche also contained evidence that Fauci cultivated ties with intelligence agencies at least as early as 2003, the same year he received a CIA report warning of the dangers of genetically manipulating coronaviruses.
Fauci later used these intelligence connections to sway the intelligence community to support the zoonotic theory of COVID-19’s origin, the documents show.
The newly released information corroborates the testimony of CIA whistleblower James Erdman before the U.S. Senate last month. Erdman testified that Fauci led a multi-agency cover-up of COVID-19’s lab origins and that his role in the cover-up “was intentional.”
“These documents reveal a breathtaking level of manipulation — official narratives carefully engineered to shape high-level government policy,” said Stephanie Weidle, executive director of federal watchdog group Feds for Freedom. “This is corruption.”
Brian Hooker, Ph.D., chief scientific officer for Children’s Health Defense (CHD), said the revelations sound “more like a plan than a mistake or a ‘leak.’” He said:
“You can’t tell me that the scientists involved didn’t know what the outcome would be. The combination of the human recombinant virus … and a gene therapy ‘vaccine’ that was used to circumvent all other therapies that could have saved lives, created a monster of a virus, as SARS-CoV-2 mutated to stay beyond the reach of the shot.”
Paul released the documents just days after he revealed that he intends to interview Fauci in Congress later this month. In a letter to Paul dated June 9, Sen. Gary C. Peters (D-Mich.) referenced Paul’s “planned transcribed interview of Dr. Anthony Fauci later this month.”
No further information about this interview is publicly available as of press time. The Daily Caller first reported about the forthcoming interview on Tuesday. Sen. Paul’s office did not respond to The Defender’s request for comment.
Fauci accepted proposal for gain-of-function research involving bat viruses
According to the DARPA document (see page 70), dated Aug. 13, 2021, SARS-CoV-2, the virus responsible for COVID-19, “is an American-created recombinant bat vaccine, or its precursor virus.”
It was created at China’s Wuhan Institute of Virology, also known as the WIV, and U.S. institutions with the help of researchers from the EcoHealth Alliance. The virus then leaked from the Wuhan lab in August 2019.
“The details of this program have been concealed since the pandemic began,” the document states, noting, though, that the details match those contained in two research proposals, the DEFUSE proposal and the PREEMPT project.
The EcoHealth Alliance’s DEFUSE proposal involved altering bat viruses by inserting a spike protein with a furin cleavage site, to cause the virus to infect human lungs. PREEMPT involved the cultivation of Egyptian fruit bats.
University of North Carolina virologist Ralph Baric, Ph.D., and Wuhan Institute of Virology researcher Shi Zhengli, Ph.D., submitted the DEFUSE proposal to DARPA in 2017. Although DARPA rejected the proposal, scientists have suggested the rejection didn’t shut down the project.
After DARPA rejected the DEFUSE proposal, the Aug. 13, 2021, report states that DARPA then “settled with NIH/NIAID” — or the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, led at the time by Fauci. According to the report:
“DARPA rejected the proposal because the work was too close to violating the gain-of-function (GoF) moratorium, … despite what Peter Daszak says in the proposal (that the work would not … ).
“As is known, Dr. Fauci with NIAID did not reject the proposal. The work took place at the WIV and at several sites in the US, identified in detail in the proposal.”
Baric and Fauci also closely collaborated with Peter Daszak, Ph.D. — the former president of EcoHealth Alliance, who had financial ties to the Wuhan Lab and played a key role in promoting the zoonotic theory.
In 2024, HHS suspended funding for the EcoHealth Alliance for not monitoring the safety of its coronavirus experiments.
NIH virologist Vincent Munster, Ph.D., also listed as a partner in the DEFUSE proposal, has maintained ties with Daszak and EcoHealth Alliance — including a paper they co-authored in 2022 on Nipah Virus detection in bat roosts.
In April, Baric lost his NIH grants and the University of North Carolina placed him on leave.
Last week, Munster and NIH researcher Claude Kwe Yinda, Ph.D., were charged with conspiring to smuggle biological materials, including deactivated monkeypox virus samples, into the U.S. from Africa — and allegedly lied to authorities about what they were carrying.
‘The story gets complicated’
The SARS-CoV-2 virus was likely intended to be used for a bat vaccine before it leaked from the Wuhan lab, according to the DARPA report. “The purpose of the EcoHealth program, called DEFUSE in the proposal … was to inoculate bats in the Yunnan, China caves where confirmed SARS-CoVs were found,” the report states.
However, the virus “leaked and spread rapidly because it was aerosolized so it could efficiently infect bats in caves, but it was not ready to infect bats yet, which is why it does not appear to infect bats.”
The report suggests that SARS-CoV-2 had characteristics that made it easily transmissible among human populations.
“The reason the disease is so confusing is because it is less a virus than it is engineered spike proteins hitch-hiking a ride on a SARSr-CoV quasispecies swarm. The closer it is to the final live attenuated vaccine form, the more likely that it has been deattenuating since initial escape in August 2019,” the report states.
“A year after DARPA denied this proposal to create chimeric bat viruses at the Wuhan Institute of Virology, a novel bat virus with a furin cleavage site began infecting humans in Wuhan. No other closely related virus has this furin cleavage site,” RealClearInvestigations reported in April.
The documents Paul released contain emails showing that Fauci was aware of concerns about the SARS-CoV-2 furin cleavage site early during the pandemic.
In a January 2020 email thread, Fauci responded to concerns from virologist Kristian Andersen, Ph.D., and immunologist Jeremy Farrar, Ph.D., about the presence of the furin cleavage site.
In a Jan. 31, 2020, email, Fauci wrote, “I just got off the phone with Kristian Anderson and he related to me his concern about the Furine site mutation in the spike protein of the currently circulating 2019-nCoV.”
In a later email related to these concerns, Fauci wrote, “The story gets complicated.”
DARPA: Mass vaccination actually increased risks from SARS-CoV-2 virus
The virus also contained characteristics that made it difficult to treat or prevent with mRNA vaccines, the DARPA report suggested.
“The gene-encoded, or ‘mRNA,’ vaccines work poorly because they are synthetic replications of the already-synthetic SARSr-CoV-WIV spike proteins and possess no other epitopes” — or the part of an antigen that the immune system recognizes.
The report adds:
“The mRNA instructs the cells to produce synthetic copies of the SARSr-CoV-WIV synthetic spike protein directly into the bloodstream, wherein they spread and produce the same ACE2 immune storm that the recombinant vaccine does.
“Many doctors in the country have identified that the symptoms of vaccine reactions mirror the symptoms of the disease, which corroborates with the similar synthetic nature and function of the respective spike proteins.”
The DARPA report suggested that mass vaccination campaigns actually increased the risks from the SARS-CoV-2 virus, in a manner replicating that of gain-of-function research, which increases the virulence or transmissibility of viruses. It stated:
“The potential for SARSr-CoV-WIV to deattentuate requires immediate attention. Live vaccines have been found to deattentuate in the past.
“If this is the case with SARSr-CoV-WIV, then the mass vaccination campaign actually performs an accelerated gain-of-function for it. Since it is designed for bats off of a human-susceptible SARS-CoV, vaccinating humans against it actually gains its function back towards a more deattenuated human-susceptible form.”
For the same reasons, other pandemic-related interventions such as masks would be ineffective in stopping the spread of COVID-19, the report states.
“The reasons why nonpharmaceutical interventions like masks and medical countermeasures like the mRNA vaccines do not work well can be extrapolated from the details. Masks or mRNA vaccines would not work for this material,” said former pharmaceutical research and development executive Sasha Latypova. “It is a chemical aerosol poisoning agent. DARPA knows this well.”
Certain characteristics of SARS-CoV-2 made alternative treatment options, such as ivermectin, more effective in treating COVID-19, the report suggests.
“Many of the early treatment protocols ignored by the authorities work because they inhibit viral replication or modulate the immune response to the spike proteins.
“Some of these treatment protocols also inhibit the action of the engineered spike protein. For instance, Ivermectin (identified as curative in April 2020) works throughout all phases of illness because it both inhibits viral replication and modulates the immune response.
“Of note, chloroquine phosphate (Hydroxychloriquine, identified April 2020 as curative) is identified in the proposal as a SARSr-CoV inhibitor, as is interferon (identified May 2020 as curative).”
Fauci was warned about risks of gain-of-function research in 2003
The documents Paul released this week also shed light on Fauci’s intelligence ties. In 2003, Fauci received a CIA report, “The Darker Bioweapons Future,” warning that “engineered biological agents” could lead to effects potentially “worse than any disease known to man.”
While the CIA report doesn’t mention gain-of-function research by name, it cites several examples of cases where viral transmissibility or virulence were enhanced.
The documents also contain an invitation for Fauci to participate in a July 2021 National Security Council briefing related to then-President Joe Biden’s inquiry regarding COVID’s origins — for which Fauci was exempted from a COVID-19 test.
According to Erdman’s Senate testimony last month, the Biden inquiry — and Fauci’s efforts to cover up the likely laboratory origins of COVID-19 — resulted in the White House publishing an August 2021 report that was inconclusive about the virus’s origins — even though intelligence agencies by then had evidence of a lab leak.
A March 6, 2020, email from then-NIH Director Francis Collins referenced the “Proximal Origin” paper published in the journal Nature Medicine, which found that COVID-19 emerged naturally. The paper was widely used to refute the lab-leak theory. Collins suggested that he and Fauci quietly contributed to that paper.
“FYI, this is work that Tony [Fauci], Jeremy [Farrar] … and I helped with, but are appropriately not mentioned explicitly in the paper,” Collins wrote.
“What came afterwards was information warfare,” said Karl Jablonowski, Ph.D., CHD’s senior research scientist. “The world was convinced the virus had bat origins — yet it did not infect bats.”
“The censorship in the first two years was incredibly heavy,” Latypova said. “Everyone, including currently ‘awake’ outlets like Tucker Carlson, enthusiastically endorsed the narrative of natural origin, and anyone who questioned this as bogus (myself) was kicked off all social media platforms.”
Will Fauci come clean when he testifies?
Rutgers University molecular biologist Richard Ebright, Ph.D., a critic of gain-of-function research, said Fauci has a lot to potentially answer for in his congressional interview — and that Biden’s preemptive pardon of Fauci, issued last year, won’t protect Fauci if he lies before Congress. Ebright said:
“Because Fauci’s autopen pardon covers only federal crimes that Fauci committed before Jan. 21, 2025, it does not protect Fauci from prosecution for lying to Congress in a Congressional transcribed interview or public hearing in 2026. He will not even be able to repeat previous lies with impunity in a Congressional transcribed interview or public hearing in 2026.”
Ebright said Fauci has three options — responding truthfully and “confessing that he committed conspiracy to defraud, fraud, perjury, misuse of federal funds, destruction of federal records and obstruction.” Or he can provide false testimony and risk perjury charges, or feign mental incapacitation and inability to recall.
“Erdman testified before the Senate that Fauci actively worked through the intelligence community’s COVID origin task forces to advance his own agenda and steer … COVID-19 policy,” Weidle said. “These revelations should shock no one. Yet the question remains: will anything actually be done about it?”
This article was originally published by The Defender — Children’s Health Defense’s News & Views Website under Creative Commons license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0. Please consider subscribing to The Defender or donating to Children’s Health Defense.
June 12, 2026 Posted by aletho | Deception, Timeless or most popular, War Crimes | Covid-19, COVID-19 Vaccine, United States | Comments Off on Documents Suggest Fauci Knew COVID Was Created in Wuhan Lab, and mRNA Vaccines Wouldn’t Work
Nuking Iran: Why Israel and the US gain nothing from crossing the ultimate red line
By Hadi Zaarour | The Cradle | June 10, 2026
A question many strategists and military planners have floated in recent months is whether the US or Israel could, or would, use a nuclear weapon against Iran.
Since the latest US-Israeli war on the Islamic Republic erupted, some have brushed the idea aside as too extreme to be taken seriously. Others, however, have treated it as a real option, even if only through the use of a so-called tactical nuclear weapon – a smaller-yield device designed to devastate a more limited area while still crossing the nuclear threshold.
One point should be beyond dispute: the question is no longer whether the US or Israel can strike Iran with a nuclear weapon. They can. The more important question is whether anyone in power is reckless enough to believe such an act would solve a strategic problem rather than set the world on fire.
A precedent with no return
Only a handful of countries possess nuclear weapons. Yet only one nation has ever used them in war, and used them twice: the US.
That historical reality inevitably raises an uncomfortable question. If Washington used nuclear weapons before, what, in absolute terms, prevents it from doing so again? And what prevents its ally Israel – whose leaders frequently invoke existential threats while standing accused across much of the world of carrying out mass atrocities against others – from considering the same path?
Since 1945, the world has lived under what many describe as the nuclear taboo: an unwritten but powerful restraint against the use of nuclear weapons in war. It is not a legal shield, nor is it a moral guarantee. Yet it has shaped state behavior for nearly eight decades. Once that taboo is broken again, particularly in West Asia, there is little reason to assume it can simply be rebuilt.
From a purely military perspective, both the US and Israel possess the means to strike Iran and successfully deliver a nuclear warhead. That much is not seriously in doubt. Both have demonstrated, directly or indirectly, the capacity to project air power, conduct long-range strikes, and deliver devastating payloads with precision. The real question, therefore, is not whether they can, but what happens if they do.
Certainly, such an act would not strengthen deterrence in the long term. If a country with the scientific and industrial capacity to acquire nuclear weapons is attacked with one, the strategic conclusion is difficult to avoid: acquire a nuclear deterrent, whatever the cost.
Rather than reducing fears of proliferation, a nuclear strike would guarantee them. Any state capable of developing nuclear weapons would draw the same lesson.
The illusion of a ‘limited’ nuclear option
A crucial point is often overlooked in discussions of nuclear war. A nuclear weapon is indeed a weapon of mass destruction (WMD), but that does not mean a single bomb destroys an entire country. Nuclear weapons have specific blast, heat, and radiation effects determined by their yield, altitude of detonation, terrain, population density, and many other variables.
The Hiroshima atomic bomb (“Little Boy”), often cited in discussions of nuclear devastation, had a yield of roughly 15 kilotons. Its destruction was immense and horrifying, yet even that bomb had a limited radius of severe direct damage relative to the scale of a modern nation. Newer nuclear weapons are more powerful, but larger yields do not magically erase geography. To destroy more, more weapons are required.
In broad theoretical terms, the US possesses a wide range of nuclear warheads, including weapons with yields far beyond Hiroshima, ranging from the low hundreds of kilotons to much larger strategic systems. Israel, while maintaining its policy of nuclear ambiguity and officially declaring nothing, is widely believed to possess a nuclear arsenal as well, with estimates ranging from dozens to more than one hundred warheads, though exact figures remain unconfirmed.
While the numbers matter, they are not the central issue. Nuclear weapons are not simply larger bombs. They are political weapons. Psychological weapons. Civilizational weapons. Their use sends a message far beyond the immediate target. It tells every country watching that survival may depend less on diplomacy, treaties, or restraint than on possessing a nuclear deterrent of its own.
The central question remains: why would Iran be targeted with a nuclear weapon in the first place?
One argument is deterrence. That argument quickly collapses under scrutiny. Another is the idea of compelling surrender in a major war, echoing the historical justification long invoked for Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Whether one accepts that argument or not, applying it to Iran is deeply questionable. Iran is not Imperial Japan in 1945, and the international environment today is far more dangerous, interconnected, and difficult to control.
There is also a major difference between various nuclear scenarios. A demonstration strike is not the same as a battlefield tactical strike. A strike on military infrastructure is not the same as a strike on cities. Limited nuclear use is not the same as a campaign of annihilation.
Some may argue that the US or Israel would not need to strike a city or a major military facility at all. Instead, they could detonate a tactical nuclear weapon in one of Iran’s vast desert regions as a demonstration of resolve – a terrifying signal intended to show Tehran that Washington and Tel Aviv are prepared to go all the way if Iran refuses to back down.
On paper, this may appear to offer a controlled or limited nuclear option. In reality, there is nothing controlled about breaking the nuclear threshold.
A nuclear detonation in an empty desert would still be a nuclear detonation. It would still break the taboo that has largely held since 1945 despite wars, crises, invasions, and confrontations between nuclear powers. More importantly, it would send a message to every government in the world that restraint offers no protection against nuclear coercion.
For Tehran, the lesson would be unmistakable. The only reliable guarantee against future nuclear threats would be the acquisition of a nuclear deterrent of its own. Any lingering debate over whether Iran should pursue such a capability would effectively end overnight.
Strategically, such a demonstration strike would have much the same effect as a direct nuclear attack. It would push Iran toward the bomb, establish the same global precedent, and destroy the psychological barrier that has kept nuclear weapons from being used for nearly eight decades.
The target may be an empty stretch of desert, but the message would be heard in every capital in the world. Once a nuclear weapon is used as political signaling, nuclear blackmail becomes part of modern warfare.
The fantasy of destroying Iran
Consider the most extreme scenario, one in which the objective is not merely coercion, but the destruction of the Islamic Republic as a functioning state.
Iran is a vast country covering roughly 1.6 million square kilometers, with difficult mountainous terrain stretching across much of its territory. Geography matters. Mountains, dispersion, strategic depth, and terrain all influence how blast effects spread, how infrastructure survives, and how populations are distributed.
Even if one assumes the use of a nuclear weapon in the tens-of-kilotons range, the notion that a country the size of Iran could be “destroyed” with one or two bombs belongs more to fantasy than military reality.
Take Tehran alone. The metropolitan area is enormous. To comprehensively devastate it through direct blast effects would require not one weapon, but multiple strikes distributed across a vast urban area. And Tehran is only one city.
Even a city as large and densely populated as Tehran could not simply be erased by a single low- or medium-yield weapon in the manner often imagined in political rhetoric or popular culture. The destruction would be horrific, but comprehensive devastation would require multiple strikes, coordinated targeting, and the acceptance of civilian casualties on a scale that would shock the conscience of much of the world.
And even then, Tehran is not Iran.
One must also distinguish between direct destruction and indirect consequences. Here, the discussion concerns only the immediate effects of blast and thermal radiation, not the long-term consequences of fallout, environmental contamination, infrastructure collapse, mass displacement, economic devastation, regional instability, or generations of human suffering.
In reality, the aftermath would likely prove even more destructive than the strike itself, because nuclear war does not end at detonation. Its effects expand through time, geography, illness, panic, and retaliation.
That raises an unavoidable question. What exactly would be the objective? Regime change? The destruction of military infrastructure? The collapse of civilian morale? Forced surrender? Or, in its most extreme formulation, the destruction of Iran as a civilization?
The experience of that war matters because it suggests that overwhelming violence does not necessarily produce submission. A nuclear strike might just as easily generate the opposite outcome, producing rage, radicalization, mass mobilization, and a permanent national commitment to acquiring a nuclear deterrent. In that sense, the strategy risks failing before its immediate objectives are even achieved.
The world after the nuclear threshold
The broader questions are perhaps the most important.
Would the world simply stand by as millions were killed, displaced, or poisoned by the consequences of nuclear warfare? Would governments issue statements, convene emergency meetings, and then return to business as usual? Or would such an act fundamentally alter what remains of the international order?
What would become of NATO if the US were directly involved in a nuclear strike, or openly supported one carried out by Israel? Would every European government accept being politically, morally, and strategically tied to such a decision? Would NATO remain unified, or would internal fractures deepen under the weight of an action many of its own populations would likely regard as indefensible?
The same questions extend far beyond Europe.
What kind of isolation would Washington and Tel Aviv face afterward? Countries that already view the US-led order with skepticism would see their suspicions confirmed in the most dramatic way possible. The political fallout would reach far beyond West Asia, making it increasingly difficult for even close allies to defend actions that much of the world would regard as indefensible.
Countries that already accuse the US and Israel of operating under a different set of rules would see those accusations confirmed in the most dramatic way possible. The implications stretch even further.
What would nuclear-armed Pakistan do in such a scenario? How would the wider Muslim world respond politically, socially, and emotionally if Iran became the target of the first wartime nuclear strike since 1945? How would non-state actors react?
How long would it take for North Korea to conclude that the nuclear taboo had effectively collapsed? What calculations would Russia make regarding Europe or Ukraine in a world where nuclear use had once again become thinkable? And what precedent would such an act establish in a world that still claims to be civilized?
This is where the real danger lies. One or two nuclear strikes on Iran would not resolve the underlying strategic problem. They would all but guarantee that Iran – or whatever political structure emerged from the aftermath – would pursue a nuclear deterrent with absolute urgency. A large-scale nuclear campaign, meanwhile, would not remain confined to the region. Its consequences would ripple through the international system politically, strategically, and potentially militarily.
Whether limited or large-scale, both scenarios amount to strategic failure. Neither offers a realistic path to stability, and both carry consequences that would extend far beyond Iran itself.
So the original question remains. Can the US or Israel nuke Iran?
Technically, yes.
Whether they will is a different matter altogether.
Yet it is difficult to believe anyone is that reckless – not even the Israelis, for all the brutality, escalation, and dangerous rhetoric that have accompanied this war. They understand, as everyone else does, that once the nuclear threshold is crossed, there is no meaningful return to the world that existed before it.
Yet even after all of that destruction, Iran would not be erased in any absolute sense, nor is there any guarantee it would surrender. From every strategic angle – military, political, diplomatic, moral, and civilizational – the logic of a nuclear strike on Iran collapses under scrutiny.
There is no credible path to stability at the end of such an action. A nuclear strike would weaken one of the few restraints that have survived since 1945, accelerate proliferation, invite retaliation, and encourage future nuclear brinkmanship by states that conclude such weapons are once again usable.
The real danger, therefore, is not whether Washington or Tel Aviv can cross the nuclear threshold, but what kind of world emerges once they do. The first wartime use of a nuclear weapon in eight decades would not remain confined to Iran.
Its consequences would reverberate through the international system for generations, leaving behind not order or deterrence, but escalation, instability, and a precedent from which the world may never fully recover.
June 10, 2026 Posted by aletho | Ethnic Cleansing, Racism, Zionism, Timeless or most popular, War Crimes | Iran, Israel, Middle East, United States, Zionism | Comments Off on Nuking Iran: Why Israel and the US gain nothing from crossing the ultimate red line
The Bulldozer Revolution: A Blueprint For American Meddling in Eastern Europe
By Patrick Pillow | The Libertarian Institute | June 8, 2026
By the summer of 2000, Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević appeared firmly entrenched in power.
A decade earlier, he had risen to prominence by harnessing Serbian nationalism as Yugoslavia began to fracture. Over time, he consolidated control over political institutions and much of the media while leading Serbia through wars, sanctions, and NATO’s 1999 bombing campaign. Yet beneath the surface, public frustration was growing. The economy was struggling, unemployment remained high, and many Serbians had grown weary of international isolation and authoritarian rule.
When Milošević changed election rules in July 2000 to allow the presidency to be decided by popular vote, he likely expected another victory. Instead, the move created an opportunity for a united opposition.
On September 24, voters went to the polls. Milošević faced Vojislav Koštunica, the candidate of the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS). Election observers from the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe later described the vote as fundamentally flawed, citing irregularities, restricted monitoring, and unequal media access. State television overwhelmingly favored Milošević while opposition voices received little coverage.
When results were announced, the opposition claimed Koštunica had won outright. The government election commission insisted that no candidate had received a majority and ordered a runoff election. The opposition rejected the decision and called for nationwide resistance.
The first major challenge came from the Kolubara coal mines, where thousands of workers launched a strike. The mines were critical to Serbia’s electricity supply, giving the protest movement leverage over the government. Despite a heavy police presence, authorities proved unwilling to use significant force. Officers were instructed to appear tough, but many showed little enthusiasm for confronting the workers.
The regime’s position weakened further as demonstrations spread across the country.
On October 5, hundreds of thousands of protesters converged on Belgrade. Opposition leaders issued an ultimatum demanding Milošević step aside. When he refused, demonstrators stormed parliament and the headquarters of Radio Television Serbia (RTS), long viewed as a symbol of state propaganda.
The moment that gave the uprising its name came when construction worker Ljubisav Đokić drove a wheel loader through police lines and into the parliamentary complex. Yet the decisive factor was not the wheel loader itself. Police units increasingly refused orders, roadblocks collapsed, and security forces largely stood aside. Within days, Milošević’s rule unraveled.
The protests were undeniably driven by genuine domestic grievances. Yet Serbia’s opposition was not operating alone.
According to the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), its Office of Transition Initiatives began programs promoting political transition in Serbia as early as 1997—three years before Milošević’s removal. USAID later acknowledged that it intensified support in the run-up to the 2000 election.
Between 1999 and 2000, at least $41 million flowed into Serbia through USAID, the State Department, the National Democratic Institute, and the International Republican Institute. The money supported opposition coordination, polling, election monitoring, media projects, and mass political messaging. Thousands of cans of spray paint, millions of stickers, and tons of campaign materials helped spread anti-Milošević messaging throughout the country.
The overt funding was only part of the story.
Journalist David Shimer reports that the CIA spent millions of dollars supporting efforts to unseat Milošević. Former CIA officer John Sipher later acknowledged that one successful American election-interference operation involved “certainly millions of dollars” directed against the Serbian leader. Outgoing President Bill Clinton defended assistance to the opposition, stating that while the United States did not rig the vote, he had no objection to CIA involvement.
Perhaps the most influential opposition organization was Otpor, a youth movement founded in 1998.
Otpor became famous for its clenched-fist logo, creative activism, and the slogan “Gotov Je!”—”He’s Finished!” Rather than building around charismatic personalities, organizers sought to create a decentralized movement capable of surviving arrests and repression. Small actions such as sticker campaigns gradually escalated into mass demonstrations.
Western organizations played a significant role in Otpor’s development. The National Endowment for Democracy provided funding—$282,000 in 2000 alone—while retired U.S. Army Colonel Robert Helvey trained activists using concepts developed by political theorist Gene Sharp. Sharp’s work on nonviolent resistance became so influential that some activists referred to it as Otpor’s unofficial manual.
George Soros’ Open Society network was another important source of support for Serbia’s opposition. According to Ivan Vejvoda of the Fund for an Open Society-Yugoslavia, the organization provided one of Otpor’s first grants in 1998, helping support the student movement before it became a national force. The organization’s Belgrade branch also funded independent media and opposition-linked groups such as the G-17 economists. Velimir Curgus of the Soros network later stated that “most of our work was undercover,” while another Open Society official described the organization as one of Otpor’s earliest financial backers. Foreign financial support also helped fund the production of roughly 60 tons of posters and leaflets distributed before the election.
The movement’s success later became a model for future political campaigns abroad. Otpor veterans established the Center for Applied Nonviolent Action and Strategies (CANVAS), which advised activists in countries ranging from Georgia and Ukraine to Egypt.
European governments were also involved. According to reports in Der Spiegel, U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer coordinated with Yugoslav opposition figures before the election. Germany and other European actors provided substantial financial support to opposition-controlled municipalities and political organizations.
None of this means the Bulldozer Revolution was simply a foreign creation. Milošević was genuinely unpopular, and hundreds of thousands of Serbians willingly participated in the protests that ended his rule.
But the historical record leaves little doubt that Western governments were more than passive observers. Through funding, training, media support, election monitoring, and covert intelligence operations, they actively worked to shape Serbia’s political future.
The Bulldozer Revolution became a blueprint. The combination of grassroots activism, youth mobilization, foreign funding, independent media networks, and nonviolent resistance training would reappear in later movements across Eastern Europe and beyond. Whether viewed as democracy promotion or regime change, Serbia in 2000 became one of the clearest examples of domestic opposition and foreign intervention operating side by side to bring down a government.
June 9, 2026 Posted by aletho | Deception, Timeless or most popular | CIA, NATO, Serbia, United States, USAID | Comments Off on The Bulldozer Revolution: A Blueprint For American Meddling in Eastern Europe
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