Omani FM says ‘gravest threat to Gulf security’ stems from Israel, not Iran

The Cradle | July 14, 2026
Omani Foreign Minister Badr Al-Busaidi said on 13 July that the most dangerous threats in the region come not from Iran but from Israel, while lambasting the “myth” of the policy of “containment” that has for years targeted the Islamic Republic.
“The gravest threats to Gulf security do not originate within the region itself. Rather, they stem from decisions taken outside it – above all, in Tel Aviv. That conclusion is now difficult to dispute,” the foreign minister wrote in an opinion piece released by Le Monde on Monday.
Al-Busaidi added that Tehran “did not constitute an existential threat.”
He criticized the expansion of the US military presence across the region, saying it did not provide protection or benefit the countries of the Gulf.
“The enormous military expenditures across the region, the expansion of US military bases in the Gulf, and the maintenance of an extensive US military presence – intended to provide protection from afar – were all built and sustained at tremendous cost, yet without providing any real benefit,” the top Omani diplomat went on to say.
He added that the latest war proved that the US, Israeli, and Arab “policy of containment was little more than a myth – a fact that is now acknowledged even by those who, until recently, believed that more than 45 years of costly containment represented a necessary evil.”
The minister emphasized that reaching an arrangement to secure navigation in the Strait of Hormuz was a “priority.”
He stressed the importance of Iran’s role in such an arrangement.
“The Gulf coastline is shared by eight states. Alongside Oman and its five partners in the GCC – Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, the UAE, Kuwait, and Qatar – stand Iran and Iraq, both of which have, at different times, been subjected to containment policies and military intervention,” he wrote.
Al-Busaidi said these “eight states all have vital interests to protect and each bears responsibility, according to its capabilities and priorities, for safeguarding this shared strategic” waterway.
“For that reason, none of them can be excluded from any future regional security architecture. Every one of them must participate in designing it, implementing it, and sharing the responsibilities that come with it,” he added.
Al-Busaidi also said complex discussions on the matter were ongoing.
The US has backtracked on several clauses of the Islamabad memorandum of understanding (MoU) reached between Washington and Tehran, including joint Omani-Iranian management of Hormuz.
This week, US President Donald Trump declared Washington the “Guardian of the Strait.”
The Omani foreign minister’s article coincides with a major escalation between Washington and Tehran.
Iran launched numerous missile and drone operations on US assets in the Gulf over the past few days in response to a violent and deadly US campaign of strikes. Washington has not stopped attacking Iran, in violation of the MoU.
Trump has declared that the ceasefire is “over” and is vowing harsher attacks on Iran in the near future.
Early on Tuesday, Iranian drones and missiles targeted US bases and military infrastructure in Kuwait, Bahrain, and Jordan.
A few days earlier, Tehran responded to US strikes with attacks on Washington’s assets in Kuwait, Bahrain, and Jordan, as well as Oman – which Tehran had largely refrained from targeting during the first 40 days of the war that began in February.
Iran has been holding direct talks with Oman on the future management of Hormuz, but recently condemned the activation of a US-Omani shipping corridor, calling it a violation of the MoU.
Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmail Baghaei said on Monday that “our effort, in consultation with Oman, was to establish a mechanism to ensure the safe passage of ships,” adding that “because of [US] pressure exerted on Oman, this objective was not achieved.”
Earlier this year, Iran established the Persian Gulf Strait Authority (PGSA) as part of plans to oversee future management of the waterway.
“Before the recent provocative actions by US forces in the region, which led to the [renewed] closure of the Strait of Hormuz, more than 200 non-Iranian vessels coordinated with [Iran] during the three weeks following the signing of the MoU, and most of them received transit permits and insurance coverage,” the PGSA said on Tuesday.
Iran denounces UK’s threat designation of IRGC as ‘unjustified, irresponsible, against intl. law’
Press TV – July 14, 2026
The Iranian Foreign Ministry has strongly condemned the British government’s decision to designate the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) as a “threat under the United Kingdom’s National Security Act,” describing the move as an “unjustified and irresponsible” measure that violates international law.
In a statement on Tuesday, the ministry said the decision contravened “the fundamental principles and rules of international law, including the principles of the sovereign equality of states and non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries.”
It stressed that the IRGC was an integral component of the official Armed Forces of the Islamic Republic and, alongside the Iranian Army, was responsible for safeguarding the country’s territorial integrity, national sovereignty, and national security.
It also defended the force’s regional role, saying its contributions to regional peace, security, and human dignity, particularly through its fight against the Daesh Takfiri terror group, were evident to all.
According to the statement, Britain’s decision to apply such a designation to an official institution of a sovereign state is “a disgraceful and provocative act” that violates international law and the United Nations Charter.
The ministry added that the measure was particularly ill-timed given the current tensions in the West Asia region and criticized Britain’s long history of interference in other countries’ internal affairs.
The statement further said that the United Kingdom “has no moral standing to level accusations against others,” reminding how the country had acted as “an accomplice and active participant” during the most recent bout of unprovoked American-Israeli military aggression against Iran.
Rejecting Britain’s allegations against the IRGC, the ministry said it was “particularly ironic” that such claims had been used to try to justify the decision while the UK, itself, “hosts and supports terrorist and violent networks and groups.”
Iran also warned that it reserves its rights under the UN Charter and international law to take reciprocal measures, adding that British authorities would bear responsibility for the political, legal, and diplomatic consequences of the decision.
The statement came after British Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood announced that the IRGC would be designated a “national security threat under new powers in the National Security (State Threats) Act,” making support for the elite force a “criminal offence punishable by up to 14 years in prison.”
TRUMP BLOCKS HORMUZ AGAIN /Prof Seyed Marandi Live from Tehran
Daniel Davis / Deep Dive – July 13, 2026
UK moves to ban Iran’s IRGC, cites unfounded national security threats
Al Mayadeen | July 13, 2026
The British government announced Monday that it will designate Iran’s Islamic Revolution Guard Corps under new national security powers, deepening already strained relations between London and Tehran, The Guardian reported.
Rather than formally proscribing the IRGC under the “Terrorism Act”, the government will classify the Iranian military body as an organization involved in “foreign power threat activity.” The new mechanism carries consequences comparable to “terrorist proscription” and would criminalize certain forms of support or assistance once approved by Parliament.
The designation marks a significant shift in Britain’s position after previous Conservative governments declined calls to formally ban the IRGC, partly because it is an official component of the Iranian state and armed forces.
Home Office cites alleged threats
Announcing the measure, the Home Office said the decision followed a review of alleged activities connected to the organizations targeted by the new designations.
“Having carefully considered all the evidence, the home secretary has concluded that there is sufficient basis to reasonably believe that each of these bodies is engaged in foreign power threat activity, and that each designation is necessary to protect the safety and interests of the United Kingdom.”
British authorities linked the decision to alleged plots and cyberoperations attributed to Iran.
London has also claimed more than 20 allegedly Iran-linked plots identified by British security agencies over the previous year.
The British government has not publicly presented evidence establishing direct IRGC involvement in every incident cited in support of the measure.
Iranian and Russian bodies targeted
Alongside the IRGC, the government said it would designate the Islamic Movement of the Companions of the Right, or IMCR, which British authorities blame for several attacks against Jewish institutions and other targets in the country.
The incidents attributed to the group reportedly include arson and vandalism attacks targeting synagogues, emergency vehicles operated by the Jewish volunteer service Hatzola and the offices of an Iranian opposition media organisation.
Russia’s GRU Volunteer Corps, which Britain describes as an overseas operational body connected to Russian military intelligence, will also be listed under the same legal framework.
The measures are expected to make it easier for British authorities to prosecute individuals accused of acting for, assisting, or receiving benefits from designated foreign-linked bodies. The designations must first receive parliamentary approval before entering into force.
Diplomatic fallout expected
The decision is likely to further damage relations between Britain and Iran at a time of heightened regional tensions and ongoing conflict involving Tehran and Washington.
British officials had previously warned that action against the IRGC could prompt retaliatory diplomatic measures, including the possible removal of the UK ambassador from Tehran.
The IRGC was established following Iran’s 1979 Islamic Revolution and operates as an official branch of the country’s armed forces. It plays a central role in Iran’s defense structure and reports to the country’s supreme leadership.
Britain’s decision follows a similar move by the European Union, which formally added the IRGC to its list of “terrorist organisations” in February 2026.
Trump’s “Memorandum of Surrender”: The art of the deal meets the fact of defeat
By Junaid S. Ahmad | MEMO | July 13, 2026
Donald Trump is not negotiating with Iran. He is negotiating with the humiliation of having failed to break it.
Beneath the ceasefires, memoranda, podium theatrics and sanctimonious appeals to “stability” lies a fact Washington cannot admit: the United States entered this confrontation expecting submission and emerged confronting its own limits.
It wanted Iran isolated, disarmed and politically obedient. It wanted its deterrence shattered, its regional influence dismantled and its sovereignty reduced to a flag, an anthem and nothing more. It failed.
Iran endured the pressure, preserved its strategic leverage and forced the most powerful empire on earth to negotiate with the country it had promised to bring to its knees.
That is not an American victory. It is the management of an American defeat.
Real diplomacy begins when both sides recognize that the other possesses interests, rights, red lines and power. Trump’s version begins from imperial theology: Washington has interests; Israel has rights; everyone else has obligations.
American coercion is called deterrence. Israeli aggression is called self-defence. Iranian resistance is called escalation.
Sovereignty is sacred when invoked by an American client and intolerable when asserted by an American enemy.
This is the fraud now being sold as peace in the Gulf: a ceasefire presented as capitulation, an interim agreement marketed as surrender and a renewed campaign of pressure repackaged as de-escalation.
Trump did not win the confrontation. He failed to produce the result he promised. Iran was not bombed into obedience. Its government did not collapse. Its strategic position was not erased. Its enemies discovered, once again, that destruction is not control and military superiority is not political mastery.
For an empire addicted to command, the inability to compel surrender is defeat.
Trump’s response is therefore not to honor the agreement, but to hollow it out. Accept the document. Rewrite its meaning. Violate its logic. Impose new demands. Then accuse Iran of sabotaging peace. It is diplomacy by battering ram.
The Strait of Hormuz is where this revisionism becomes geography. The attempt to reroute shipping through Omani waters is not a neutral administrative adjustment. It is an effort to strip Iran of the leverage that forced Washington to negotiate at all.
“Freedom of navigation” is merely the varnish.
The real demand is that Iran tolerate a hostile military order on its doorstep, surrender its principal strategic pressure point and accept that its sovereignty exists only when it is politically useless.
Iran may possess rights, provided it never exercises them. It may retain leverage, provided Washington decides when it may be used. It may remain sovereign, provided it behaves as a subordinate. This is not peace. It is coercion translated into diplomatic jargon.
The method is familiar: provoke, retaliate, moralize, escalate. Strangle the adversary economically. Threaten it militarily. Exhaust it politically. Then present concessions extracted under duress as the triumph of moderation.
Washington calls this “managed escalation.” The phrase is obscene. There is nothing managed about pushing an entire region toward catastrophe and congratulating oneself for controlling the speed. Nor does the strategy stop at Hormuz.
In Lebanon, the American-Israeli project is to transform Israeli security doctrine into Lebanese national destiny: isolate Iran, constrain Hezbollah and call the resulting submission “sovereignty.”
In Syria, fragmentation remains useful because a sovereign, territorially coherent state would obstruct the endless manufacture of pressure points. A wounded country is easier to penetrate, divide and punish.
The region is never allowed to heal because its wounds remain profitable. Different countries. Different instruments. The same imperial objective: reverse the political reality produced by war and reconstruct the appearance of American-Israeli supremacy after its material limits have been exposed. Israel’s role is not secondary. It is central, relentless and poisonous.
Its political machinery in Washington treats any durable Iranian power as an intolerable violation of the regional hierarchy. It does not seek security in any reciprocal sense. It seeks permanent superiority: Iran contained, Lebanon vulnerable, Syria fractured and the Gulf militarized without end.
Restraint may occasionally serve American interests. Permanent confrontation serves the Israeli project.
Trump is the ideal salesman for this arrangement because his greatest political talent is not victory, but the theatrical conversion of failure into triumph.
He needs a camera, a slogan and a captive press corps. If the battlefield will not produce surrender, the press conference must counterfeit it. A document is signed. Trump declares victory. The media repeats the phrase. The coercion resumes. The performance becomes the policy.
But Iran has already achieved what Washington was determined to prevent: it survived, preserved deterrence and forced the empire to confront the limits of its power.
That is a strategic victory. Not because Iran escaped damage. Not because the confrontation was costless. But because the central American objective — submission — was denied.
Iran did not merely resist an attack. It exposed the distance between imperial spectacle and imperial capacity. It demonstrated that the United States and Israel can devastate, sanction and threaten, but cannot automatically dictate the political outcome. That is the defeat Trump is trying to disguise.
Tehran must therefore treat any agreement not as a gift from Washington, but as a battlefield whose terms remain contested. An agreement that binds only Iran while leaving the United States free to reinterpret, pressure and punish is not diplomacy. It is an ultimatum disguised as diplomacy.
Restraint without reciprocity is not prudence. It is permission. Permission to rewrite the terms. Permission to escalate without cost. Permission to demand surrender after promising peace.
The central question is not whether Trump can stage another ceremony. It is whether the United States can tear up every agreement that fails to produce obedience.
Peace cannot be built on coerced submission and renamed stability. Victory cannot be manufactured at a podium while the balance of power says otherwise.
Trump wants Iran to surrender the leverage that defeated his strategy so he can announce that he won. Iran’s task is to deny him the fiction. To preserve its rights, consolidate its gains and make clear that the empire’s declaration is not reality. It is merely an empire issuing orders to history — and discovering, once again, that history does not obey.
Trump painted US into a tinderbox
By Trita Parsi | Responsible Statecraft | July 13, 2026
For all practical purposes, the U.S.-Iran Memorandum of (Mis)Understanding is over. The dispute over how to manage the Strait of Hormuz in the interim has pushed the two sides back into open war. But to what end?
There is little reason to believe another round of fighting can alter the fundamentals enough to change the reality from which the two sides must ultimately negotiate. If they are fortunate, the MOU’s collapse may yield another round of talks in which the allure of reshaping facts on the ground through force has finally faded.
As I have written elsewhere, the dispute over the Strait turns, at least on the surface, on Paragraph 5 of the MOU: whether Iran is responsible for safe passage throughout the Strait for the duration of the agreement, or only for the waterway’s northern corridor.
Beneath the surface, however, lies a more fundamental strategic disagreement. Even before the MOU was signed, Tehran believed Washington’s objective was to establish a southern shipping corridor through Omani waters that would gradually erode Iran’s control over the Strait. Such a corridor would require Oman’s cooperation, which may explain why Trump at one point threatened to bomb Oman unless it abandoned its proposal for joint management of the Strait, with administrative fees collected by Muscat and Tehran.
The corridor would remain operational even if war resumed and Iran sought once again to close the Strait. From Tehran’s perspective, Washington used the MOU to strengthen this alternative route, and the U.S. military’s escort of commercial shipping without coordinating with Iran marked a significant step in that direction. If successful, the strategy would deprive Iran of its most important source of leverage — which is precisely why it appeals to Washington.
This is why Tehran has insisted that all ships transiting the Strait — regardless of the corridor they use — coordinate with Iran, consistent with its reading of Paragraph 5 of the MOU. Washington, by contrast, argues that the MOU merely assigns Iran responsibility for ensuring the safe passage of commercial vessels, without granting it operational control over all maritime traffic.
Before the funeral of former Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei, the two sides explored a compromise under which ships would coordinate their transit with both Iran and a designated Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) state. As I wrote in my Substack, “Under such an arrangement, ships would notify Tehran while also reporting to a GCC maritime authority, balancing Iran’s demand for oversight with Washington’s desire to avoid granting Tehran exclusive control.” But no agreement was reached before diplomacy was suspended for the duration of the funeral.
Accounts of what transpired in Muscat over the weekend naturally differ, but three proposals emerged. Iran advanced a variation of the earlier compromise: a dual-notification system for all vessels transiting the Strait. Qatar proposed three channels—an Iranian corridor in the north, an Omani corridor in the south, and a neutral corridor in the middle. For Tehran, this was a nonstarter, as it would effectively restore the Strait to its pre-February status.
According to Tehran, the United States and Oman favored separate management of the Iranian and Omani corridors: Iran could require coordination for vessels using its corridor, while Oman’s would remain unrestricted.
Tehran saw this as an attempt to formalize what it had long suspected was Washington’s strategy: creating a southern corridor through the Strait beyond Iran’s influence, leaving Tehran no means of challenging it short of war with Oman. Iran also contends that Muscat advanced the proposal only under intense U.S. pressure, noting that Oman had previously supported a joint management system.
Washington disputes this account. U.S. officials maintain they were open to several arrangements, provided commercial vessels could transit the Strait safely. According to the American version, the talks unraveled only after Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi consulted Tehran regarding a joint Iranian-Omani statement declaring the Strait open. From Washington’s perspective, negotiations had been progressing until Araghchi was overruled by hardliners in the IRGC, who chose confrontation over compromise.
Whether such a fracture proved decisive in this instance is unclear. What is clear is that the outlook of Iranian strategists has hardened markedly in recent weeks as they have become increasingly convinced that Trump intends to restart the war. Several developments have reinforced that belief. First, Trump’s rhetoric shifted dramatically: he called the Iranians “scum,” declared the ceasefire over, and said he might resume bombing to “finish the job.”
Second, as I argued here, Tehran believes Washington brokered the Lebanese-Israeli agreement — which contradicts the U.S.-Iran MOU by conditioning Israel’s withdrawal from Lebanon on Hezbollah’s disarmament — to enable Israel to retain key positions that would weaken Hezbollah’s ability to support Iran in the next war.
Third, White House officials leaked the U.S. demand that Tehran declare the Strait open and, at least implicitly, accept responsibility for attacks on shipping. Rather than seeing the leak as political posturing to make Trump appear tough, Tehran increasingly viewed it as a deliberate attempt to derail the talks and steer the crisis back toward military confrontation.
Taken together, these developments convinced Tehran that Washington was preparing to resume the war. From that perspective, Iran’s best option was to close the Strait immediately. Rather than an attempt to extract additional concessions or an instance of overplaying its hand, Tehran’s decision appears to have been driven by the fear of losing its most important source of leverage before the next round of fighting.
In the view of Iranian decision-makers, closing the Strait would not trigger war because war was already coming. (If their assessment was incorrect, however, Tehran’s own actions have likely created a self-fulfilling prophecy by taking actions that made a military response from Washington next to inevitable).
Still, much indicates that another round of war will not fundamentally change realities on the ground or the balance between the US and Iran. Trump, in particular, does not have time on his side when taking into account both economic and political realities, and even some military factors.
By almost every meaningful measure, the global oil inventory position is materially weaker today than it was before the February war. Since the end of February, observed global oil inventories have fallen by roughly 360–370 million barrels, with only about 21 million barrels rebuilt after the U.S.–Iran MOU — recovering just 5% of the wartime draw.
More importantly, the apparent recovery reflects oil in transit rather than replenished storage: oil on water increased by 117 million barrels, while onshore inventories fell by 96 million barrels. OECD inventories declined by another 62 million barrels in June alone, including roughly 44 million barrels released from government emergency stocks.
The United States also enters any renewed conflict with a substantially smaller strategic cushion. It has fallen from about 415 million barrels before the war to roughly 337 million barrels, while commercial crude, gasoline and distillate inventories all remain below their five-year seasonal averages. Consequently, Washington has significantly less capacity than in February to absorb another major disruption to global oil flows.
In addition, the United States is now only four months away from the midterm elections, dramatically shortening Trump’s economic and political pain threshold. In February, the administration could plausibly argue that the oil shock was temporary and that prices would normalize before voters went to the polls. A renewed conflict today would push its most visible economic consequences directly into the campaign: higher gasoline prices, inflation, interest rates, and rising food, airline, freight, and utility costs.
As a Pentagon source told me last year, Iran builds missiles faster than the United States produces missile interceptors. And while Washington must divide its attention and resources among multiple theaters — from Ukraine to Taiwan — Iran has only one.
Thus, although the United States could, given enough time, degrade Iran’s ability to threaten shipping in the Persian Gulf, there is little reason to believe it could do so before the economic and political costs became prohibitive for Trump. It is essentially the same strategic reality he confronted in February. The difference is that he lacked the benefit of hindsight then. Now he has it — though it does not appear to have mattered.
Trita Parsi is the co-founder and Executive Vice president of the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft.
US Reinstates Naval Blockade of Iran – Trump
Sputnik – 13.07.2026
WASHINGTON – The United States is reinstating the blockade of Iranian ports, US President Donald Trump said on Monday.
“The Hormuz Strait is OPEN, and will remain OPEN, with or without Iran. We are reinstating the THE IRANIAN BLOCKADE, so named because it is only stopping Iran’s ships or customers from entering or leaving. All other countries will have fair and open use of the Strait,” Trump said on Truth Social.
Trump also said that the United States will become a “guardian” of the Strait of Hormuz and receive a reimbursement equal to 20% of cargo shipped through the waterway.
“All other countries will have fair and open use of the Strait. The U.S.A. will be, from this point forward, known as ‘THE GUARDIAN OF THE HORMUZ STRAIT,’ but as such, and as a matter of FAIRNESS, will be reimbursed, at the rate of 20% on all cargo shipped, for any and all costs necessary to do the job of providing safety and security to this very volatile section of the World. The process and formation will begin immediately,” Trump wrote on Truth Social.
Iran Rejects Trump’s Bid to Police the Strait of Hormuz
Sputnik – 13.07.2026
TEHRAN – Iran will not allow Washington to interfere in the governance of the Strait of Hormuz, the Khatam Al-Anbiya central headquarters of the Iranian military command said on Monday.
“We will not allow the United States to interfere in the governance of the Strait of Hormuz under any circumstances,” the command said in a statement, as quoted by Iran’s state broadcaster.
US interference in shipping in the Strait of Hormuz will threaten the security of global gas and oil supplies, Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) spokesman Hossein Mohebbi said.
“With its interference in the Strait of Hormuz, the US is seriously threatening the security of global oil and gas supplies. They must be held accountable for their actions,” Mohebbi said, as quoted by the Fars news agency.
Trump’s Statements:
The United States is planning to guard the Strait of Hormuz and get paid for it, Trump said earlier.
“We guarded it for nothing, and now we’re going to guard it. We’re going to get paid for guarding it. A lot of money, but we just want to be reimbursed for doing all of this, for putting our people in danger,” Trump told Fox News.
The US president also threatened to launch powerful strikes against Iran.
“We’ve had 10 deals with these people, and so we’re just going to hit them very hard. And we’re going to keep the Strait, and we’ll probably run it. We’ll become the guardian of the Strait,” Trump said.
Trump accused Tehran of violating an agreement with Washington which he said had been “a done deal.”
“What nobody knows, we had a deal. It was a done deal, and then they broke it. They always break it. We’ve had 10 deals with these people,” Trump told Fox News.
US aggression again targets Iranian water infrastructure amid summer heat
Press TV – July 13, 2026
The United States has struck two water pumping stations in Iran’s southwestern Khuzestan and southern Bushehr provinces, temporarily disrupting water supply to Kharg Island, Iranian officials say.
One person was killed and four others injured after a US projectile struck an agricultural water pumping station in Mahshahr, Khuzestan province, according to a provincial official on Monday.
Abbas Sadrianfar, managing director of the Khuzestan Water and Electricity Organization, said the RMD drainage pumping station in Hendijan, located between the cities of Mahshahr and Hendijan, was targeted by “the American-Zionist enemy” in the early hours of Monday.
Shaker Mohseni, an employee of the Zohreh and Jarrahi irrigation network operation company, was killed in the attack, Sadrianfar said. Another worker was wounded and is receiving medical treatment, he added.
The facility plays a key role in managing and draining agricultural wastewater in the region, and its continued operation is essential for maintaining the efficiency of irrigation and drainage networks, the official said.
A senior Iranian water industry official condemned the U.S. strike on the pumping station as a “clear example of a war crime.”
Issa Bozorgzadeh, spokesman for Iran’s water industry, said the early morning strike on the RMD drainage pumping station in Hendijan was an attack on “life, health and people’s livelihoods.”
“Water holds a sacred place in all international documents and rules, as well as in Eastern and Iranian culture and civilization, and aggression against it is an aggression against the fundamental rights of human beings,” Bozorgzadeh said in a statement.
“The martyrdom of this servant of the water industry is another testament to the nature of this act – an act that targeted not only civilian infrastructure but also those serving the people,” he said.
Bozorgzadeh described the attack as a sign of “helplessness and desperation in thought and action,” adding: “When the enemy targets water facilities, it is in fact displaying its own inability. This behavior is neither honorable nor a military achievement; it is a manifestation of wickedness in thought and action.”
He said the strike was aimed at disrupting operations at the facility, but that water industry personnel had been working since the early hours to manage the situation and minimize damage.
“Targeting water facilities and the guardians of water is a clear example of a war crime,” Bozorgzadeh said. “The international community and responsible bodies must react seriously to these actions and hold the perpetrators of this crime accountable.”
Several locations across Khuzestan province—including Ahvaz, Omidiyeh, Mahshahr, Behbahan, Dezful, Andimeshk, Abadan, and areas around Shadegan—were targeted by U.S. projectiles in the early hours of Monday, authorities said, adding that assessments of the damage are ongoing.
Iranian media also reported that two sites on the outskirts of Ahvaz were hit, while rejecting reports that Ahvaz International Airport had been struck.
In a statement, the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) cited the attack on the water pump, saying that military infrastructure belonging to the US Army in Bahrain, along with an FPS long-range air surveillance radar and a maritime surveillance radar in the Sultanate of Oman, had been destroyed in retaliation.
“Beloved and resilient people of Iran, the decisive and powerful operations carried out by your sons in the Armed Forces have driven the child-killing US military into desperation. The American aggressors, in their latest acts of aggression, once again demonstrated their anti-people nature by targeting an agricultural water pump in Mahshahr County,” the IRGC statement said.
“Your courageous sons in the heroic Naval Force of the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps, in addition to targeting US military facilities and infrastructure in Juffair, Bahrain, where towering flames are rising, struck and destroyed an FPS long-range air surveillance radar and a maritime surveillance radar in the Sultanate of Oman with powerful missile and drone attacks during the fifth phase of the retaliatory operation.”
The strikes on water infrastructure follow last month’s US attacks on water supply facilities in Sirik County, Hormozgan Province, which left more than 20,000 residents without access to drinking water amid scorching summer temperatures. Those attacks targeted the distribution network for the town of Kuhestak and 10 villages in the Bemani district.
The United States escalated tensions after Iran’s Navy foiled illegal vessel movements in the Strait of Hormuz that violated a previously signed memorandum of understanding between Tehran and Washington. Iranian authorities subsequently announced the closure of the Strait of Hormuz to all transit following US military movements in the region.
Iran strikes US military assets in Oman and Bahrain: IRGC
Al Mayadeen| July 13, 2026
The Islamic Revolution Guard Corps (IRGC) has destroyed long-range radar systems in Oman, among other US military assets and installations, as part of the fifth phase of its retaliatory operations.
In a statement published on Monday, the IRGC said that its naval forces carried out missile and drone strikes targeting an FPS long-range early warning radar and a ship-detection radar in Oman, destroying both systems. Concurrently, IRGC forces struck US military installations in the Al-Juffair area of Bahrain, where fires remain active.
“The decisive and powerful operations carried out by the Iranian armed forces have rendered the American military, which we have described as the aggressor, incapable,” the IRGC Public Relations Department stated.
US aggression reveals true anti-people nature: IRGC
The IRGC also condemned the sustained US aggression on Iran, asserting that American forces targeted an agricultural water pump in the city of Mahshahr.
“Targeting a farming water pump in Mahshahr reveals the true anti-people nature of the US military,” the statement said.
The IRGC further tied the status of international shipping in the Strait of Hormuz to US military behavior, declaring that “the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz to shipping traffic is contingent upon stopping US military interventions in the strait and respecting the sovereignty of nations over their territorial waters.”
The IRGC issued a direct warning on global energy security, stating that “the continuation of these interventions will lead to greater repercussions for the global oil and gas sectors.”
Iran responds to US aggression, strikes US assets in Kuwait, Jordan, Bahrain
Meanwhile, Iran’s Islamic Revolution Guard Corps announced a series of retaliatory strikes against US military facilities in Jordan, Bahrain, and Kuwait, responding to continued US attacks on Iranian positions.
The IRGC said its Aerospace Force targeted fuel depots, missile storage sites, air defense systems, radar installations, and command centers across multiple US-linked bases in the region.
In its first operation, missiles and drones struck Jordan’s Prince Hassan Air Base, setting fire to fuel tanks and ammunition depots, following US attacks on Iranian coastal positions.
A second wave targeted the Sheikh Isa base in Bahrain, destroying helicopter maintenance facilities, a P-8 reconnaissance aircraft hangar, and the US drone command center at the site.
The third phase hit Kuwait’s Ali Al-Salem Airbase and Ahmed al-Jaber Airbase, destroying fuel tanks, Patriot systems, and strategic radar, while the IRGC vowed further action and asserted Iran’s authority over the Strait of Hormuz.
The fourth phase struck two HIMARS missile launch platforms and ammunition depots filled with missiles at the US base in Kuwait.
Iranian strike on US base in Kuwait exposes generals’ reckless negligence
Press TV – July 12, 2026
Six American soldiers were killed and dozens more wounded when an Iranian drone struck a poorly defended US logistics base at Port Shuaiba in Kuwait on March 1, the second day of Washington’s illegal war of aggression against Iran, according to a report.
According to detailed accounts from survivors and witnesses reported by the Washington Post, the precision strike by a Shahed drone on the operations center of the Army’s 103rd Sustainment Command delivered a devastating blow to American forces, revealing the arrogance, incompetence, and criminal negligence of US commanders who ignored repeated intelligence warnings that the facility was a vulnerable target.
Seconds after the drone slammed into the center of the building, Brig. Gen. Clint Barnes reportedly scrambled from the floor, grabbed his protective gear, and ordered a soldier to flee with him to a nearby bunker, leaving dozens of troops behind amid fire, smoke, and shrapnel.
Survivors described the chaos: troops hurled against walls, computers and lights exploding, and pieces of metal and glass turning into deadly projectiles. One soldier who tried to return to help the wounded was reportedly told by the general to stay put.
“We shouldn’t have run out of the f—ing building,” the soldier later recounted, his voice trembling with emotion. The general did not go back to assist.
The attack killed six soldiers, including Chief Warrant Officer Robert M. Marzan, Maj. Cody A. Khork, Master Sgt. Noah L. Tietjens, Master Sgt. Nicole M. Amor, Sgt. Declan J. Coady, and Maj. Jeffrey R. O’Brien. More than 30 others were injured, some seriously. The strike stands as one of the costliest single incidents for US personnel in the Trump administration’s reckless war.
US troops and internal assessments had repeatedly warned that Port Shuaiba was inadequately protected against Iranian Shahed drones. The base lacked proper overhead cover, had insufficient anti-drone systems, and its “Big Voice” warning system was initially non-functional. Force-protection reports reportedly recommended against stationing personnel there.
Despite classified briefings confirming the base was on an Iranian target list, generals Clint Barnes and Maj. Gen. John Hinson proceeded with the deployment. Soldiers described the move as dangerous and urged changes to the plan, but their concerns were dismissed.
The Pentagon’s decision to scatter troops across smaller, less defended facilities in an attempt to evade Iranian retaliation ultimately backfired spectacularly.
Leadership reportedly pressured troops to return to the operations center despite ongoing threats, with some soldiers forced to wait hours in bunkers before an “all clear” was issued. About 30 minutes later, the Iranian drone struck with devastating accuracy.
Survivors said they did not see the generals assisting in the immediate rescue efforts. While troops carried out the dead and wounded, Barnes and Hinson were reportedly seen near a bunker, with Hinson appearing dazed and bloodied.
The generals were later medically evacuated, but accounts indicate they did not lead the on-site response as claimed by US military statements.
Wounded soldiers had to evacuate themselves to hospitals in Kuwait City and later faced disgraceful treatment. Many arrived in Germany without proper medical evacuation status, were turned away from full care at Landstuhl Regional Medical Center, and were forced to wait in barracks as outpatients despite serious shrapnel wounds and potential traumatic brain injuries.
An internal US military investigation into the incident is widely expected to result in no accountability for the generals or the decision to place troops in a known vulnerable location. Soldiers expressed deep skepticism, with one stating that if mistakes are not acknowledged, the same tragedy will repeat for another unit.
This deadly strike is the direct result of Washington’s unprovoked aggression against Iran. The US and its Israeli allies launched a massive aerial campaign against Iranian targets, prompting Iran’s legitimate and proportionate response in self-defense. Iranian forces demonstrated both precision and resolve in targeting the aggressor’s exposed positions.
The human cost lies squarely with the reckless US regime and its commanders who valued operational plans over the lives of their own troops. As more details emerge of ignored warnings and abandoned soldiers, the American public is increasingly questioning the wisdom of a war that has already proven costly and counterproductive.
OSINT data, Sat images show damage at US bases after Iranian strikes
Al Mayadeen| July 12, 2026
Iran’s retaliatory operation against US military positions across the region has inflicted damage on several strategic facilities, with satellite imagery privately acquired and later published by multiple OSINT accounts on X showing impacts at major US bases in Qatar, Bahrain, and Jordan following a wave of ballistic missile and drone strikes.
The strikes, launched in response to renewed US aggression against Iran and escalating military activity in the region, targeted key nodes of the US military presence, including air bases, naval infrastructure, radar facilities, and drone operations centers.
Iranian missiles penetrate defenses, strike Al Udeid Air Base
Satellite imagery indicates that Iran’s missile and drone strikes reached Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar, one of the largest US military installations in West Asia and a central hub for American air operations.
According to the account, Egypt’s Intel Observer (@EGYOSINT), enhanced Sentinel-2 imagery shows damage to a hangar inside the base, with impact marks visible on the upper rear section of the structure. Additional ground disturbances and suspected burn scars were also identified across multiple areas of the facility.
Further imagery analysis revealed additional strike locations near US military accommodation buildings and other sections of the base, suggesting that the Iranian barrage reached multiple points within the installation.
The reported impacts highlight the ability of Iranian long-range strike systems to penetrate heavily protected military zones and reach critical US infrastructure despite the presence of advanced air defense systems in the region.
US Navy’s Bahrain headquarters struck
Iranian projectiles also reportedly struck a facility inside the US Navy’s 5th Fleet headquarters at Naval Support Activity Bahrain.
Satellite imagery identified damage to a warehouse located within the naval complex, marking a direct hit against a key command and logistics hub responsible for supporting US maritime operations throughout the Gulf.
The strike came amid heightened tensions surrounding naval movements in the Strait of Hormuz, where Iran has repeatedly warned against actions it views as threatening regional security.
MQ-9 drones in Jordan’s Prince Hassan Air Base targeted
Iran’s Islamic Revolution Guard Corps (IRGC) announced that its forces struck Jordan’s Prince Hassan Air Base with multiple ballistic missiles, targeting command-and-control infrastructure and facilities used to house US MQ-9 Reaper drones.
Satellite imagery from the base showed significant damage, including a destroyed hangar and widespread disturbances across the aircraft apron, where military assets are typically stored and maintained.
Imagery analysts also identified signs of burning and continued activity at the site following the strike, raising questions over the status of assets stationed at the facility.
The base has been associated with US unmanned aerial operations, including the deployment of advanced surveillance platforms, making it a key target in Iran’s strike campaign.
Possible MQ-4C destroyed in Jordan
A costly mystery is unfolding at Jordan’s Prince Hassan Air Base. After Iran targeted the base, analysts noticed that the facility is home to the US-made MQ-4C Triton, a $240 million high-altitude surveillance drone that had reportedly been moved there from Al Dhafra Air Base due to its proximity to Iran.
According to an OSINT X account, MenchOsint (@MenchOsint), the IRGC said it struck MQ-9 drone hangars, but satellite imagery later appeared to show damage to a drone facility, with smoke still visible after the strike. While there is no confirmation yet, speculation is growing that a rare MQ-4C Triton may have been destroyed, which would represent a significant loss.
For now, the fate of the Triton remains unconfirmed, but the strike has raised questions about whether Iran managed to hit one of the US military’s most advanced surveillance assets.

